Genocide Watch The Women, Life, Freedom Movement emerged in Iran in 2022, in response to government crackdown on women refusing to wear a hijab in public. This movement arose largely as a result of the death of Mahsa/Zhina Amini, a Kurdish woman who was arrested and tortured in police custody for refusing to wear a hijab in public. This injustice propelled thousands of men and women alike to protest through the streets against governmental oppression of women. At least 551 protestors were killed by police during these protests between 2022 and 2024, while thousands were unjustly detained or imprisoned. Protest against the Iranian regime following the death of Jina Mahsa Amini in custody of Iran's Gasht-e Ershad (Guidance Patrol; also called “morality police”), Berlin, October 22, 2022. Markus Schreiber—AP/Shutterstock.com Women in Iran have been oppressed throughout the last century, both before the Iranian revolution in 1979, and after, when hijabs became mandatory. Neither regime was committed to progressing women’s norms purely for women’s sake but they were motivated at times by a desire to change the national image. Under Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, women gained the right to vote (1963) and enjoyed improved legal protection as a result of the Family Protection Laws (1967, 1975). Yet the improvements were not motivated by the Shah’s progressive views. Rather, they were motivated by the state’s desire to consolidate political power. Within the past couple of decades, women in Iran have started several protest movements which have been repressed by the government through torture and unjust imprisonment at the hands of the “morality police.” The Women, Life, Freedom movement united Iranians in urban and rural areas in support of women’s rights. Ethnic minorities such as Kurdish, Baluch, Azerbaijani Turks, and Ahwazi Arab women have joined the movement, in the face of intersectional discrimination by the Iranian government, to educate their communities about the discrimination women face and how individuals can act to combat it. This movement also crosses professions because students and professors, along with blue collar workers and professionals, protest and use social media to draw attention to the cause. This has been referred to as a non-movement because of the wide variety of identities that these protestors possess. There is no clear demand from the protestors, but overwhelming action to upend the current political norms through strong acts of defiance, such as burning hijabs. Despite the unity of Iranian communities, women still face oppression, as the government has encouraged businesses, including pharmacies, to refuse service to women not adhering to the hijab law. Yet protests persist today. Some of the most influential activists are musicians and dancers who write protest music and share dance videos on social media. Dancing and singing in public have been forbidden for women since 1979. In the past decade, however, dance has become a crucial part of women’s protests in Iran, emphasizing the right to bodily autonomy and asserting embodied power against a patriarchal government. One example of this are the videos created by the “Ekbatan Girls,” a group of several young women whose video dancing unveiled went viral. The authorities detained them for several days. These teenagers were pressured to release a video confession apologizing for their actions. Women, Life, Freedom is resistance through defiant action, originating from the brave actions of many women who began the movement and faced unjust consequences because of it. This defiance inspired many to continue the revolutionary movement, even when governmental threats were weaponized against them. The protestors of Women, Life, Freedom brought the reality they demanded into existence through breaking morality laws, and they empowered women across Iran to partake in acts of defiance, sparking a united response from diverse factions of Iranians.

By Tania Kharchenko and Samuel Horti “"I have never heard such terrible screams before," says Liudmyla, recalling her first days in the Izolyatsia detention centre [Credit: BBC]” This article contains accounts of torture and sexual violence Early one October morning in 2019, a group of men jumped out of a car and grabbed Liudmyla Huseinova as she left her home. The 64-year-old says they seized her bag and threw her into the back seat, beginning what she describes as a "nightmare" in Russia's secretive detention system in parts of Ukraine it had occupied since 2014: "For three years and 13 days of my life, my soul and body were crippled." She says that among the men was Yurii Temerbek, a Ukrainian who had been a local traffic policeman and had joined the Russian-backed separatists. Temerbek – a husband, father and grandfather, now aged 56 - was there again, two weeks later, she says, watching as a man with a Russian accent sexually assaulted her in a notorious detention centre . A BBC World Service investigation has identified Temerbek, and uncovered details about two other men accused of abusing detainees, shedding light on a system that operates almost completely out of reach of Ukrainian and international justice. The men appear to now be living ordinary lives with their families in Russia and occupied Ukraine. Survivors see revealing their identities as a step towards holding them accountable. Liudmyla says that if the men she accuses of abuse aren't found and imprisoned, "then, justice for me will be their names as criminals, and torturers, will be known to their children". “Temerbek, now aged 56, is pictured in a traffic police uniform in this image posted on social media in 2013 [Credit: OK.ru]” The prisons these men helped run are part of a detention system in which the UN's human rights office (OHCHR) says the torture and ill-treatment of civilians is "systematic and widespread". It says former detainees describe beatings, electric shocks, mock executions and sexual violence, with civilians often detained arbitrarily and families given little information. The Kremlin has accused the OHCHR of bias. In May this year, the UN added Russia to its blacklist of countries suspected of committing sexual violence in conflict zones - allegations Russia dismissed as "groundless lies". Ukrainian authorities say more than 16,000 civilians have been taken captive or disappeared. Some of these cases followed Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 - others date back as far as 2014, when Russia annexed the southern Ukrainian peninsula of Crimea and occupied parts of eastern