Genocide Watch issues countries at risk reports for various countries around the world in danger of mass killing or genocide. GENOCIDE ALERTS Genocide Watch has three levels of Genocide Alerts . A Genocide Watch is declared when there are signs of the early stages of the genocidal process. See The Ten Stages of Genocide . A Genocide Warning is called when the genocidal process has reached the stages of preparation by perpetrators and persecution of a targeted group. A Genocide Emergency is declared when the genocidal process has reached the stage of genocidal massacres and other acts of genocide. CURRENT ALERTS Israel Defense Force killings of Palestinians seeking food in Gaza Read Report Genocide Watch: Armenian POWs in Azerbaijan Genocide Watch: Armenians in Israel Genocide Report: The World Must Stop Neglecting the DRC Genocide Warning - Israel plans to invade Lebanon Read Report Country Report: Nicaragua 2024 Read Report Genocide Emergencies and Warnings 2024 Read Report Genocide Emergency: Israel and Hamas in Gaza Read Alert Genocide Warning: Ethnic Conflict in Manipur, India Read Alert Genocide Warning: Azerbaijan's Planned Invasion of Armenia Read Alert Genocide Emergency: War Israel vs. Hamas Read Alert Zimbabwe Read Report Load More

The Ten Stages of Genocide by Founder and President, Dr. Gregory Stanton: Classification, Symbolization, Discrimination, Dehumanization, Organization, more... The Ten Stages of Genocide By Dr. Gregory H. Stanton President, Genocide Watch Copyright 1996 I. Classification ii. Symbolization iii. Discrimination iv. Dehumanization v. Organization vi. Polarization vii. Preparation viii. Persecution ix. Extermination x. Denial I. Classification II. Symbolization X. Denial I. Classification 1/10 Genocide is a process that develops in ten stages that are predictable but not inexorable. At each stage, preventive measures can stop it. The process is not linear. Stages occur simultaneously. Each stage is itself a process . Their logic is similar to a nested Russian matryoshka doll. Classification is at the center. Without it the processes around it could not occur. As societies develop more and more genocidal processes, they get nearer to genocide. But all stages continue to operate throughout the process. I. CLASSIFICATION II. SYMBOLIZATION III. DISCRIMINATION IV. DEHUMANIZATION V. ORGANIZATION VI. POLARIZATION VII. PREPARATION VIII. PERSECUTION IX. EXTERMINATION X. DENIAL TEN STAGES WORLD MAP Last updated May 2025 Download the dataset (geojson) here zoom here click here to see the legend EXPLANATION OF THE TEN STAGES OF GENOCIDE MAP This map shows countries monitored by Genocide Watch. Click the “i” in the top-left corner to view the full legend. Shading = Highest Occurring Stage The colored outlines of the states and regions indicate the highest stage currently observed, based on our latest analysis. These stages help highlight where genocide is emerging, escalating, or already occurring. Donut charts = Ten Stages of Genocide The colored donut charts show which of the Ten Stages of Genocide are currently observed in each country. Each segment represents one stage. Further Information: 1. Click on a country to see the latest report, involved actors, and a summary of observed stages. 2. Zooming out hides the donut charts, showing only the overall alert levels. 3. National borders are based on Natural Earth data, which uses a de facto mapping approach. The borders do not reflect any official judgment by Genocide Watch. 4. Some reports may be outdated. Latest update: May 2025. Map created by Bela Müller for Genocide Watch The Logic of the Ten Stages of Genocide By Dr. Gregory Stanton Founding President, Genocide Watch In my studies of genocide, I discovered that the process of every genocide has predictable "stages" or processes. After studying the history of the Holocaust, the Armenian Genocide, the Cambodian Genocide, and other genocides, in 1987 I developed a model known as the Ten Stages of Genocide. I regret using the term "stages" because the word "stages" implies linearity. The processes of genocide aren’t linear because they usually operate simultaneously. I should have simply called the "stages" processes. But there is a logical order to them. The processes are logically related to each other. Discrimination cannot occur without Classification, for example. The relationship between the processes is like the figures in a Russian Matryoshka "nesting doll" in which an original leader's figure is at the center, and later leaders' figures nest outwards until we reach the figure of the current leader on the outside. The processes are also like the rods that are inserted into a nuclear reactor. As they are pushed in deeper along with other rods, a nuclear reaction results. This theory of fundamental processes is based on the structuralist theories of Jean Piaget. By observing the development of his own and other children, Piaget noted fundamental cognitive and moral processes that are transformed in a predictable order in each child's development. Piaget showed how cognitive processes are directly related to moral processes. At Harvard I studied the work of Lawrence Kohlberg, a follower of Piaget's theories who used moral dilemmas to reveal the fundamental processes of moral reasoning. His work has proved powerful in analyzing people's explanations for their decisions. I also studied with Prof. James Fowler, who showed how Piaget's cognitive stages inform stages of faith. Anthropologists look for the fundamental structures in human societies and cultures. When I studied anthropology at Chicago, I saw that socio-cultural processes are also structured. Van Gennep showed that the structure of rites of passage is similar in many cultures. Marcel Mauss did the same for sacrifice. Professor Victor Turner taught me that rituals and symbols are keys to understanding social, political, psychological, and religious structures. These rituals often use the same symbols in many cultures- fire, water, blood, crosses, meals. I wrote my master’s thesis on the movie, "The Graduate." In it I showed that the film uses the structure and symbols discovered by Van Gennep for rites of passage. I wrote a grammar for the film using Noam Chomsky's theories of transformational grammars. When I began my work in genocide studies in Cambodia, I realized there are also fundamental operations - processes - that occur in genocides. I looked for transformational processes that re-order and change societies. I first identified the "stages of genocide" in 1987 by comparing the Cambodian genocide with the Holocaust and the Armenian genocide. I looked for fundamental processes that led to those genocides. They are the socio-cultural processes that interact to transform a society into one that developed into genocide. In 1994, the same processes drove the Rwandan Genocide. Many people now know "The Ten Stages of Genocide" model I developed. I never expected it to be so widely used. But the Ten Stages were not brought down from Mount Sinai on a stone tablet. When I first wrote the model, it had eight stages. Colleagues suggested two more, which I added in 2012. There are undoubtedly other processes that I haven't thought of. It's only a model. The model has proven useful to look for these processes because they help us see when genocide is coming and what governments can do to prevent it. For those unfamiliar with the model, here it is, briefly: [Note that most of the names for the processes end in "-ation", the English ending