Recognising that, since the horrific Hamas-led attack of 7 October 2023, which itself constitutes international crimes, the government of Israel has engaged in systematic and widespread crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide, including indiscriminate and deliberate attacks against the civilians and civilian infrastructure (hospitals, homes, commercial buildings, etc.) of Gaza, which, according to official UN estimates, at the date of this resolution, has killed more than 59,000 adults and children in Gaza ; Recognising that these crimes are estimated to have left many thousands of people buried under the rubble or otherwise inaccessible, and most probably dead; Recognising that this bombing and other violence is estimated to have injured more than 143,000 people, with many maimed; Recognising that the actions of the Israeli government against Palestinians have included torture , arbitrary detention , and sexual and reproductive violence ; deliberate attacks on medical professionals , humanitarian aid workers and journalists; and the deliberate deprivation of food, water , medicine , and electricity essential to the survival of the population; Recognising that Israel has forcibly displaced nearly all of the 2.3 million Palestinians in the Gaza Strip multiple times, and demolished more than 90 percent of the housing infrastructure in the territory ; Recognising that the consequences of these crimes have included destroying entire families and multiple generations of Palestinians ; Recognising that Israel has destroyed schools, universities , libraries, museums, and archives , all of them essential to the continued existence of Palestinian collective well-being and identity; Recognising that Israel has killed or injured more than 50,000 children and that this destruction of a substantial part of a group constitutes genocide, as emphasized in a joint declaration of intervention in the International Court of Justice case of The Gambia v Myanmar by six countries—Canada, Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom— which states “that children form a substantial part of the groups protected by the Genocide Convention, and that the targeting of children provides an indication of the intention to destroy a group as such, at least in part. Children are essential to the survival of any group as such, since the physical destruction of the group is assured where it is unable to regenerate itself.”; Recognising that Israeli governmental leaders, war cabinet ministers , and senior army officers have made explicit statements of “intent to destroy”, characterizing Palestinians in Gaza as a whole as enemies and “human animals” and stating the intention of inflicting “maximum damage” on Gaza, “flattening Gaza,” and turning Gaza into “hell”; Recognising that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has endorsed the current US President's plan to forcibly expel all Palestinians from the Gaza Strip, with no right of return, in what Navi Pillay, head of the UN Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory, has said amounts to ethnic cleansing ; Recognising that the deliberate destruction of agricultural fields, food warehouses, and bakeries and other violence that prevents food production, in conjunction with denial and restriction of humanitarian aid, indicate the intentional infliction of unlivable conditions resulting in starvation of Palestinians in Gaza; Acknowledging that, on 21 November 2024, the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant of Israel, in the court's ongoing investigation opened on 3 March 2021, of crimes committed on Palestinian territory since 13 June 2014, charging them with crimes identified in the Rome Statute, in the Gaza Strip from at least 8 October 2023, including the starvation of civilians, intentionally directing attacks against a civilian population, murder, and persecution; Whereas Israel's actions in response to the October 7 attack and subsequent holding of hostages have not only been directed against the Hamas group responsible for these, but have also targeted the entire Gazan population; Acknowledging that the International Court of Justice found in three provisional measures order in the case of South Africa v. Israel — January, March, and May 2024 — that it is plausible that Israel is committing genocide in its attack in Gaza and ordered Israel to take all measures within its power to prevent and punish the direct and public incitement of genocide and to ensure the provision of humanitarian assistance to civilians in Gaza; Acknowledging that leading global international law organizations and UN bodies, including Amnesty International , Human Rights Watch , Forensic Architecture , DAWN, B’Tselem and Physicians for Human Rights , and the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territories , have conducted extensive investigations and issued reports concluding that Israel is committing genocide in Gaza; Acknowledging that a number of Israeli , Palestinian, Jewish , and other scholarly experts working in Holocaust and Genocide Studies and in International Law have concluded that Israeli governmental and military actions constitute genocide; Acknowledging that international civil society has a responsibility to prevent genocide by encouraging and assisting states to fulfil their obligations under the Genocide Convention to prevent, suppress, and punish genocide; Acknowledging that putative security measures against members of a group are often pretext for mass killing and genocide as it has become in this case; Therefore, the International Association of Genocide Scholars: Declares that Israel’s policies and actions in Gaza meet