Ukraine, triggering widespread international condemnation. At that time, Liudmyla was working as a safety engineer on a poultry farm in Novoazovsk, a city in the Donetsk region close to the border with Russia. Russian-backed armed groups seized the city, beginning several years of paramilitary control. Liudmyla says that, under occupation, she helped care for orphans and took food to Ukrainian forces, who gave her a Ukrainian flag with notes of thanks written on it. She believes a photo of the flag she shared with trusted friends reached the Russian-backed forces: "This was probably why they arrested me." She was accused of spying, she says, and taken to Izolyatsia - a factory-turned-modern art gallery that had been taken over by Russian-backed forces. It later became widely known and feared, as numerous accounts of torture emerged from former detainees. When she arrived, she says a group of men - she does not know who - surrounded her, pinching her body. "It's not a peach," she recalls one of them saying. "Not a dried apricot either. A raisin." Detainees were forced to stand constantly from 06:00 to 22:00, and bright lights shone at night, she recalls. Her first days, she says, were punctuated with sounds of distress from other rooms: "I have never heard such terrible screams before." Two weeks later, she says, she was taken to the second floor, where a man who was referred to as "Koval" in the prison told her she was "too old for boys who come for 'relaxation'". Temerbek was there, "being sarcastic… laughing", she says. Then, she says, Koval sexually assaulted her. She knows Temerbek's name, she explains, because she saw his name on a document and remembered he had been known locally for his role in the Ukrainian police. Ukrainian authorities accuse him of working for the Ministry of State Security (MGB) established by the Donetsk People's Republic (DPR), which was created by Russian-backed paramilitaries. Ukrainian prosecutors have started criminal proceedings against him for being part of a "terrorist group" - a term they often use when alleging collaboration with Russian-backed forces. “Images posted anonymously online give a glimpse of conditions in Izolyatsia [Credit: Telegram]” The BBC worked with two Ukrainian open source investigators, Bohdan Kosokhatko and Vladyslav Chyryk, to find out more about Temerbek and others accused of abuses, building on work they have done with the Ukrainian investigative organisation Truth Hounds. Information including detainees' testimony, social media posts, media reports and documents from Ukrainian prosecutors allowed our team to build up a picture. The investigators working with the BBC discovered that Temerbek studied Ukrainian language at university and has a wife, daughter and son in their 20s, and grandchild. They appear to live in the Rostov region, in south-western Russia near the border with Ukraine. A photo on social media from before 2014 shows him in Ukrainian police uniform, with a badge identifying him as a traffic policeman. We were not able to establish whether he currently has a job. Liudmyla says the man in the image was among those who arrested her. She says she last saw Temerbek around late 2021 when he called her "bitch" and threatened that she would be sent to Siberia. We have not been able to identify "Koval". She says another guard at Izolyatsia, referred to within the prison as "Yermak", once ordered her to eat uncooked food mixed with soil and rubbish. "I spat it out, but there was some left. The taste of this food will stay with me the rest of my life," she says. She now finds the smell of food cooking unbearable, and struggles to eat a normal diet. She never saw Yermak because guards often put a bag over her head, she says, but she heard his voice. On another occasion, she says, he entered her cell: "He shouted: 'Are you for Ukraine?' I said: 'I'm for justice'. After that, he began to beat me." “Yeriomichev - who was referred to in the prison as "Yermak" was pictured with a friend in this image posted on social media in 2020 [Credit: VK]” Liudmyla saw Yermak's face for the first time when the investigators working with the BBC located photos of him on social media, showing him with his wife and daughter, on family holidays and drinking with friends - some as recent as 2024. He was first identified, as a man named Ruslan Yeriomichev, by the investigative reporting group Bellingcat and Ukrainian journalist Stanlislav Aseyev, who was also held in Izolyatsia. Yeriomichev is now 46. According to his social media accounts, he studied law at the Donetsk National University. Ukrainian prosecutors accuse him of multiple crimes, including cruel treatment of prisoners of war and civilians. It is not clear whether he still works at Izolyatsia, but social media posts suggest he still lives in the area. Photos on social media show him with his wife, daughter and friends, and on holiday in occupied Crimea. Both Temerbek and Yeriomichev were Ukrainian nationals who later acquired Russian passports. "They are free people, and they can go anywhere," Liudmyla reflects as she looks at the photos. "They took years off the lives of so many people." “"I realised I couldn't cry, I had no tears," says Liudmyla (centre) of the moment she was released in October 2022 [Credit: Dmytro Smolyenko / Ukrinform/Future Publishing via Getty Images]” Liudmyla was released in a prisoner exchange in 2022. She was welcomed home by friends. "They stood crying. I realised I couldn't cry, I had no tears," she says. Even now, she says: "These feelings, emotions, they are still frozen in me… sometimes I really want to cry and scream, but I can't." She has been reunited with her husband and they now live in Ukraine's capital, Kyiv. She runs an organisation supporting other women who have been detained, and, using a secret network, helps send parcels from families to those still in captivity. The BBC also mapped the scale of the network of detention centres, cross-matching reports from media sources, investigators and human rights groups. We identified 93 sites where civilians and prisoners of war were held in occupied Ukraine between 2023 and 2025. About a third of them appear to be unofficial, in buildings ranging from a tax office to hotels and garages. We identified another 102 in Russia. International organisations have not been allowed free access to them. Ukrainian prosecutors say 2,000 people have passed through such centres since Russia's full-scale invasion in 2022. One of them, 42-year-old sailor Oleksii Sivak, told the BBC he was among hundreds of civilians arrested in the wake of Russia's capture