for words describing processes.] → The first process is Classification, when we classify the world into us versus them. → The second is Symbolization, when we give names to those classifications like Jew and Aryan, Hutu and Tutsi, Turk and Armenian, Bengali and Pashtun. Sometimes the symbols are physical, like the Nazi yellow star. → The third is Discrimination, when laws and customs prevent groups of people from exercising their full rights as citizens or as human beings. → The fourth is Dehumanization, when perpetrators call their victims rats, or cockroaches, cancer, or disease. Portraying them as non-human makes eliminating them a “cleansing” of the society, rather than murder. These first four processes taken together result in what James Waller calls "Othering." → The fifth process is Organization, when hate groups, armies, and militias organize. → The sixth is Polarization, when moderates are targeted who could stop the process of division, especially moderates from the perpetrators’ group. → The seventh process is Preparation, when plans for killing and deportation are made by leaders, and perpetrators are trained and armed. →The eighth process is Persecution, when victims are identified, arrested, transported, and concentrated into prisons, ghettos, or concentration camps, where they are tortured and murdered. → The ninth process is Extermination, what lawyers define as genocide, the intentional destruction, in whole or in part, of a national, ethnic, racial, or religious group. When I outlined “the stages of genocide" in a memo I wrote in the State Department in 1996, I realized there is another process in every genocide: → Denial. Denial is a continuation of a genocide, because it is a continuing attempt to destroy the victim group psychologically and culturally, to deny its members even the memory of the murders of their relatives. This processual model demonstrates that there is a logic to the genocidal process, though the relationships between the processes are not linear. The "stages" are processes that occur simultaneously. By helping us understand the logic of genocide, people can see the early warning signs of genocide and know when it is coming. Leaders can design policies to counteract the forces that drive each of the stages. This stage model of the genocidal process was first set forth in 1987 in the Faulds Lecture at Warren Wilson College, "Blue Scarves and Yellow Stars: Classification and Symbolization in the Cambodian Genocide." The model was presented as a briefing paper, “The Eight Stages of Genocide” at the US State Department in 1996. Discrimination and Persecution have been added to the 1996 model. I am grateful to many people for improvements in my original eight stage model, especially to Prof. Alan Whitehorn of the Royal Military College of Canada, and Prof. Elisa von Jöeden-Forgey for noting the gendered aspects of genocides. No model is ever perfect. All are merely ideal-typical representations of reality that are meant to help us think more clearly about social and cultural processes. It is important not to confuse any stage with a status. Each stage is a process. It is like a fluctuating point on a thermometer that rises and falls as the social temperature in a potential area of conflict rises and falls. It is crucial not to confuse this model with a linear one. In all genocides, many stages occur simultaneously. The purpose of this model is to place the risk factors in Barbara Harff’s pioneering analysis of country risks of genocide and politicide into a processual structure. Risks of political instability are characteristic of what Kuper called “divided societies,” with deep rifts in Classification. Targeted groups of state-led discrimination are victims of Discrimination. An exclusionary ideology is central to Discrimination and Dehumanization. Autocratic regimes foster the Organization of hate groups. An ethnically polarized elite is characteristic of Polarization. Lack of openness to trade and other influences from outside a state’s borders is characteristic of Preparation for genocide or politicide. Massive violation of human rights is evidence of Persecution. Impunity after previous genocides or politicides is evidence of Denial. Statistical risk models that are used to predict genocide are different from this model because they use abstract variables constructed with indicators that can be counted or estimated. They are accurate only if the variables used are correlated with likelihood of genocide. The best risk models are those constructed by the Minority Rights Group and the Australian Targeted Mass Killing Data Set for the Study and Forecasting of Mass Atrocities. They result in annual ranked estimates of the probability of genocide in countries studied. The Ten Stages of Genocide model is event driven and continuous. It does not produce statistical rankings. It only estimates whether countries should be subjects of Genocide Watches, Warnings, or Emergencies. The model describes the processes that could lead to genocide in a country and actions that should be taken to oppose and slow those processes. It goes beyond annual statistical risk estimates to describe events that signal warnings of genocidal processes. It is a model to guide policy makers to take actions to prevent and stop genocide. It has been successfully applied by policy makers to prevent or stop genocides in Mozambique, East Timor, Kosovo, Macedonia, Liberia, Cote d'Ivoire, Burundi, Ethiopia, and Kenya. However, when national or world leaders lack the political will to prevent genocide, thousands of people still die. Ultimately the best antidote to genocide is popular education and the development of social and cultural tolerance for diversity. That is why Genocide Watch and the Alliance Against Genocide hope to educate people around the world to resist genocidal forces whenever they see them. We strongly favor nonviolent resistance to tyranny. We strongly favor the liberation of women. We oppose all war. Finally the movement that will end genocide must come not from international armed interventions, but rather from popular resistance to every form of discrimination; dehumanization, hate speech, and formation of hate groups; rise of political parties that preach hatred, racism or xenophobia; rule by polarizing elites that advocate exclusionary ideologies; police states that massively violate human rights; closure of borders to international trade or communications; and denial of past genocides or crimes against humanity against victim groups. The movement that will end genocide in this century must arise from each of us who have the courage to challenge discrimination, hatred, and tyranny. We must never let the wreckage of humanity's barbaric past keep us from envisioning a peaceful future when law and democratic freedom will rule the earth. For those who doubt there is any direction in history, our common humanity is enough to give meaning to our cause. To those of us who know that history is not some directionless accident, this is our calling and our destiny. As John F. Kennedy said, “On earth, God’s work must truly be our own.” © 2023 Gregory H. Stanton Educational Resources Handout Powerpoint Prezi Stages Toolkit Translations 10 Etapas del Genocidio en Español जनसंहार के दस चरण Ցեղասպանության 10 փուլերն Dix étapes du génocide Hazırlanan Soykırımın On Aşaması I Dieci Stadi del Genocidio ដំណាក់កាលទាំងដប់ៃនបទឧ្រកិដ្ឋ្របល័យពូជសាសន៍ De tien fases van Genocide Cele 10 Etape ale Genocidului Die Zehn Phasen des Völkermordes نسل کشی کے ۱۰ مراحل