the legal definition of genocide in Article II of the United Nations Convention for the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (1948); Declares that Israel’s policies and actions in Gaza constitute war crimes and crimes against humanity as defined in international humanitarian law and the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court; Calls upon the government of Israel to immediately cease all acts that constitute genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity against Palestinians in Gaza, including deliberate attacks against and killing of civilians including children; starvation; deprivation of humanitarian aid, water, fuel, and other items essential to the survival of the population; sexual and reproductive violence; and forced displacement of the population; Calls upon the government of Israel to comply with the Provisional Measures orders of the International Court of Justice; Calls upon the state parties of the International Criminal Court to comply with their obligations, cooperate with the Court, and surrender any individual subject to an arrest warrant; Calls upon all states to actively pursue policies to ensure respect for their obligations under international law, including under the Genocide Convention, the Arms Trade Treaty and international humanitarian law, with regards to Israel and Palestine; and Calls upon the government of Israel and all other United Nations members to support a process of repair and transitional justice that will afford democracy, freedom, dignity, and security for all people of Gaza. Current as of 28 July 2025 Resolution passed 31 August 2025

By Emir Nader Sept 1, 2025 The genocide scholars cited, among other elements, Israel's attacks on Gaza's healthcare, aid, and educational sectors The world's leading association of genocide scholars has declared that Israel is committing genocide in Gaza. A resolution passed by the International Association of Genocide Scholars (IAGS) states that Israel's conduct meets the legal definition as laid out in the UN convention on genocide. Across a three-page resolution, the IAGS presents a litany of actions undertaken by Israel throughout the 22-month-long war that it recognises as constituting genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. The IAGS is the world's largest professional association of genocide scholars and includes a number of Holocaust experts. Out of its 500 members, 28% took part in the vote and 86% of those who voted supported the resolution. In a summary of Israeli policies and actions, the declaration notes the widespread attacks on both the personnel and facilities needed for survival, including in the healthcare, aid, and educational sectors. Among many other elements, it notes the 50,000 children killed or injured by Israel, as highlighted by UN aid organisation Unicef, which impacts the ability of Palestinians in Gaza to survive as a group and regenerate. The resolution also highlights the support among Israeli leaders for the forced expulsion of all Palestinians from Gaza, alongside Israel's near-total demolition of housing in the territory. The IAGS notes the statements by Israeli leaders dehumanising Palestinians in Gaza, characterising them all as the enemy, alongside promises to "flatten Gaza" and turn it into "hell". The Israeli Foreign Ministry said the report was based on "Hamas lies" and poor research, calling it an "embarrassment to the legal profession". A spokesperson added that it was Israel itself which is the victim of genocide. Israel has regularly denied that its actions in Gaza amount to genocide and says they are justified as a means of self-defence. The IAGS scholars state that while the 7 October 2023 Hamas attack - in which about 1,200 people were killed and 251 others taken hostage - was itself a crime, Israel's response has not only been directed against Hamas but has targeted Gaza's entire population. The 1948 UN Genocide Convention, which was adopted following the mass murder of Jews by Nazi Germany, defines genocide as crimes committed "with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group". A number of leading rights organisations, including two Israeli organisations , have also declared they believe Israel is committing genocide. The UN and a number of Western nations have said that they will only consider a ruling by a court that genocide is taking place as authoritative. The UN's top court, the International Court of Justice, is currently considering a case brought by South Africa in 2023 that argues that Israel is committing genocide. The ICJ has not yet made a determination on the subject and has granted Israel an extension until January 2026 to present its defence. Israel has accused the case of having antisemitic motivations, calling it a "blood libel", in reference to historic allegations that Jewish communities ritually murder Christian children. The IAGS say their resolution has no bearing on any case put forward to an international court. On Monday, the Hamas-run Ministry of Health said that 63,557 people had been killed and 160,660 injured during the war so far. The ministry's numbers are widely considered reliable yet they do not distinguish between civilians and fighters. In August, the UN-backed food monitor, the IPC, confirmed that famine was taking place in parts of Gaza. Israel is accused of causing the famine through ongoing restrictions on food and medical aid entering Gaza. Israel controls all border crossings into the Gaza Strip, and as the occupying power bears responsibility for protecting civilian life under international law, which includes the prevention of starvation. Copyright 2025 BBC. All rights reserved.