of the southern Ukrainian city of Kherson in 2022, in what pro-Kremlin reports called a crackdown on terrorists. “Oleksii says torture with electric current on the genitals took place in the detention facility where he was held in Kherson [Credit: BBC]” Oleksii, who worked on cargo ships, says that in the early months under occupation he helped cook for elderly people, as well as making banners and leaflets opposing the Russian presence: "I did what I could, resisted how I could." He says he was arrested and taken to a former police facility in Kherson. "There was torture with objects," he says. "On the genitals, electric current." In November 2022, the Ukrainian army retook Kherson. He says Russian forces took some detainees as they fled, but he escaped because they did not have enough space in their vehicles. Ukrainian prosecutors say the Kherson detention facility was run by Andrey Spivak, previously a policeman working in the prison system in the Russian city of Omsk. They have charged him with cruel treatment of the civilian population and violations of the laws of war. The investigators working with the BBC found that he is 40 and was born in the Omsk region. Images on social media suggest he enjoys fishing, hunting and travelling. Photos in recent years show him back in Omsk, at Russian interior ministry events. The investigators working with the BBC also found he has registered his car to work as a taxi driver. “Photos of Spivak on social media, like this one from 2014, suggest he enjoys travel and outdoor activities [Credit: OK.ru]” The BBC tried to contact Temerbek, Yeriomichev and Spivak about the allegations in this report but they did not respond. Asked about the allegations, the Russian Embassy in the UK said Russia had "consistently advocated respect for international law and the rule of law" and allegations of crimes during the Ukraine conflict "are documented and investigated". Ukrainian prosecutors have opened legal proceedings against dozens of people accused of mistreating Ukrainians in Russian-run prisons. A small number have been sentenced in absentia. The BBC is aware of only one who has been imprisoned - a former head of Izolyatsia who was arrested in Kyiv in 2021 and has been sentenced to 15 years in prison. The site is still operating, according to Ukraine's prosecutor general's office. Since Russia's full-scale invasion in 2022, the office has documented more than 400 cases of conflict-related sexual violence against civilians. So far 85 people have been charged - of which 30 have been given prison sentences, most of them in absentia. Oleksii and Liudmyla are both keen to help hold perpetrators of abuse of detainees to account. "For me, justice is not revenge," says Liudmyla. "For me, justice is the decree that these people intentionally, deliberately did what they did. I want them to be punished by law. © Copyright 2026 BBC. All rights reserved.

By Megan Janetsky July 10 2026 President Daniel Ortega and his wife, Vice President Rosario Murillo, lead a rally in Managua, Nicaragua, Sept. 5, 2018. (AP Photo/Alfredo Zuniga, File) MEXICO CITY (AP) — Nicaragua’s government has stripped masses of lawyers of their licenses to practice in recent days, in what a United Nations expert described Friday as a “purge of the legal profession” aimed at eroding the country’s final shreds of democratic checks and balances. The government of husband-and-wife copresidents, Daniel Ortega and Rosario Murillo, has been carrying out an all-out crackdown on dissent since mass social protests in 2018 that the government violently repressed. Since then, the government has imprisoned adversaries, religious leaders, journalists and others, forcing thousands to flee the country. It has stripped hundreds of their Nicaraguan citizenship and possessions. Since 2018, it has also shut down more than 5,000 organizations, largely religious groups, but also local rotary clubs and scouting organizations. In recent days, lawyers noticed that their licenses to practice law in Nicaragua were removed without explanation from the Supreme Court of Justice’s registry, according to Reed Brody, an American human rights lawyer and member of a U.N. panel of experts on the Central American country, and other lawyers whose certifications were revoked. There was no official notification by the government, and Nicaragua’s government did not respond to a request for comment by The Associated Press. Brody said the full scope was not immediately clear, but it “would certainly appear to be at least hundreds, if not thousands of lawyers.” “This follows the pattern that we’ve been seeing for years. First, they closed the NGOs, the universities, the independent media, you know, they’ve gone after the churches, and now it seems the legal profession,” Brody said. “Anyone who might stand between the government and citizens.” Brody said he knew of at least 20 lawyers who had been affected. Juan Diego Barberena, a lawyer and human rights defender exiled in Costa Rica since 2022, was among those stripped of his official certification and said he knew of at least 25 more colleagues like him. On Thursday, Barberena tried to access his legal accreditation on the government’s database, and said his name and license number were wiped clean from the system. “This is a means of exercising totalitarian control over the legal profession,” Barberena said. “This means that the dictatorship can decide who gets to practice and who doesn’t.” The move echoes other steps the government has taken in recent years. Many Nicaraguan exiles stripped of their citizenship and rendered “stateless” have reported similar stories of themselves or family members going to search for their birth certificates and other legal documents in official databases and being told they don’t exist. But Barberena and Brody said the move this week by authorities went a step further, noting that those erased from the system were not just dissenters. Some were simply Nicaraguans living abroad. Others practiced criminal or family law that didn’t touch on politics, while some were government sympathizers, Barberena said. Brody framed it, rather, as a move to whittle away at any last remaining shred of independence in a judicial system already firmly under control of Ortega and Murillo. “On one hand, it’s an arbitrary measure to punish political dissent,” Barberena said. “On the other, it’s the dictatorship looking medium-term and wanting to prevent lawyers, experts, and academics from participating in the future of the country’s institutions.” Copyright 2026 The Associated Press. All Rights Reserved.