Articles by Dr. Gregory Stanton Mass Deportations Violate U.S. and International Law. They're also crimes against humanity. Dr. Stanton demonstrates that President Trump's mass deportations violate U.S. obligations under the 1980 Refugee Act and the 1967 Protocol on the Status of Refugees. The forced deportations are also crimes against humanity under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. Although the U.S. is not a State Party to the ICC treaty, any of the 125 nations that are ICC States Parties and whose citizens are deported could ask the ICC Prosecutor to charge U.S. officials who carry out the deportations with crimes against humanity. There is no head of state or official immunity in the ICC for crimes against humanity. Fifteen nations have Universal Jurisdiction over crimes against humanity. Any U.S. official implementing the deportations who sets foot in a country with such universal jurisdiction could be charged, arrested, and tried for the crime of forced deportation. February 6, 2025 View Could the Rwandan Genocide Have Been Prevented? Dr. Gregory Stanton was a Foreign Service Officer in the U.S. State Department in the Bureau of International Organizations, Office of UN Political Affairs in 1994 at the time of the Rwandan Genocide. He was tasked by U.N. Ambassador, later Secretary of State, Madeleine Albright to interview the people who contributed to U.S. policy during the genocide. He won the W. Averell Harriman Award for 'intellectual courage" for his dissent from US policy during that genocide. After leaving the State Department in 1999 to found Genocide Watch, Stanton wrote this paper while at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. In it, he describes why the U.S. refused to call the Rwandan genocide a genocide for three months, why the U.S. led the U.N. to pull out 2000 U.N. peacekeepers in Rwanda near the beginning of the genocide, and how 800,000 Rwandans perished in a genocide that could have been prevented. January, 2002 View Malthusian Pressures, Genocide, and Ecocide Elihu D. Richter MD,MPH, Rony Blum, PhD, Tamar Berman, MSc, Gregory H. Stanton, JD, PhD INT J OCCUP ENVIRON HEALTH 2007;13:331–341 Historical models postulate that genocide cannot occur without the ideology and decisions of its authoritarian perpetrators and the indifference of bystanders. These models do not address genocidal risks from ecocide. Study objectives were to assess 1) the role of Malthusian pressures in recent genocides, 2) the role of ecocide and ecologic abuse in creating these pressures, and 3) strategies for prevention and deterrence. Analysis of reports, demographic studies, and time trends in recent genocides and recent ecocidal events from ecologic abuse suggests that Malthusian pressures and zero-sum rivalries over water, arable land, or natural resources by themselves do not lead to genocide. September 11, 2007 View "Ethnic Cleansing" is a Euphemism Used for Genocide Denial "Ethnic Cleansing" is a euphemism invented by Slobodan Milošević and Serbian propagandists in the 1990's to cover up and deny forced displacement and genocide in Bosnia and Kosovo. It has now become the dominant term used by journalists, foreign ministry lawyers, the UN, and human rights groups to avoid using the term "genocide." Ethnic cleansing is not outlawed by any treaty or by the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. It is used to avoid the duty to prevent genocide in the Genocide Convention. It is a term that should be expunged from the legal and journalistic lexicon. July 10, 2023 View The Consequences of Denial Speech given at commemoration of the 1971 Bangladesh Genocide held jointly by the Liberation War Museum in Dhaka, Bangladesh, and the Canadian Museum of Human Rights in Winnipeg, Manitoba. September 21, 2022 View The ICJ and the Issue of Lawful Representation in The Gambia v Myanmar Ahead of the scheduled public hearings in The Gambia v Myanmar (the Rohingya genocide case) at the International Court of Justice (ICJ), the University of Ottowa Human Rights Research and Education Centre, Canada, the Genocide Watch of USA and FORSEA release a comprehensive legal analysis. It focuses on the crucial question of who should lawfully speak for Myanmar before the ICJ as Myanmar's coup resulted in an unprecedented situation with no recognized government or even regime with effective control of the state. February 18, 2022 View L'espoir est mort en Afghanistan Op-ed published in French in Le Monde about the plight of the Hazara in Afghanistan August 30, 2021 View Hope Died in Afghanistan Op-ed published in Brussel Times about the plight of the Hazara in Afghanistan. August 30, 2021 View Why has the United Nations failed to prevent genocide? Dr. Stanton's address to the International Scientific Conference on Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. December 15, 2021 View QAnon is a Nazi Cult, Rebranded Dr. Gregory H. Stanton's analysis of QAnon published in Just Security, September 9, 2020 September 9, 2020 View Why Have We Failed To Prevent Genocide? Outline of address by Dr. Stanton to the 8th International Symposium on Women and Genocide. Dr. Stanton assesses the successes and failures of the anti-genocide movement during the past twenty years. He makes practical recommendations about how to improve the effectiveness of the movement, and how to better prevent genocide. October 26, 2019 View Teaching Ten Stages of Genocide Dr. Stanton describes his introductory course on genocide at the University of Mary Washington and shares his advice about teaching. February 28, 2019 View View More Media Appearances By Dr. Gregory Stanton Genocide Emergency: Gaza 11 July 2025 GENOCIDE EMERGENCY: GAZA 11 JULY 2025 A man holds the body of a dead child after Israeli airstrikes at the morgue of the hospital in Khan... Genocide Watch Jul 14 3 min read IAGS/EIHR/AAG Conference: Teaching About Genocide To view all sessions, click on image. https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLyIgA4_0g_IIWva67lrKGdOHeH7lRbIWl To view click on image:... Genocide Watch Jul 2 1 min read Monday, June 16: U.N. Day for Countering Hate Speech https://docs.google.com/forms/d/1r6tRiuUHMvUgbJdyy2enrzkCSXvTgp5Di93Ws94DhsQ/edit International Day for Countering Hate Speech Hate... United Nations Jun 15 5 min read Meta AI's new app invades your privacy in a creepy way. Zuckerberg’s new Meta AI app gets personal in a very creepy way The Washington Post May 5, 2025 Column by Geoffrey A. Fowler Mark... Geoffrey A. Fowler | The Washington Post May 6 7 min read Can AI be built to combat hate speech? Webinar May 8 Genocide Watch May 6 0 min read End Imperial Impunity Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu, ICC Prosecutor Khan, and former Israeli Defense Minister Gallant... credit © Israel Hayom End Imperial... Dr. Gregory Stanton | Genocide Watch Jan 10 4 min read UN Special Adviser publishes "Preventing Ethnic Genocide" This “Preventing Ethnic Genocide: Policy Guidance Note” was written by Professor Kimani Njogu, the Director of Twaweza Communications, a... UN Office of the Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide Dec 17, 2024 1 min read Can AI answer hate speech? Rutgers Newark, Dec. 10, 6:00 PM Genocide Watch Dec 10, 2024 0 min read Trump's Big Lie Donald Trump credit: Google images Trump's Big Lie By Dr. Gregory Stanton September 24, 2024 Genocide Watch... Gregory H Stanton Sep 24, 2024 4 min read The New Nazism Supporters of then-President Donald Trump stand inside the U.S. Capitol on January 6, 2021. Inset, Trump is pictured in Washington, D.C.,... Dr. Gregory H. Stanton - President Genocide Watch 1 Sep 23, 2024 3 min read