By Nicholas Kristof Aug. 30, 2025 Ivor Prickett for The New York Times As debate boils over allegations of genocide in Gaza, there’s another place where all sides in the United States seem to agree a genocide is underway — yet largely ignore it. That’s Sudan, probably the site of the world’s worst humanitarian crisis today. Famine was officially declared there last year; the United Nations reports that some 25 million Sudanese face extreme hunger and at least 12 million have had to flee their homes because of civil war. Tom Perriello, who was the U.S. special envoy for Sudan until this year, tells me that he believes that the death toll by now has exceeded 400,000. In January, the Biden administration officially declared the killing in Sudan to be a genocide. In April, the Trump administration also characterized the slaughter as a genocide, and the State Department confirmed to me that it views the situation in Sudan as a genocide. So there is bipartisan agreement in the United States that Sudan is suffering both genocide and famine — and also, apparently, a bipartisan consensus to do little about it. The Biden administration was too passive, and now so too is the Trump administration. President Trump is actually slashing assistance this year to Sudan, increasing the number of children who will starve. Whatever you think of the humanitarian crisis in Gaza — and I’ve been unsparing in my criticism of Israel’s actions and America’s complicity in the bombing and starvation there — we should recognize our collective failure to address this other crisis with an even higher death toll. Neither should be seen as a distraction from the other; we have the moral bandwidth to be appalled by the enormous suffering in Sudan and in Gaza alike. This failure is global. Arab and African countries have done more to aggravate the suffering in Sudan than to ease it. The U.N. in 2005 declared a “responsibility to protect” civilians suffering atrocities, but that lofty language seems a substitute for action rather than a spur to it. Survivors describe ethnic cleansing of almost unimaginable savagery. On the Sudan-Chad border last year, a woman named Maryam Suleiman told me that in her village an Arab militia lined up all the men and boys over the age of 10 and massacred them, and then raped the women and girls. The lighter-skinned gunmen targeted her Black African ethnic group, she said, quoting a militia leader as saying, “We don’t want to see any Black people.” The racist massacres are an echo of the Darfur genocide of two decades ago in western Sudan. One difference is that this time there is far less interest, and a complete failure of political will to respond. It is “a Gaza — which is horrible enough — writ still larger,” said Anthony Lake, who was national security adviser to President Bill Clinton and later led UNICEF. “And largely off camera.” Two decades ago, the U.N. secretary general at the time, Kofi Annan, visited Darfur (and helped smuggle me in) and pushed to ease the crisis with negotiations and peacekeepers. The current U.N. secretary general, António Guterres, said in February that the world must not turn its back on Sudan, but I sometimes think that’s what he himself has done. The killing and starvation in Sudan are results of a two-year struggle between two warring generals. One faction is the Sudanese Armed Forces and the other is a militia called the Rapid Support Forces. Both have behaved brutally, starving civilians and impeding humanitarian efforts to aid the hungry. “We’re being blocked from reaching the hungry — and attacked for trying,” said Cindy McCain, the executive director of the U.N. World Food Program, which had three of its trucks carrying food aid destroyed this month by drone strikes. Aid workers say that while both sides have committed war crimes, the Rapid Support Forces are responsible for the worst atrocities, such as the burning of entire villages and the slaughter and rape of civilians. Outsiders perpetuate the war by arming both sides. The United Arab Emirates in particular, despite denials, appears to be the main supporter of the Rapid Support Forces, underwriting its campaign of atrocities. While the Biden administration refused to hold the Emirates accountable, and now the Trump administration is doing the same, Congress has provided more leadership. Some members are pushing for a ban on arms transfers to the Emirates while it continues to enable mass murder and rape. That’s a useful pressure point: The Emirates is a remarkable nation that cares about its reputation, and public pressure previously led it to pull out of the disastrous war in Yemen. What could Trump do? It would help if he called on the Emirates to cut off the Rapid Support Forces or at least