Guinean authorities must reveal the fate of all victims of abductions and enforced disappearances, including National Front for the Defence of the Constitution (Front national pour la défense de la Constitution – FNDC) activists Oumar Sylla, known as Foniké Mengué, and Mamadou Billo Bah, who were forcibly disappeared two years ago today. File Photo: FNDC Facebook page In a joint statement, Amnesty International, the Coordination of Human Rights Organizations (Coordination des Organisations de Défense des Droits de l’Homme – CODDH) of Guinea and the West African Human Rights Defenders Network (WAHRDN) also called for the authorities to ensure those suspected to be responsible for the abductions and enforced disappearances are brought to justice and that the victims and their families obtain truth, justice and reparations. We reiterate the extreme gravity of the crime of enforced disappearance, which no circumstances, however exceptional, can justify. “The last two years have been agony for the families of Oumar Sylla and Mamadou Billo Bah. There is no evidence that the Guinean authorities have carried out any investigation to find them although they have announced an investigation. We demand that their fate or whereabouts are revealed, as well as those of all victims of enforced disappearance in Guinea,” the human rights organizations said. Under international law, the crime of enforced disappearance is the arrest, detention, abduction or any form of deprivation of liberty by State agents, followed by the authorities’ refusal to acknowledge the detention or to reveal the fate or whereabouts of the disappeared person. “We reiterate the extreme gravity of the crime of enforced disappearance, which no circumstances, however exceptional, can justify, and which entails an increased risk of torture, ill-treatment and extrajudicial executions,” said the human rights organizations. Mamadou Billo Bah and Oumar Sylla were arrested on 9 July 2024 at the latter’s home in Conakry. They were allegedly taken by special forces to the Loos archipelago to be interrogated and tortured, according to a third member of FNDC who was arrested with the two others and released the day after. The authorities have denied holding them. Mamadou Billo Bah’s wife told Amnesty International: “The children have written a letter to their father for Father’s Day. They say they can hear his voice in the silence. They say how much they miss him, that they are waiting for him, and that life is hard without him.” The FNDC, a civil society movement, was disbanded in 2022. Oumar Sylla, its national coordinator had called for demonstrations on 11 July 2024 against, among other things, repression of the media and the high cost of living. The list of abductions and disappearances is getting longer Numerous journalists, opposition figures and civil society activists, as well as members of their families – including women and children – have been abducted or forcibly disappeared in Guinea. Armed men targeted exiled artist Elie Kamano’s family on 16 November 2025, abducting five of his relatives, four of whom were minors. The youngest of the five persons abducted has been released. The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) subsequently expressed its concerns regarding this alleged enforced disappearance, followed by the United Nations Working Group on Enforced Disappearances in May 2026. To this date, their fate or whereabouts remain unknown. In its statement, the OHCHR referred to other alleged cases of enforced disappearance, including that of the former Secretary-General of the Ministry of Mines, Saadou Nimagua, who was abducted on 17 October 2024 and whose fate remains unknown. We express our deepest concern at the rise in abductions and enforced disappearances, including of children. Mohamed Traoré, former President of the Guinean Bar Association, has testified that he was subjected to abuse after being abducted from his home on the night of 20 to 21 June 2025 by armed men, and released a few hours later. On 23 June, the public prosecutor announced the opening of an investigation. On 19 February 2025, the national coordinator of the Forum of Social Forces of Guinea (Forum des forces sociales de Guinée), Abdoul Sacko, was abducted and found the same day, according to his lawyers ‘in a critical state, tortured and abandoned by his abductors in the bush’. Journalist Habib Marouane Camara, director of Le Révélateur 224 online media, was abducted by men in uniform on 3 December 2024. According to an announcement of an investigation from the Dixinn public prosecutor’s office, an “arrest was carried out without orders from the constituted authorities and outside the cases provided for by law”. The journalist’s family and friends have not heard from him since then. “We express our deepest concern at the rise in abductions and enforced disappearances, including of children,” said the human rights organizations. “We call on the Guinean authorities to conduct prompt, independent and transparent investigations into these cases and to ensure that those responsible are brought to justice.” “We also call on them to ratify, without reservation, the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance and to bring national legislation into line with its provisions. The Guinean authorities committed to this during the fourth cycle of the Universal Periodic Review in August 2025.”