2004 An Open Letter to the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Justice Navanathem Pillay Petitions Team Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights UNOG-OHCHR 1211 Geneva 10, Switzerland Dear Madame High Commissioner, Advocates of justice around the world are thrilled at the strong action the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court has taken in issuing a warrant for the arrest of Omar al-Bashir of the Sudan, resulting in finally holding him accountable for the atrocities being committed in Darfur over the last six years. Under al-Bashir’s leadership, millions of Sudanese from Darfur, as well as from Southern Sudan, have Suffered inconceivable harm, injustice and hardship. The action that the International Criminal Court has taken in this situation has restored hope to peace and justice loving people, affirming that international human rights law not only exists on paper, but in reality. It also sends an important message to perpetrators throughout the world that impunity for their crimes is not assured forever; which may be a primary reason that one of the first leaders to defend Omar al-Bashir and condemn the warrant was Prime Minister Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia, whose government has also been implicated in a pattern of widespread perpetration of serious human rights atrocities in Ethiopia and in Somalia. He and those within his government may be keenly aware of their own vulnerability to similar actions by the ICC in the future that could upend a deeply entrenched system of government- supported impunity that has protected perpetrators from any accountability. I first became knowledgeable regarding the abhorrent human rights situation in Ethiopia when Genocide Watch and Survivors Rights International were called by the head of the Anuak Justice Council, Obang Metho, (now the leader of the newly formed Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia) to investigate the brutal massacre of 424 Anuak carried out in Gambella, Ethiopia in December of 2003. The Anuak are a tiny, dark-skinned ethnic group who live in a remote section of southeastern Ethiopia. Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF) and civilian militia groups from another ethnic group utilized a prepared list to target Anuak leaders, many of whom were opposed to the government’s plan to exclude them from any involvement in the drilling for oil on their indigenous land. As militia groups chanted, “Today is the day for killing Anuak,” both the military and militias used machetes, axes and guns to kill the unarmed victims, frequently raping the women while chanting, “Now there will be no more Anuak children.” Extra-judicial killings, rape, disappearances, destruction of livelihood and the displacement of thousands of Anuak continued into late 2005 before finally subsiding when the same Ethiopian National Defense Forces were moved to the Ogaden area of southeastern Ethiopia and into Somalia where similar atrocities were and still are being committed. A subsequent investigation of the Anuak massacre by Genocide Watch and Survivors Rights International to determine who was behind the human rights crimes, documented the existence of a plan called “Operation Sunny Mountain,” that could be traced to originating at the highest levels within the central government of Ethiopia. As a result of our investigation and based on our experience in international law and genocide, We concluded that the killing of the Anuak in Gambella, Ethiopia, fit the definitions of genocide and Crimes against humanity. Human Rights Watch also conducted two investigations of their own and determined that the crimes against the Anuak meet the stringent definition of crimes against humanity. Most of the perpetrators in their report and in ours have never been brought to justice under the Ethiopian justice system due to the failings and corruption of that system. Despite the violation of international law, not only has no one has been held accountable for these crimes which occurred over five years ago, but worse than that, such crimes continue in other places in the country. Only some of these cases have been investigated by respected international human rights organizations, but where they have, findings consistently point to the involvement of the Ethiopian government in the inciting, the empowerment or the perpetration of crimes against humanity, war crimes and even genocide, often justified by them as “counter-insurgency.” In light of these facts, I would strongly urge you to initiate an investigation of the situation In Ethiopia based on your proprio motu powers as the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights. We believe that your investigation is justified due to the culture of impunity that exists within Ethiopia. Extensive documentation is available to examine the violations, most of which has been compiled in independent investigative reports completed by international human rights organizations. We also believe that the Ethiopian people have been waiting long enough for genuine justice and relief from the harsh oppression and brutal tactics committed by a government that purports to be a partner in the War on Terror, while terrorizing their own people. Addressing the EPRDF regime, friendly to Omar al-Bashir, may bring greater stability to the entire Horn of Africa. We are willing to provide assistance to you in carrying out this task because we, in Genocide Watch, and other human rights organizations are determined to pursue justice, even long after violations have occurred, as part of our mission. Investigative reports, contacts and other information can be provided should you need them. I thank you for the excellent work you are doing in combating impunity, the enemy of justice. Perpetrators of crimes against humanity must not be allowed to walk free. Genocide Watch will continue to do its part, collaborating with others, in pursuing additional ways to make such crimes carry a heavy penalty. One way is to work with domestic governments to make sure that those Ethiopians who have committed these crimes do not gain access to entry into western countries, something that is now supported through new legislation in many of the western countries. Additionally, in Canada, Europe and in the US, there are now laws giving authority to these governments to prosecute human rights perpetrators found within their new countries of residence should admissible evidence be found to charge them. The western countries should no longer act as a haven for such criminals. Thank you for your consideration of this request for the initiation of an investigation of genocide, Crimes against humanity and war crimes in Ethiopia. We look forward to hearing from you. Sincerely yours, GHStanton Dr. Gregory Stanton, President Genocide Watch Genocide Watch is the Chair of the International Campaign to End Genocide Phone: 1-703-448-0222 E-mail: president@genocidewatch.org Website: www.genocidewatch.com See: http://genocidewatch.org/Today%20is%20the%20Day%20of%20Killing%20Anuaks.htm ; http://genocidewatch.org/EthiopiaAnuakOperationSunnyMountainGWSRIReport13December200 4.htm and updates at www.genocidewatch.org/alerts/anuak.htm ; and www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/cerd/docs/ngos/IHRLC.pdf .