end the atrocities. He could appoint a special envoy for Sudan. And he could ramp up American support for grass-roots Sudanese assistance programs, such as the emergency response rooms that run communal kitchens. World leaders will gather at the U.N. in September to repeat platitudes about making the world a better place. One test of their sincerity is what they will do for the major Sudanese city of El Fasher, besieged by the Rapid Support Forces and facing starvation. Sudan watchers fear that if El Fasher falls, the Rapid Support Forces will engage in mass killings and rapes, as they have elsewhere. “Here in El Fasher, we are starving,” Avaaz Sudan Dispatch, a newsletter that follows Sudan, quoted a civilian in the city as saying. “The responsibility is not just on those holding the guns. It’s on the world. The Arab countries. The African Union. Europe. The so-called international community. All of them.” “We know they can help,” the civilian continued. “We know they have the power to airdrop food. They have planes. They have supplies. But they are choosing not to.” © 2025 The New York Times Company

Articles by Dr. Gregory Stanton Mass Deportations Violate U.S. and International Law. They're also crimes against humanity. Dr. Stanton demonstrates that President Trump's mass deportations violate U.S. obligations under the 1980 Refugee Act and the 1967 Protocol on the Status of Refugees. The forced deportations are also crimes against humanity under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. Although the U.S. is not a State Party to the ICC treaty, any of the 125 nations that are ICC States Parties and whose citizens are deported could ask the ICC Prosecutor to charge U.S. officials who carry out the deportations with crimes against humanity. There is no head of state or official immunity in the ICC for crimes against humanity. Fifteen nations have Universal Jurisdiction over crimes against humanity. Any U.S. official implementing the deportations who sets foot in a country with such universal jurisdiction could be charged, arrested, and tried for the crime of forced deportation. February 6, 2025 View Could the Rwandan Genocide Have Been Prevented? Dr. Gregory Stanton was a Foreign Service Officer in the U.S. State Department in the Bureau of International Organizations, Office of UN Political Affairs in 1994 at the time of the Rwandan Genocide. He was tasked by U.N. Ambassador, later Secretary of State, Madeleine Albright to interview the people who contributed to U.S. policy during the genocide. He won the W. Averell Harriman Award for 'intellectual courage" for his dissent from US policy during that genocide. After leaving the State Department in 1999 to found Genocide Watch, Stanton wrote this paper while at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. In it, he describes why the U.S. refused to call the Rwandan genocide a genocide for three months, why the U.S. led the U.N. to pull out 2000 U.N. peacekeepers in Rwanda near the beginning of the genocide, and how 800,000 Rwandans perished in a genocide that could have been prevented. January, 2002 View Malthusian Pressures, Genocide, and Ecocide Elihu D. Richter MD,MPH, Rony Blum, PhD, Tamar Berman, MSc, Gregory H. Stanton, JD, PhD INT J OCCUP ENVIRON HEALTH 2007;13:331–341 Historical models postulate that genocide cannot occur without the ideology and decisions of its authoritarian perpetrators and the indifference of bystanders. These models do not address genocidal risks from ecocide. Study objectives were to assess 1) the role of Malthusian pressures in recent genocides, 2) the role of ecocide and ecologic abuse in creating these pressures, and 3) strategies for prevention and deterrence. Analysis of reports, demographic studies, and time trends in recent genocides and recent ecocidal events from ecologic abuse suggests that Malthusian pressures and zero-sum rivalries over water, arable land, or natural resources by themselves do not lead to genocide. September 11, 2007 View "Ethnic Cleansing" is a Euphemism Used for Genocide Denial "Ethnic Cleansing" is a euphemism invented by Slobodan Milošević and Serbian propagandists in the 1990's to cover up and deny forced displacement and genocide in Bosnia and Kosovo. It has now become the dominant term used by journalists, foreign ministry lawyers, the UN, and human rights groups to avoid using the term "genocide." Ethnic cleansing is not outlawed by any treaty or by the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. It is used to avoid the duty to prevent genocide in the Genocide Convention. It is a term that should be expunged from the legal and journalistic lexicon. July 10, 2023 View The Consequences of Denial Speech given at commemoration of the 