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The Silence of Violence: The Remaking of Modern Aerial Warfare

6 hours ago
7 min read

By Franzie Schatzl and Mayya Chaykina


Pablo Picasso’s Guernica at the Reina Sofía Museum in Madrid, 1997. Photograph: Dominique Faget/AFP/Getty Images.
Pablo Picasso’s Guernica at the Reina Sofía Museum in Madrid, 1997. Photograph: Dominique Faget/AFP/Getty Images.

Unmanned aerial systems have reshaped the conduct of war without corresponding changes to the legal

architecture that governs it. Today, conflicts are fought from afar, mediated by screens, algorithms, and

the persistent terror of drones. This form of warfare is simultaneously more precise and less visible than

conventional warfare. The familiar principles of distinction, proportionality, and accountability remain

formally in place, yet the “invisibility” of these systems, alongside the rise of the digital panopticon and

technocratic ideologies, has transformed how violence is both experienced and obscured. This intensifies

asymmetries and deepens accountability gaps, while simultaneously reshaping civilian life under the sky.

The civilian consequences are already documented in contemporary conflicts. In Ukraine, the UN Human

Rights Monitoring Mission documented at least 395 civilians killed and 2,635 injured by short-range drone

attacks between February 2022 and April 2025. The victims included people travelling in private cars and

buses, walking, cycling, delivering humanitarian aid and evacuating civilians and travelling to clearly

marked ambulances. The UN found that attacks appeared to involve intentionally targeting of civilians and

could thus amount to war crimes.


Existing International Legal Framework

A legal framework regulating unmanned aerial systems and cyberwarfare has been laid out by various

instruments, including soft law and jurisprudence as a whole. The second Tallinn Manual on the

International Law Applicable to Cyber Operations, in particular, has identified certain existing rules that

govern such military operations and provided commentary.

The application of existing rules of international law, even in the absence of explicit provisions addressing

drones and new means of aerial warfare and cyber operations, can be affirmed by the Nuclear Weapons

advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice. The Court considered that “the intrinsically

humanitarian character of the legal principles in question [...] permeates the entire law of armed conflict

and applies to all forms of warfare and to all kinds of weapons, those of the past, those of the present and

those of the future." As affirmed by the Tallinn Manual, the already-applicable general rules determine the

lawfulness of new methods and means of warfare.

A Tallinn Manual case study demonstrates this in the context of an unmanned combat aerial system

which is armed with cluster munitions. In such a context, a state must comply with its existing obligations,

such as whether it has ratified the Cluster Munitions Convention. Thus, the use of drones and unmanned

aerial systems, even though they are novel technology, must take into account existing international

obligations under both treaty and customary law.

Indeed, the attribution of international responsibility for a cyber-related act to a state is based on the

existing customary international law of state responsibility. A breach of an international legal obligation

applicable to a given state, performed by an unmanned aerial system, may still be attributable to a state

under international law and invoke that state’s international responsibility when its military or intelligence

agencies commit the wrongful acts in question. This may also be the case where a non-state actor is

effectively controlled by the state.


Grey Zones and Civilian Protection

Other components of the field continue to exist in legal grey zones, especially when semi-autonomous

and autonomous systems of aerial warfare are used in committing certain violations of international

humanitarian law. These violations may raise new questions in the law of armed conflict and international

criminal law. Although individuals are criminally responsible for war crimes that they commit, ascribing this

responsibility remains difficult in increasingly autonomous weapons systems. The systems themselves do

not possess the legal personality required to attach responsibility, for those where control is autonomous

or semi-autonomous. The question remains of whether to attribute this responsibility to the manufacturer,

the operator, or someone else in the command chain. Aerial systems that are autonomous or semi-

autonomous have largely removed decision-making from humans. For instance, manufacturers will likely

lack the knowledge or constructive knowledge that a specific system will commit certain acts constitutive

of war crimes. Similarly, if software problems lead to such acts, it will be challenging to determine whether

fault lies with the manufacturer, the operator, or the programmer. A significant accountability gap exists,

due to the lack of foresight on how unmanned, autonomous or semi-autonomous aerial systems will

interact with complex environments. Drones equipped with military capabilities may be deployed in ways

that exploit the existing grey areas in international law. In such scenarios, criminal liability is difficult to

attach to individuals, institutions, or systems, leaving victims without redress.


From Guernica to the Digital Panopticon

Historically, aerial warfare used invisibility and sound as weapon of terror. The German Junkers dive

bombers and the bombing of Guernica, as well as its collective memory through community and art,

exemplify how spectacle and noise were weaponized against the civilian population. If the planes were

not easily visible, the bombs were. The logic of visible and visceral force as well as the visual spectacle of

destruction has actively been inverted in modern drone warfare. The drone is silent. What remains is its

shadow, as it remains increasingly invisible in high-altitude settings. Regardless, the constant, ambient

threat remains, imposing a new form of psychological terror rooted in undetectable surveillance and the

uncertainty of incoming strikes. The prior horror of a single moment of impact morphs into a constant fear.