< Back Southeast and East Asia Team Report: August 10th, 2025 democracy activists, cross-border displacement, and persistent threats to civic space Across Southeast and East Asia, this week brought renewed attention to the health of democracy activists, cross-border displacement, and persistent threats to civic space. In Hong Kong, concerns mounted over the condition of Jimmy Lai , the jailed media tycoon and pro-democracy activist who has spent more than 1,700 days in solitary confinement under China’s National Security Law. Recently fitted with a heart monitor amid reports of health complications, Lai’s treatment has renewed international criticism of Hong Kong’s judicial process. At the same time, former legislator Ted Hui was granted asylum in Australia, reflecting the ongoing exodus of dissidents and the shrinking space for political freedoms in the city. In Cambodia, border tensions with Thailand have triggered the return of more than 780,000 migrant workers, many of whom now face unemployment and heavy debts. Rights groups have urged Phnom Penh to establish emergency job programs and loan relief schemes to ease the financial and social pressures on returnees, warning that instability could deepen without meaningful government action. In Malaysia, political violence entered a new phase when the son of former minister Rafizi Ramli survived a syringe attack, sparking fears of intimidation in an already polarized climate. The government has pledged an investigation, but civil society groups insist it must be both urgent and transparent. At the same time, Kuala Lumpur has sought to position itself as a regional mediator, joining ASEAN partners in a humanitarian mission to Myanmar. The effort prioritizes relief for displaced populations, including the Rohingya, but observers note that without political solutions, humanitarian aid alone cannot address Myanmar’s entrenched crisis. In the Philippines, no major new incidents dominated headlines this week, yet systemic threats persist. Online harassment and “red-tagging” of activists, particularly youth, continue to endanger lives. Still, there have been some legal advances: courts recently issued protective writs for the families of disappeared activists, a step toward accountability in a country where extrajudicial killings and impunity from the “war on drugs” remain unresolved. Taken together, these developments underscore the fragility of civic space across the region. From Hong Kong’s solitary confinement of a prominent activist, to Cambodia’s economic strains on returnees, to politically tinged violence in Malaysia and the Philippines’ ongoing impunity crisis, Southeast and East Asia face interconnected challenges. Rights groups continue to urge governments to move beyond reactive measures and toward systemic protections for human dignity, accountability, and peace. Previous Next

< Back Southeast and East Asia Team Report: August 4th, 2025 Rising Tensions and Rights Challenges in Southeast and East Asia In Southeast Asia, hopes for a lasting peace between Thailand and Cambodia remain fragile . The two neighbors recently agreed to extend a ceasefire and invite ASEAN observers now deployed to monitor compliance after last month’s deadly border clashes. Further diplomatic talks are planned in Malaysia, but the truce has already been tested. On August 9, three Thai soldiers were injured by a landmine near Sisaket province, prompting Bangkok to accuse Phnom Penh of violating the Ottawa Convention, a claim Cambodia denies . Thailand continues to hold 18 Cambodian soldiers captured hours after the ceasefire took effect. Against this tense backdrop, Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Manet nominated former U.S. President Donald Trump for the Nobel Peace Prize, crediting his role in brokering the truce. Rights groups, including Human Rights Watch, have urged both sides to prioritize civilian safety and to establish transparent mechanisms for prisoner exchanges and accountability. Meanwhile, China is facing a fresh wave of human rights criticism both at home and abroad. A scandal involving AI-generated deepfake pornography and hidden camera footage has sparked outrage over the digital exploitation of women, exposing glaring regulatory gaps and the suppression of feminist voices. Hong Kong’s issuance of global arrest warrants for exiled pro-democracy activists has been condemned by Australia and the G7 as “transnational repression.” Beyond its borders, Beijing’s influence was felt in Bangkok, where a gallery removed politically sensitive artworks about Tibet, Uyghurs, and Hong Kong after pressure from the Chinese embassy . Inside China, aggressive measures to combat a chikungunya outbreak , including warrantless home entry and compulsory blood collection from children, have drawn comparisons to earlier pandemic-era excesses. Cultural repression has also intensified, with more than 300 female writers in Gansu arrested for sharing LGBTQ+-themed “danmei” fiction , in what critics describe as a crackdown on creative and minority expression. In East Asia, Japan this week marked the 80th anniversary of the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki , solemn events that killed over 200,000 people. The commemorations come at a moment of political change, as pacifist traditions give way to growing calls for remilitarization, some even advocating for nuclear capabilities. Proponents argue this could enhance deterrence in a tense regional environment, yet historians warn that unchecked nationalist militarism risks repeating past mistakes. Many argue Japan should pair any security shifts with formal acknowledgments and apologies for wartime atrocities, while also leading renewed global efforts to eliminate nuclear weapons. Across Southeast and East Asia, these developments highlight an urgent need for stronger regional mechanisms to protect civilians, defend freedom of expression, and hold governments accountable for rights violations. From landmines along the Thai-Cambodian border to online gender-based abuse in China and the nuclear legacy in Japan, the region’s challenges are intertwined, demanding both immediate action and long-term commitments to human rights and peace. Previous Next