A six-year review finds Fulani Ethnic Militia responsible for four times more civilian deaths than Boko Haram and ISWAP combined - yet U.S. counterterrorism doctrine still ignores them. By Mike Odeh James June 30, 2026 Armed Fulani terrorists. Credit: Facebook. ABUJA — Fulani Ethnic Militia (FEM) killed four times as many civilians as Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) and Boko Haram combined, according to a landmark six‑year study that challenges long‑standing Western assumptions about Nigeria’s violence. The analysis, conducted by the Observatory for Religious Freedom in Africa (ORFA), cross‑referenced nationwide attack patterns and found FEM to be the single deadliest armed network in the country for Christians — despite receiving little attention from U.S. counterterrorism policy. Nigeria’s Terror Violence: 79,323 People Killed, 34,773 Civilians Abducted In Six Years, according to ORFA’s Report. Between October 2019 and September 2025, researchers recorded 79,323 deaths in terror-related violence — an average of 36 people killed every day. More than 42,000 of the dead were civilians. Boko Haram and ISWAP, the groups most often blamed for Nigeria’s bloodshed, together accounted for 12 percent of civilian killings. Fulani Terrorists accounted for 44 percent, a toll ORFA puts at four times the two jihadist groups combined. “Violence linked to Fulani militia is the dominant force behind Nigeria’s death toll. The Western preoccupation with Boko Haram is, at best, misleading,” said Frans Vierhout, a senior research analyst at ORFA. “Nigeria is incubating a terror network which the outside world has yet to acknowledge,” he added. The study also found a stark religious imbalance. Twice as many Christians as Muslims were killed — 28,551 against 13,224. Measured against state populations, Christians died at 4.4 times the rate of Muslims in affected states. A Hierarchy of Human Worth Some 34,773 civilians were abducted over the six years, most seized during armed raids on their homes. Muslim abductions rose sharply, bringing the two communities near parity — 15,932 Christians against 15,272 Muslims. But ORFA’s field research, drawn from survivor testimony, found the experience of captivity diverges sharply along sectarian lines. Christian hostages face higher ransoms, longer negotiations and a greater risk of execution even after families have paid in full. Christian women face sexual violence, forced conversion and forced marriage. Muslim captives face lower ransoms and less violence. “From the moment of capture, Muslim and Christian hostages enter different realities. It is a system — consistent across multiple states, armed groups, and multiple years of survivor testimony,” said Steven Kefas, a senior research analyst and author of the study’s section on hostage treatment. A Blind Spot in U.S. Doctrine For advocates of Nigeria’s Christians, the findings sharpen a question Washington has yet to answer: why does U.S. counterterrorism doctrine still not target the deadliest actor on the field? The United States maintains a roster of designated Foreign Terrorist Organizations that includes Boko Haram and ISWAP. No Fulani militia appears on it. Nigeria designated kidnappers and violent armed groups, including Fulani militants, as terrorists in December 2025, but U.S. doctrine has not followed. Scott Morgan, a Washington, D.C.-based security consultant with Red Eagle Enterprises who spoke to TruthNigeria, traces the omission to how Washington ranks armed groups. “The reason the Fulani have not been designated is due to their position in the pecking order. Groups aligned with either al-Qaeda or the Islamic State always dominate the designations, due to legislation that allows for both military and financial measures to be taken against them,” Morgan said. He pointed to a second factor: the data reaching Washington from its own mission in Abuja. Several people who shared data points with the U.S. Embassy, he said, were met with polite thanks delivered in a way that signaled it was not what officials were looking for. Judd Saul, founder of the humanitarian organization Equipping the Persecuted, has long argued that Fulani Terrorists kill more Nigerian Christians than any jihadist group, and that Middle Belt Christians have borne the heaviest losses. “The U.S. government has no operational directive to investigate Fulani ethnic militia as the prime agent driving terrorism against Christians in Nigeria’s Middle Belt,” Saul said. He wants U.S. troops and drone bases deployed to the Middle Belt across Benue, Plateau, Taraba, Nasarawa, and parts of Adamawa and Kogi states, and aid for displaced families channeled through credible Christian organizations rather than the Nigerian and Benue State governments. “It has been proven, not just in Nigeria but in other parts of Africa, that faith-based groups have been more efficient at distributing aid than host governments. Successive Nigerian governments have proven inept at providing necessary aid to victims of violence; however, they have been keen, sometimes, at arresting them,” Morgan said. Is the U.S.–Nigeria Alliance on the Right Track? Washington re-designated Nigeria a Country of Particular Concern in October 2025 over religious-freedom violations — a status it first held in 2020 before being removed in 2021 . A bipartisan congressional delegation has since visited Benue, and lawmakers have introduced the Nigeria Religious Freedom and Accountability Act of 2026 (H.R. 7457), which would mandate the CPC designation, impose targeted sanctions on Nigerian individuals identified as responsible, and route U.S. humanitarian aid through faith-based organizations. That bill’s own findings echo ORFA’s: it states that Fulani militias carried out massacres killing more than 9,500 people, mostly Christians, between May 2023 and May 2025. Abuja rejects the framing. Foreign Minister Yusuf Tuggar has dismissed accusations that the government facilitates attacks on Christians, arguing that resource-driven clashes have been recast as religious persecution to suit outside narratives. “One key point that the Foreign Minister forgets is that data doesn’t lie,” Morgan said. ORFA’s authors urge governments and international bodies to engage seriously with the data. Without a full accounting of the religious dimensions of the violence, they warn, efforts to end it will remain incomplete. For Saul, the stakes are plain: whether Washington’s alliance with Abuja is built on an accurate reading of who is dying — and who is doing the killing. Mike Odeh James is an award-winning conflict reporter and the author of a 15-part series on Rijana Forest Camp. He writes for TruthNigeria. © Newspaper WordPress Theme by TagDiv