1971 Bangladesh Genocide held jointly by the Liberation War Museum in Dhaka, Bangladesh, and the Canadian Museum of Human Rights in Winnipeg, Manitoba. September 21, 2022 View The ICJ and the Issue of Lawful Representation in The Gambia v Myanmar Ahead of the scheduled public hearings in The Gambia v Myanmar (the Rohingya genocide case) at the International Court of Justice (ICJ), the University of Ottowa Human Rights Research and Education Centre, Canada, the Genocide Watch of USA and FORSEA release a comprehensive legal analysis. It focuses on the crucial question of who should lawfully speak for Myanmar before the ICJ as Myanmar's coup resulted in an unprecedented situation with no recognized government or even regime with effective control of the state. February 18, 2022 View L'espoir est mort en Afghanistan Op-ed published in French in Le Monde about the plight of the Hazara in Afghanistan August 30, 2021 View Hope Died in Afghanistan Op-ed published in Brussel Times about the plight of the Hazara in Afghanistan. August 30, 2021 View Why has the United Nations failed to prevent genocide? Dr. Stanton's address to the International Scientific Conference on Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. December 15, 2021 View QAnon is a Nazi Cult, Rebranded Dr. Gregory H. Stanton's analysis of QAnon published in Just Security, September 9, 2020 September 9, 2020 View Why Have We Failed To Prevent Genocide? Outline of address by Dr. Stanton to the 8th International Symposium on Women and Genocide. Dr. Stanton assesses the successes and failures of the anti-genocide movement during the past twenty years. He makes practical recommendations about how to improve the effectiveness of the movement, and how to better prevent genocide. October 26, 2019 View Teaching Ten Stages of Genocide Dr. Stanton describes his introductory course on genocide at the University of Mary Washington and shares his advice about teaching. February 28, 2019 View View More Media Appearances By Dr. Gregory Stanton Genocide Emergency: Gaza 11 July 2025 GENOCIDE EMERGENCY: GAZA 11 JULY 2025 A man holds the body of a dead child after Israeli airstrikes at the morgue of the hospital in Khan... Genocide Watch Jul 14 3 min read IAGS/EIHR/AAG Conference: Teaching About Genocide To view all sessions, click on image. https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLyIgA4_0g_IIWva67lrKGdOHeH7lRbIWl To view click on image:... Genocide Watch Jul 2 1 min read Monday, June 16: U.N. Day for Countering Hate Speech https://docs.google.com/forms/d/1r6tRiuUHMvUgbJdyy2enrzkCSXvTgp5Di93Ws94DhsQ/edit International Day for Countering Hate Speech Hate... United Nations Jun 15 5 min read Meta AI's new app invades your privacy in a creepy way. Zuckerberg’s new Meta AI app gets personal in a very creepy way The Washington Post May 5, 2025 Column by Geoffrey A. Fowler Mark... Geoffrey A. Fowler | The Washington Post May 6 7 min read Can AI be built to combat hate speech? Webinar May 8 Genocide Watch May 6 0 min read End Imperial Impunity Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu, ICC Prosecutor Khan, and former Israeli Defense Minister Gallant... credit © Israel Hayom End Imperial... Dr. Gregory Stanton | Genocide Watch Jan 10 4 min read UN Special Adviser publishes "Preventing Ethnic Genocide" This “Preventing Ethnic Genocide: Policy Guidance Note” was written by Professor Kimani Njogu, the Director of Twaweza Communications, a... UN Office of the Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide Dec 17, 2024 1 min read Can AI answer hate speech? Rutgers Newark, Dec. 10, 6:00 PM Genocide Watch Dec 10, 2024 0 min read Trump's Big Lie Donald Trump credit: Google images Trump's Big Lie By Dr. Gregory Stanton September 24, 2024 Genocide Watch... Gregory H Stanton Sep 24, 2024 4 min read The New Nazism Supporters of then-President Donald Trump stand inside the U.S. Capitol on January 6, 2021. Inset, Trump is pictured in Washington, D.C.,... Dr. Gregory H. Stanton - President Genocide Watch 1 Sep 23, 2024 3 min read