< Back Israel/Gaza Report April 11, 2025 UN Human Rights Office Spokeswoman Ravina Shamdasani reported that of the 224 recorded Israeli strikes undertaken in Gaza between March 18 and April 9, “In some 36 strikes about which the UN Human Rights Office corroborated information, the fatalities recorded so far were only women and children. Overall, a large percentage of fatalities are children and women, according to information recorded by our Office.” During a rally in Calgary this week, a protestor shouted at Canadian PM Carney, “Mr. Carney, there is a genocide happening in Palestine.” Carney responded, “Thank you…I’m aware. Which is why we have an arms embargo.” PM Netanyahu, seeing this recognition of genocide in Gaza, strongly criticized Carney’s remarks: “Canada has always sided with civilization. So should Mr. Carney. But instead of supporting Israel, a democracy that is fighting a just war with means against the barbarians of Hamas, he attacks the only Jewish state.” Hundreds of Israeli Air Force reservists signed a letter to the government this week threatening to refuse to serve when called over the recent escalation of hostilities in Gaza and the failure of the government to liberate the remaining hostages there. The government responded by saying that the IDF had no need for those who “exploit their military status while simultaneously participating in the fighting,” announcing they would fire those who signed the letter, which is nearly 1,000 in total. According to Lebanese reports, the IDF moved into the border village of Wazzani, but the LAF forced the IDF to retreat from Alma al-Shaab after Israeli forces crossed into the village’s outskirts. Washington has instructed Gulf countries not to give Lebanon foreign aid until they have made progress in disarming Hezbollah. France has opposed this policy, claiming that cutting foreign funds could strain an already tenuous political scene and weaken the government. Following this message, Lebanese FM Rajji agreed that Beirut would receive no foreign aid until the government established a monopoly on arms nationwide, indicating the government is likely serious about disarming Hezbollah. He added, “If Israel withdraws, Hezbollah will lose its justification for maintaining arms,” addressing Israel’s announcement that it would not have the IDF complete its withdrawal from southern Lebanon until after Hezbollah disarmed. However, there may still be a discrepancy between Beirut’s plans and Washington’s expectations: Lebanon may only be intent on removing Hezbollah’s weapons south of the Litani River. This is a condition that would technically fulfill UNSCR 1701 and the Third Lebanon War’s ceasefire agreement, both of which stipulate only the LAF and UNIFIL will be allowed to maintain arms south of the Litani River in Lebanon but don’t explicitly state that they are the only ones that can maintain armament north of the river. President Aoun suggested as much when he said that he is “coordinat[ing] over the issue of Hezbollah’s arms south of the Litani River and over the mechanism that the Lebanese Army Command is adopting to remove Hezbollah’s weapons. There is also communication on certain levels between the president and Hezbollah over the group’s weapons north of Litani and the defense or national security strategy.” It may also be that Lebanon is pursuing disarmament everywhere but also recognizes it may not be able to achieve it in political negotiations. Suppose the government will only remove Hezbollah’s capabilities south of the Litani. In that case, it’s also possible it won’t pursue disarmament as such but rather require Hezbollah’s military organs to move north and away from Israel. Visiting the port of Beirut today, President Aoun addressed applicants, saying, “I want to tell you that I am aware of the difficulties you are facing. I also want to emphasize that anyone who covers up corruption is complicit in it. You must be our eyes—if you notice anything wrong, you must report it to me and to the Interior Minister.” The port of Beirut has been seen as a symbol of the detriment brought on Lebanon by the government’s corruption following an explosion from a chemical plant there in 2020 that destroyed a large portion of the city. Syrian interim President al-Sharaa announced that he has granted the special investigation committee for the recent genocidal massacres of hundreds of Alawites in western Syria a non-renewable, three-month extension to produce a final report. Previous Next

< Back Israel/Gaza Report April 10, 2025 French President Macron stated on Wednesday, “We must move towards recognition, and we will do so in the coming months.” Israeli FM Sa’ar claimed in response to the announcement, “A unilateral recognition of a fictional Palestinian state, by any country, in the reality that we all know, will be a prize for terror and a boost for Hamas.” An Israeli official claimed that Israel has no interest in annexing or permanently occupying Lebanese territory but “is monitoring Hezbollah's attempts to rebuild its capabilities in south Lebanon, particularly by establishing observation posts in southern villages” and will not be withdrawing until Hezbollah has disarmed. If Hezbollah remains intent on negotiating its disarmament as it previously claimed, it appears that Hezbollah would only agree to disarmament after Israel has already withdrawn. As mentioned in a previous report, a major factor inhibiting a resolution in this case is a lack of trust that either side will fulfill their obligations. Hezbollah has officially denied that it is willing to negotiate its disarmament if Israel completes its withdrawal from southern Lebanon: “Those allegations are totally baseless.” Noting that the statement claiming as much came from an a senior official, it added, “as it has become known, there are no sources in Hezbollah and its stances are exclusively issued through official statements released by Hezbollah’s media relations unit or through the remarks of its officials who hold official or partisan posts.” Regardless, it appears that political efforts continue to push for negotiated disarmament. Lebanese MP Michel Mousa from the Amal-led Development and Liberation bloc stated that the government is working on plans for the disarmament of Hezbollah, adding, “The cabinet will play the biggest executive role in this regard, in cooperation with the Lebanese Army.” Reportedly, US envoy to the Middle East Ortagus is expected to tell President Aoun that he must progress efforts for the disarmament of Hezbollah to gain access to financial assets from Saudi Arabia to fund the government. During a press conference yesterday, Trump told reporters that Israel would lead any military attack on Iran if negotiations on the nuclear file fail: “But with Iran, if it requires military, we’re going to have military. Israel will obviously be very much involved in that — they’ll be the leader of that.” There are reports that Israel has been preparing plans for a preemptive attack on Iran should they move ahead with efforts at developing a nuclear weapon, meaning the threat is likely credible. Further, if Israel were to be the main component of any military action against Iran, it would likely be a strategic move to avoid any broader conflict. Israel and Iran have traded massive waves of airstrikes in two military crises since 2023, meaning the crisis would likely fade out. Further, Tehran would likely prefer direct confrontation against Israel than the United States in retaliation to any military action, and if the attack is largely composed of Israeli capabilities, Iranian leadership would likely have justification for retaliating against Israel instead of American forces. Regardless, we would likely see some confrontation of American capabilities in Iraq, Syria, and the Red Sea from members of the Axis of Resistance, especially from the Islamic Resistance of Iraq, the Syrian Popular Resistance, and the Houthis. As for Israel, confrontation with Iran would likely play to the detriment of ceasefire negotiations with Hamas and its push for the disarmament of Hezbollah in Lebanon. Just days ahead of scheduled negotiations in Oman, the United States Treasury Department has issued new sanctions on Iran, especially on the Atomic Energy Organization of Iran. The Treasury Department stated, “The Iranian regime’s reckless pursuit of nuclear weapons remains a grave threat to the United States and a menace to regional stability and global security.” Previous Next