By Jon Gambrell, Seung Min Kim, and Konstantin Toropin July 8 2026 Credit: AP News / Video by Nathan Ellgren DUBAI, United Arab Emirates (AP) — The United States launched new airstrikes against Iran early Thursday, and Tehran responded by hitting Bahrain, Kuwait and Qatar in crossfire that again threatened an interim deal intended to help end the war in the Persian Gulf. The strikes came hours after U.S. President Donald Trump said recent Iranian attacks on ships in the Strait of Hormuz signaled the end of the fragile ceasefire. The U.S. struck a variety of military sites and port facilities early Wednesday following Iran’s targeting of several merchant vessels off the coast of Oman, sparking Iranian fire then as well. But Thursday’s attacks appeared bigger all around, with sirens sounding at least twice in Bahrain, home to the U.S. Navy’s 5th Fleet headquarters. There was no immediate word of damage in the three Gulf Arab countries. Kuwait’s military said it was actively intercepting incoming drones and missiles. Iran’s Revolutionary Guard claimed attacks on Bahrain and Kuwait. Military officials said in a social media post that the latest strikes were intended to “further degrade” Iran’s ability “to threaten freedom of navigation” in the strait, through which a fifth of the world’s traded oil and natural gas passed before the war began with U.S. and Israeli attacks on Feb. 28. Iranian state media reported explosions in several locations, including Bushehr, home to Iran’s nuclear power plant complex, and the southern port cities of Chabahar, Konarak, Bandar Abbas and Sirik. In Iranshahr, authorities said a strike killed a firefighter at an airport. For the first time since April, it also appeared the U.S. strikes targeted Iranian bridges. State media reported a strike on a railway bridge in Iran’s northeastern Golestan province. The Guard said two bridges had been attacked on the way to Mashhad, where officials plan to bury the late Ayatollah Ali Khamenei on Thursday. It wasn’t clear if the Golestan attack was the same one mentioend by the Guard. Trump warns that ‘it will get much worse’ if attacks on shipping happen again After leaving a NATO summit in Turkey, Trump posted several videos on his social media site of what he said were explosions in Iran and issued another warning to the Islamic Republic. “This is in retribution for yesterday’s bombing of ships by Iran. If it happens again, it will get much worse!” Trump wrote. Trump had said earlier in the day that the latest back-and-forth fighting would not result in “long-term” military action. “Anything that happens is going to happen very fast,” Trump said, though he also suggested the U.S. military might “just finish the job.” Trump also renewed his past threats to hit Iran’s civilian infrastructure, including electric plants and desalinization plants, and to seize the oil-production hub of Kharg Island. After three tankers were hit Tuesday, the U.S. launched strikes on Iran, and Iranian forces retaliated by targeting American military sites in the Persian Gulf. Iran has asserted that the interim ceasefire deal gives it the right to manage traffic through the strait. Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Qalibaf, a key negotiator in talks seeking a permanent end to the war, was defiant in a post on X on Thursday morning: “America still hasn’t learned that bullying and breaking promises are no longer cost-free. Let me put it plainly: if you strike, you’ll get hit.” Strikes raise fears that war could resume Trump fueled concerns that the war could restart by saying the interim agreement to pause fighting was “over,” although he added that he would allow negotiations to continue. Attacks have repeatedly threatened the shaky ceasefire, but Trump’s comments added new uncertainty, and oil prices shot up after he spoke. A renewed conflict could engulf the wider Middle East and would likely again halt energy shipments through the strait. “For me, I think it’s over,” Trump said when asked about the status of the ceasefire. He added that U.S. representatives can continue negotiations, but he cast doubt on the outcome. “They can talk, but I think they’re wasting their time,” he said. Iranian Deputy Foreign Minister Kazem Gharibabadi, also a top negotiator, retorted on X that Trump’s remarks “are not a sign of power but an admission of the failure” of U.S. policy toward Iran. Trump has made other threats to seize Kharg Island, including last month, when he also questioned whether the U.S. “has the stomach for it.” Some 90% of Iranian oil exports pass through the island. The new attacks on ships in the strait, despite the negotiations, could reflect a divide among Iran’s leadership. Hard-liners seek lasting control over the waterway, which is a globally important conduit for fuel shipments and has become a critical lever in confronting the West. Pragmatists want a permanent peace deal to lift international sanctions and provide desperately needed economic relief. Negotiations to reach a final deal had been due to start after the funeral for Khamenei, who was killed Feb. 28 in the war’s first moments. The funeral, which ends Thursday, was supposed to be a period of lower tensions. The talks are meant to focus on the toughest matters, including fully reopening the strait and rolling back Tehran’s disputed nuclear program. Copyright 2026 The Associated Press. All Rights Reserved.