2004 An Open Letter to the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Justice Navanathem Pillay Petitions Team Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights UNOG-OHCHR 1211 Geneva 10, Switzerland Dear Madame High Commissioner, Advocates of justice around the world are thrilled at the strong action the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court has taken in issuing a warrant for the arrest of Omar al-Bashir of the Sudan, resulting in finally holding him accountable for the atrocities being committed in Darfur over the last six years. Under al-Bashir’s leadership, millions of Sudanese from Darfur, as well as from Southern Sudan, have Suffered inconceivable harm, injustice and hardship. The action that the International Criminal Court has taken in this situation has restored hope to peace and justice loving people, affirming that international human rights law not only exists on paper, but in reality. It also sends an important message to perpetrators throughout the world that impunity for their crimes is not assured forever; which may be a primary reason that one of the first leaders to defend Omar al-Bashir and condemn the warrant was Prime Minister Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia, whose government has also been implicated in a pattern of widespread perpetration of serious human rights atrocities in Ethiopia and in Somalia. He and those within his government may be keenly aware of their own vulnerability to similar actions by the ICC in the future that could upend a deeply entrenched system of government- supported impunity that has protected perpetrators from any accountability. I first became knowledgeable regarding the abhorrent human rights situation in Ethiopia when Genocide Watch and Survivors Rights International were called by the head of the Anuak Justice Council, Obang Metho, (now the leader of the newly formed Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia) to investigate the brutal massacre of 424 Anuak carried out in Gambella, Ethiopia in December of 2003. The Anuak are a tiny, dark-skinned ethnic group who live in a remote section of southeastern Ethiopia. Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF) and civilian militia groups from another ethnic group utilized a prepared list to target Anuak leaders, many of whom were opposed to the government’s plan to exclude them from any involvement in the drilling for oil on their indigenous land. As militia groups chanted, “Today is the day for killing Anuak,” both the military and militias used machetes, axes and guns to kill the unarmed victims, frequently raping the women while chanting, “Now there will be no more Anuak children.” Extra-judicial killings, rape, disappearances, destruction of livelihood and the displacement of thousands of Anuak continued into late 2005 before finally subsiding when the same Ethiopian National Defense Forces were moved to the Ogaden area of southeastern Ethiopia and into Somalia where similar atrocities were and still are being committed. A subsequent investigation of the Anuak massacre by Genocide Watch and Survivors Rights International to determine who was behind the human rights crimes, documented the existence of a plan called “Operation Sunny Mountain,” that could be traced to originating at the highest levels within the central government of Ethiopia. As a result of our investigation and based on our experience in international law and genocide, We concluded that the killing of the Anuak in Gambella, Ethiopia, fit the definitions of genocide and Crimes against humanity. Human Rights Watch also conducted two investigations of their own and determined that the crimes against the Anuak meet the stringent definition of crimes against humanity. Most of the perpetrators in their report and in ours have never been brought to justice under the Ethiopian justice system due to the failings and corruption of that system. Despite the violation of international law, not only has no one has been held accountable for these crimes which occurred over five years ago, but worse than that, such crimes continue in other places in the country. Only some of these cases have been investigated by respected international human rights organizations, but where they have, findings consistently point to the involvement of the Ethiopian government in the inciting, the empowerment or the perpetration of crimes against humanity, war crimes and even genocide, often justified by them as “counter-insurgency.” In light of these facts, I would strongly urge you to initiate an investigation of the situation In Ethiopia based on your proprio motu powers as the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights. We believe that your investigation is justified due to the culture of impunity that exists within Ethiopia. Extensive documentation is available to examine the violations, most of which has been compiled in independent investigative reports completed by international human rights organizations. We also believe that the Ethiopian people have been waiting long enough for genuine justice and relief from the harsh oppression and brutal tactics committed by a government that purports to be a partner in the War on Terror, while terrorizing their own people. Addressing the EPRDF regime, friendly to Omar al-Bashir, may bring greater stability to the entire Horn of Africa. We are willing to provide assistance to you in carrying out this