< Back Nigeria Team Report: July 7th, 2025 Photo from the Daily Post Nigeria continues to face a severe genocidal crisis, particularly targeting Christians and moderate Muslims in the Northeast, Northwest, and Middle Belt regions. Islamist groups such as Boko Haram, ISWAP (Islamic State West Africa Province), and Fulani jihadists are responsible for systematic violence. Despite overwhelming evidence of genocidal acts, both the Nigerian government and key international actors remain in denial, avoiding the legal and moral responsibilities that acknowledgment would require. New Evidence of Genocide On June 14, 2025, Fulani jihadists carried out an overnight attack killing more than 200 Christians in Benue State . A local county official urged replacing military deployments with police, citing security failures. In an analysis titled “Silent Jihadist Genocide,” Intersociety characterizes the massacres of Christians as a “Jihadist Genocide of Christians,” noting 8,222 killed in 2023 and calling Nigeria the second-deadliest genocide country. Denial Government and societal denial remain widespread. Sources such as Save the Persecuted Christians and Daily Post Nigeria highlight this trend. Church leaders and analysts have criticized the government and military for consistently describing Fulani jihadist massacres of Christians as "communal clashes" or "herder farmer disputes," ignoring the explicit religious targeting. Rev. David Azzaman sharply noted: “The military… refers to these attacks as communal clashes or ‘farmer/herder clashes’ … What is going on … is genocide.” Silence Among Christian Elites Voices from the Middle Belt Forum and other clergy lament that many church leaders and politicians avoid calling the killings “genocide”—fearing political backlash. Former Kaduna deputy governor James Bawa Magaji criticized them, stating: “A lot of Christian politicians are afraid … They color the truth because they want to be politically correct.” Local officials in Benue and Plateau have questioned military deployment, recommending police instead, revealing a tacit admission of security failure but no recognition of religiously motivated terror. Truth Nigeria articles repeatedly highlight that while atrocities happen within view of military bases, responses remain muted or delayed. Intersociety on Political Denial in Southeast Intersociety warned that Southeast governors are engaging in “deafening denial” by ceding land to Fulani herdsmen, despite risking jihadist encroachment. They lament that, as of 2021, more than 700 communal lands had been taken over. International Misrepresentation Save the Persecuted Christians, via Truth Nigeria, emphasized that global advocacy is undermined when Western governments echo religious neutral narratives. Dede Laugesen stated: “Nothing will change … until the Nigerian people unite with one voice … It’s not … climate change … This is genocide pure and simple. All who try to explain it otherwise are culpable.” Previous Next

< Back Nigeria Team Report: August 9th, 2025 Protestors block highway. Photo by Olikita Ekani. In mid-June 2025, the community of Yelewata in Benue State’s Guma Local Government Area became the site of one of the deadliest attacks recorded in the region that year. Armed men, widely believed to be Fulani militants, launched a night time assault on the Christian farming village, targeting civilians as they slept. Survivors reported that the attackers used automatic weapons and set fire to homes, food stores, and a local market. The destruction was widespread, and bodies were left either burned or riddled with bullets. Death toll estimates vary significantly—while the Benue State government initially reported 59 fatalities, multiple human rights groups, religious organizations, and journalists placed the number of dead between 100 and 200. The violence forced the immediate displacement of over 3,900 people from Yelewata alone, adding to an already dire humanitarian crisis in Benue State, where more than 500,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs) had been recorded by the middle of 2025. Most of the displaced were Christians from rural farming communities who had already suffered from similar attacks in previous months. These survivors fled to IDP camps in and around Makurdi, including Ichwa, Abagana, Daudu, and Mgbatir. Conditions in the camps were extremely poor shelters were overcrowded, food supplies were insufficient, clean water was scarce, and there was minimal access to healthcare. In the month following the Yelewata attack, at least eight people died in two of the camps, and a 19-month-old child named Terseer Aondowase David was reported kidnapped and remained missing. On July 30, 2025, hundreds of displaced persons, mostly women and children, staged a protest by blocking the Makurdi–Lafia–Abuja highway. Their demonstration was peaceful but desperate. They held leaves and signs and demanded to return to their homes. Their slogans were direct: “We want to go back home. No security, no food.” The protest came just one day after the First Lady of Nigeria had announced a ₦1 billion donation to support IDPs. Protesters, however, said they had not received any aid and had no trust that the funds would reach them. Local leaders echoed these concerns and accused both state and federal authorities of failing to act decisively in the face of repeated massacres. Security forces were heavily criticized in the aftermath of the Yelewata killings. According to residents, soldiers and police had been stationed within a short distance of the village during the attack, but did not respond. Youth leader Damian Ugbir and community elder Thomas Ukumba both alleged that the security personnel either ignored warnings or chose not to intervene. Many locals suspected complicity or at least deliberate inaction. The Inspector General of Police later announced that 26 suspects had been arrested in connection with the Yelewata attack. These