By Juliana Girotto Protesters attend a rally against South Korea's impeached President Yoon Suk Yeol, who declared martial law, which was reversed hours later, in Seoul, South Korea, December 21, 2024. REUTERS/Kim Soo-hyeon Purchase Licensing Rights Despite its strong record on democratic governance and human rights, South Korea has faced persistent challenges in freedom of expression, labor rights, gender equality, and LGBTQ+ rights. Its growing relationship with the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK, or North Korea) is also of concern, including the South Korean government's shift away from calling for accountability for North Korean human rights violations. The risks to South Korea's democracy must be addressed. At the end of 2024, human rights advocates reported that former President Yoon's government limited scrutiny of its actions by expanding its use of the National Security Law (NSL). They also reported that it used criminal defamation lawsuits to retaliate against political critics at a markedly higher rate than did its predecessors. On December 3, 2024, Yoon ordered officials to arrest key political leaders and occupy journalists' offices, unjustly imposing marital law until he was quickly impeached. Despite a subsequent change in power, suppression of freedom of speech continues. At the end of 2025, the government passed a revision of the Information and Communications Network Act, to take effect in July of 2026. This bill aims to eliminate fake news circulation through the media, punishing media companies or individual content creators if they distribute false or manipulated information online with the intention to cause harm or “seek undue profit.” However, what constitutes “false” information with the “intent of causing public harm” is not clearly defined, raising concern that government and corporate actors may be able to wield more complaints against the press, causing them to self-censor. UNESCO has warned that efforts to fight disinformation must not come at the cost of freedom or the risk of encouraging censorship. A coalition of five Korean media groups has demanded that punitive damages be limited and that the bill be reviewed and clarified. Labor rights continue to be limited in South Korea, particularly for non-unionized employees and migrant workers. These workers face conditions such as extremely low wages, unsafe working conditions, lengthy hours, and lack of social benefits; these conditions have not been addressed, despite countless strikes and protests calling for such reforms. The South Korean government has also not ratified key conventions and protocols of the International Labor Organization which would provide more of these protections. Regarding gender-based discrimination, South Korea ranked 101st out of 148 countries in the 2025 World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap Report. Among advanced economies, South Korea has one of the largest gender gaps in economic participation and opportunities. It has also seen a recent increase in “digital sex crimes” as a form of gender-based violence. These digital sex crimes include the use digital images that are captured non-consensually and sometimes shared, images that are captured with consent but shared non-consensually, or sometimes images that are deep-faked. The government has increased the penalties for these crimes, but its steps are not sufficient. Regarding the rights of LGBTQ+ people, the government has not yet enacted any comprehensive anti-discrimination legislation to protect this marginalized group. One of the most concerning developments might be South Korea's relaxation of its criticism of the DPRK for its human rights violations. Although current President Lee has promised to pursue improvements on this front, critics have noted that the unification ministry’s restructuring has shifted focus from accountability to dialogue and engagement with Pyongyang. This restructuring includes the conversion of the “National Center for North Korean Human Rights” into the “Center for Peaceful Coexistence on the Korean Peninsula.” This action includes altering the center’s function in ways that will weaken its ability to record, investigate, and educate about North Korean human rights. This shift risks politicizing victims’ testimonies and removing them from international institutions, where they contribute to a global understanding of the current human rights situation in DPRK. If these changes outlast the current political administration, they could undermine international human rights norms in one of the regions where they are most needed. Because of the limits on freedom of speech and the significant socioeconomic inequality for certain groups, Genocide Watch considers South Korea to be at Stage 3: Discrimination. Genocide Watch recommends that the South Korean government: Reform its new laws restricting freedom of expression to prevent their use against journalists, critics, and civil society. Strengthen labor protections, particularly for migrant and non-unionized workers, and ratify key conventions of the International Labor Organization. Adopt comprehensive anti-discrimination legislation, including protections based on gender, sexual orientation, and gender identity, and expand efforts to combat gender-based violence. Maintain accountability for human rights violations in DPRK, ensuring that diplomatic engagement does not replace documentation, advocacy, and support for victims.