task because we, in Genocide Watch, and other human rights organizations are determined to pursue justice, even long after violations have occurred, as part of our mission. Investigative reports, contacts and other information can be provided should you need them. I thank you for the excellent work you are doing in combating impunity, the enemy of justice. Perpetrators of crimes against humanity must not be allowed to walk free. Genocide Watch will continue to do its part, collaborating with others, in pursuing additional ways to make such crimes carry a heavy penalty. One way is to work with domestic governments to make sure that those Ethiopians who have committed these crimes do not gain access to entry into western countries, something that is now supported through new legislation in many of the western countries. Additionally, in Canada, Europe and in the US, there are now laws giving authority to these governments to prosecute human rights perpetrators found within their new countries of residence should admissible evidence be found to charge them. The western countries should no longer act as a haven for such criminals. Thank you for your consideration of this request for the initiation of an investigation of genocide, Crimes against humanity and war crimes in Ethiopia. We look forward to hearing from you. Sincerely yours, GHStanton Dr. Gregory Stanton, President Genocide Watch Genocide Watch is the Chair of the International Campaign to End Genocide Phone: 1-703-448-0222 E-mail: president@genocidewatch.org Website: www.genocidewatch.com See: http://genocidewatch.org/Today%20is%20the%20Day%20of%20Killing%20Anuaks.htm ; http://genocidewatch.org/EthiopiaAnuakOperationSunnyMountainGWSRIReport13December200 4.htm and updates at www.genocidewatch.org/alerts/anuak.htm ; and www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/cerd/docs/ngos/IHRLC.pdf .

< Back Southeast and East Asia Team Report: August 10th, 2025 democracy activists, cross-border displacement, and persistent threats to civic space Across Southeast and East Asia, this week brought renewed attention to the health of democracy activists, cross-border displacement, and persistent threats to civic space. In Hong Kong, concerns mounted over the condition of Jimmy Lai , the jailed media tycoon and pro-democracy activist who has spent more than 1,700 days in solitary confinement under China’s National Security Law. Recently fitted with a heart monitor amid reports of health complications, Lai’s treatment has renewed international criticism of Hong Kong’s judicial process. At the same time, former legislator Ted Hui was granted asylum in Australia, reflecting the ongoing exodus of dissidents and the shrinking space for political freedoms in the city. In Cambodia, border tensions with Thailand have triggered the return of more than 780,000 migrant workers, many of whom now face unemployment and heavy debts. Rights groups have urged Phnom Penh to establish emergency job programs and loan relief schemes to ease the financial and social pressures on returnees, warning that instability could deepen without meaningful government action. In Malaysia, political violence entered a new phase when the son of former minister Rafizi Ramli survived a syringe attack, sparking fears of intimidation in an already polarized climate. The government has pledged an investigation, but civil society groups insist it must be both urgent and transparent. At the same time, Kuala Lumpur has sought to position itself as a regional mediator, joining ASEAN partners in a humanitarian mission to Myanmar. The effort prioritizes relief for displaced populations, including the Rohingya, but observers note that without political solutions, humanitarian aid alone cannot address Myanmar’s entrenched crisis. In the Philippines, no major new incidents dominated headlines this week, yet systemic threats persist. Online harassment and “red-tagging” of activists, particularly youth, continue to endanger lives. Still, there have been some legal advances: courts recently issued protective writs for the families of disappeared activists, a step toward accountability in a country where extrajudicial killings and impunity from the “war on drugs” remain unresolved. Taken together, these developments underscore the fragility of civic space across the region. From Hong Kong’s solitary confinement of a prominent activist, to Cambodia’s economic strains on returnees, to politically tinged violence in Malaysia and the Philippines’ ongoing impunity crisis, Southeast and East Asia face interconnected challenges. Rights groups continue to urge governments to move beyond reactive measures and toward systemic protections for human dignity, accountability, and peace. Previous Next