Drones therefore function as a mobile panopticon, a surveillance eye that may or may not be watching

but which reshapes civilian behavior. Even the possibility of being observed can become more powerful

than constant surveillance itself, as civilians adapt routines, avoid community gatherings, and self-police

out of fear. Researchers have called this constant awareness of being watched and the fear of the next

unpredictable strike “dronophobia,” or drone-induced anxiety among civilians, a condition marked by

chronic fear, sleeplessness, and social withdrawal.

At the same time, drones can re-weaponize sound. In Gaza, Israeli quadcopters have been reported to

broadcast children’s voices, sirens, or commercial-like audio to provoke and expose civilians. Thus, drone

warfare reconfigures terror and expands its toolkit of coercion, without equivalent expansion of the means

for political or legal accountability.

Centrally, drones restructure the relationship between the killer and the killed: operators are physically

distant, yet visually and emotionally proximate through live high-resolution feeds. Humans are reduced to

dots, signatures, or data, to enable degrees of dehumanization and moral disengagement. This paradox

of distance enables the justification for lethal action when human lives are abstracted to “targets” behindscreens and algorithms. Increasingly, the “gamification” of warfare is utilized to recruit new soldiers. In

contrast, for civilians on the ground, the gaze of the drone becomes a constant (self-)disciplinary force

leading to adaptations in movements and behaviors.


“Democratization” of Airpower and Case Studies

Recent aerial warfare has been transformed by low technological and financial barriers. States use

drones to project force with minimal risk to personnel. Non-state actors may deploy low-cost drones to

disrupt more powerful militaries. This “democratization” of airpower does not reduce civilian risk: it

redistributes and often intensifies this risk. This is all the more likely in contexts where data and targeting

rules are opaque. One of the key features of aerial warfare is that it blurs the line between civilians and

military when targeting in complex urban environments. A recent proliferation of short-range and loitering

munitions has been recorded in conflicts in Ukraine, the Red Sea, and Middle East. In Ukraine, short-

range “kamikaze” drones deployed by Russia have become a leading cause of civilian casualties and

damage of property and cultural resources in frontline areas, resulting in high-cost humanitarian

consequences. Ukraine has likewise used long-range drones to strike targets deep inside Russia,

including the Moscow Oil Refinery during a large-scale attack in September 2026, further demonstrating

the extended reach of unmanned aerial warfare. Ukraine has also established an open database

documenting Russian unmanned systems and their foreign-made components, including information on

manufacturers, supply chains, and the technologies identified in captured or recovered weapons. Notably,

in Nagorno-Karabakh (2016-2020), the Azerbaijani use of armed drones and loitering munitions decisively

altered the battlefield. Relatively cheap unmanned systems offset conventional military disadvantages.

Similarly, Houthi operations using drones to attack shipping and infrastructure have demonstrated how

low-cost sabotage can project regional influence and expand regional zones of power.

Drones have also mirrored a broader ideology of technocracy and tech-fascism as security and order are

increasingly entrusted to algorithms, data, and remote systems that are framed as “objective” and thus

“superior” to human judgment, whilst weaponizing narratives of “defending democracies”. Progress is

measured only in the capabilities of better sensors, faster response times, and fewer operator causalities.

Dwindling emphasis is placed on ethical and political questions as to who is targeted and why.

Seemingly, modern warfare is visible in its technical sophistication but invisible in its human operators

and consequences.


Conclusion

Drones and aerial warfare do not escape the existing legal framework of international humanitarian law

and state responsibility. The Nuclear Weapons opinion and the Tallinn Manual show that the

“humanitarian character” of these principles predates all forms of warfare, including those enabled by

unmanned systems. Yet, the practical reality of drone warfare is defined by invisibility, asymmetry, and

psychological terror, rather than by clarity of the legal texts.

From the digital panopticon in the sky, to tech-fascist and technocratic cultures and remote control, drone

warfare is reshaping how power is exercised and how violence is experienced. Recent developments

resulted in the greater diffusion of accountability. Civilians in high-conflict zones are all too aware of the

constant knowledge of being watched, mapped, and potentially targeted by an invisible gaze. To close

the gap between legal principles and lived reality, the international community must move beyond

rhetorical commitments and embrace concrete reforms in transparency and civilians-protection protocols.


Genocide Watch recommends:

• States Parties to the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons (CCW) must negotiate legally

binding international rules on autonomous and semi-autonomous weapons that establish clear

lines of responsibility for unlawful acts. This includes responsibility within military chains of

command and for the development and deployment of such systems.

• States employing armed drones, through armed forced and defense ministries, must strengthen

civilian protection protocols.This requires meaningful human oversight, target verification,

proportionally and precautionary assessments, as well as transparent investigations into civilian

harm.

• States, technological companies and digital platforms must establish safeguards against the

gamification and glorification of drone warfare. States must require military personnel operating

remotely controlled or autonomous systems to receive training in international humanitarian law

and retain meaningful human control over aerial warfare and lethal force.



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