arrests were part of a broader operation in which 53 suspects were detained across Benue and neighbouring Plateau State. Authorities also recovered automatic weapons, including AK-47s and machine guns. President Bola Tinubu visited Makurdi weeks after the massacre, where he issued a formal condemnation of the killings and ordered security reinforcements. However, his failure to visit the Yelewata community itself drew criticism. Human rights organizations, including Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, expressed concern about the federal government’s delayed and inconsistent response to what they identified as targeted violence against a religious and ethnic group. Several groups within Nigeria and abroad have referred to the violence as ethnic cleansing, or even genocide, citing the pattern of attacks on predominantly Christian farming communities across Benue and other parts of the Middle Belt. The situation remains unresolved. Thousands of displaced people continue to live in squalid conditions without security or support. Many say they are afraid to return to their ancestral lands because the attackers remain free, and there are no guarantees of protection. For the survivors of Yelewata and other affected communities, justice remains elusive, and the future uncertain. Previous Next

< Back Nigeria Team Report: July 17th, 2025 Photo Credits: OSV News photo/Afolabi Sotunde, Reuters Nigeria continues to face a severe genocidal crisis, particularly targeting Christians and moderate Muslims in the Northeast, Northwest, and Middle Belt regions. Islamist groups such as Boko Haram, ISWAP (Islamic State West Africa Province), and Fulani jihadists are responsible for systematic violence. Despite overwhelming evidence of genocidal acts, both the Nigerian government and key international actors remain in denial, avoiding the legal and moral responsibilities that acknowledgment would require. Latest Developments Overnight June 13–14, 2025, Fulani militants forced their way into Yelwata, a predominantly Catholic village near Makurdi, Benue State, destroying homes and burning people alive. Sources vary, but the death toll ranges from 100 (Amnesty International) to over 200 (local church contacts and U.S.-registered media) . Victims included infants, toddlers, the elderly, and internally displaced persons housed at a Catholic mission. International Response and Pope Leo XIV The massacre in Yelwata has drawn swift condemnation both from within Nigeria and the global community. Pope Leo XIV, addressing the tragedy from the Vatican, described the events as a “terrible massacre,” expressing deep sorrow for the Christian communities repeatedly targeted by such violence. He called for urgent peace in the rural heartlands of Nigeria, where Catholic and other Christian populations face unrelenting attacks. His words echoed a broader sense of moral outrage reverberating across religious and human rights organizations. Amnesty International has publicly demanded that Nigerian authorities take immediate and decisive action to stop the bloodshed in Benue State, which has become an epicentre of violence. The organization stressed the need for accountability, urging the government to investigate and prosecute those responsible for the atrocities — a call echoed by activists and church leaders on the ground. The advocacy group Save the Persecuted Christians also weighed in forcefully, denouncing the massacre as an unmistakable act of genocide. * Drawing on direct testimonies from the Diocese of Makurdi, they highlighted not only the scale of the killings but the deliberate targeting of Christian communities — a campaign of terror that seeks to erase entire populations under the cover of ethnic and religious tension. Despite these calls, many fear that international pressure may once again fall short, as past appeals have too often been met with silence or inaction. Yet, the Church and human rights defenders remain resolute, continuing to amplify the voices of the victims and demand justice in the face of impunity. * Save the Persecuted Christians added in their June 14 X post: “This is Genocide.” Previous Next

< Back Nigeria Team Report: July 29th, 2025 Photo credit: A uniformed civilian guard volunteer bravely leads his team protecting a civilian gathering in Bokkos on September 21. Credit: Masara Kim. On the night of July 15, 2025 , armed men, suspected Fulani militants, attacked Bindi, a Christian farming village in Plateau State. Over 100 assailants descended on the community from multiple directions, killing at least 27 civilians, including women and children. Despite being stationed just two miles away, soldiers from Operation Safe Haven reportedly failed to respond to urgent calls for help. This attack mirrors a broader and escalating pattern of violence across Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where well-armed Fulani militia groups repeatedly target Christian-majority communities in Benue, Plateau, and Kaduna States. Just weeks earlier, in Yelwata (Benue), more than 200 civilians were killed in coordinated night raids. In many cases, churches are burned, homes razed, and survivors displaced. Despite the scale of violence, Nigeria’s federal government has not designated these groups as terrorists, nor launched a coordinated national response. Officials often refer to the attacks as “farmer-herder clashes,” a term that minimizes their organized, religiously targeted nature of the attacks. Between 2019 and 2023, Fulani militants were responsible for more civilian deaths than Boko Haram and Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) combined, according to the Observatory for Religious Freedom in Africa. This brings us back to the persistent denial of what is, in reality, a targeted campaign of violence, too often dismissed under the cover of climate change narratives. As Genocide Watch has documented through interviews with Nigerian journalists on the ground, this is not about environmental conflict. These are deliberate, organized attacks. Communities are being terrorized, abandoned by those meant to protect them, and left to live in fear while the international community looks the other way. Survivors and community leaders accuse the military of repeated inaction. In multiple attacks, including Bindi, military units in proximity either arrived late or not at all. Some villagers resort to defending themselves with homemade weapons, risking arrest for doing so. The violence has displaced tens of thousands and destabilized agricultural output. Experts warn that climate pressure, land scarcity, and impunity are intensifying the crisis. Calls for stronger military accountability, counter-terrorism designations, and civilian protection mechanisms have so far gone unanswered. As the death toll rises, Nigeria’s Christian communities are left increasingly exposed, and unheard. Previous Next