Wakari Hospital. File Photo: RNZ / Lydia Anderson Health New Zealand plans to close a Wakari Hospital ward after the chief ombudsman uncovered potential human rights abuses. Inspectors visited the inpatient unit for adults with intellectual disabilities in Dunedin in March. Their observations included long-term seclusion, prolonged restraints, unlawful administration of medication, denying people access to their own money and people being rewarded for "good" behaviour with access to basic necessities - including the toilet and dental care. One person was secluded in their bedroom for about 18 months. Chief ombudsman John Allen told Checkpoint he was disturbed by what they found and some of the treatment amounted to torture. "What they observed at Ward 10A are some of the worst practices we have observed anywhere," he said. "I know that New Zealanders struggle with the idea that there's torture going on in places of detention across our country. But against those sorts of (international) principles, yes, in my view, that was probably torture." He called on Health New Zealand and the Ministry of Health to act immediately. Health New Zealand said patients were being relocated to places better suited to their needs and it was trying to reduce seclusion and improve clinical oversight. The Ministry of Health confirmed it would investigate the serious concerns raised and said the ward's closure would not affect that process. Allen said the punitive and coercive approach to people's care was unacceptable. Allen earlier called for ministry intervention, saying he was disturbed by what they found, with some of the allegations amounting to potential human rights abuses. "In one instance, a person was being tied down on a bariatric or 'EVAC' mat to move them around the ward. This was causing physical and mental harm to the person who suffered carpet burns as a result." Patients were being treated without the dignity and without the respect they deserve, he said. In 2022, the ombudsman at the time called the ward 'a disgrace' and said an upgrade was critically needed. Allen also criticised the lack of improvements to the Ward 10A, saying the unit needed to be fit-for-purpose. Allen did acknowledge that once the concerns were raised with the Ministry of Health and Health New Zealand they did act quickly. Health New Zealand had closed the ward to new admissions, and the Ministry of Health had accepted his recommendation to conduct an independent investigation, Allen said. "The issues at Ward 10A are a stark reminder that much more needs to be done to make sure the very vulnerable in our community, like people with intellectual disabilities, are kept safe and treated with dignity and respect," Allen said. "This requires a sustained approach and acknowledgement that a one-size-fits all approach will not work." The Ministry of Health said a district inspector was already investigating two complaints about patient care. "The district inspector and the ministry are considering legal options for further investigation to ensure the concerns are fully examined," a spokesperson said. "The closure of the ward does not impact on the investigation which will continue and report back to the Ombudsman in due course." Health New Zealand mental health and addictions director Phil Grady said work had begun to close the ward but its future use was unknown. The decision to close to relocate patients followed longstanding concerns about its suitability for supporting and rehabilitating people with high and complex needs, as well as the physical environment of Ward 10A, he said. "We take patient safety and care very seriously and want to acknowledge the patients, their families, and our staff, all of whom we are supporting during this period of change," he said. "Our focus remains on ensuring the safety, dignity, and rights of the current patients, while strengthening oversight and reviewing practices." Health New Zealand acknowledged the concerns raised, he said. "The issues raised by the Ombudsman relate to the treatment and conditions experienced by some patients in Ward 10A and include concerns about restrictive practices, prolonged seclusion, rehabilitation opportunities, and aspects of care delivery," he said. "Some of these matters involve complex clinical circumstances that remain subject to further review. It is important these processes are completed so that all available evidence and clinical context can be fully considered." A national review of forensic intellectual disability services would be undertaken with the Minister of Social Development, which funds services. He confirmed Health New Zealand urgently stopped admissions to the ward in late April after a visit from the Office of the Ombudsman in March. Health New Zealand started planning to relocate patients in May. It had also sought to enhance clinical oversight, review patient care and rehabilitation plans, strengthen approaches to reducing seclusion and governance arrangements, he said. Affected staff were being supported and Health New Zealand was exploring where they might be redeployed. "The future use of the Ward 10A facility, including refurbishment and repurposing options, remains under consideration, and further decisions will be made in due course."

By Faisal Ali, David Lewis and Giulia Paravicini July 2, 202610:42 AM PDTUpdated July 2, 2026 African union peacekeepers provide security during the Somali presidential elections, in Mogadishu, Somalia. May 15, 2022. REUTERS/Feisal Omar Summary The 12,000-strong AUSSOM mission would likely collapse without UN logistics, diplomatic sources say UN backing covers food, fuel, medical services and transport for the force US note said Somalia had failed to sustain gains or reform its security sector MOGADISHU, July 2 (Reuters) - The United ​States has said it will prevent the United Nations from supporting an African Union peacekeeping mission in Somalia starting next year, two documents ‌showed, in a move that officials said is likely to end its operations. The nearly 12,000-strong AU mission props up the fragile government in Mogadishu, helping it push back al Qaeda-linked al-Shabaab militants, whose previous offensives have brought them within striking distance of the capital and who control large swaths of the countryside in southern and central Somalia. However, the mission, known as the AU Support ​and Stabilisation Mission in Somalia (AUSSOM), relies heavily on U.N. support for essential logistics such as food, water, fuel, medical services and transportation of troops. Under President ​Donald Trump, the U.S. government has grown increasingly frustrated with the administration in Mogadishu, which is riven by political infighting and ⁠has failed to defeat the insurgents despite years of international support. In a July 1 diplomatic note reviewed by Reuters, Washington informed the AU that it would not ​support the U.N. Support Office in Somalia (UNSOS), whose total budget is around $500 million, beyond the end of this year. The U.S. government would not object to the U.N. Security ​Council renewing the AU mission's mandate but would oppose any extension that included U.N. logistical or operational support, it said. The AUSSOM budget last year was $190 million, but financing for the mission has become increasingly precarious, leading to a huge funding shortfall. Washington last year blocked a plan to shift to a financing model that would have seen U.N. funds cover three-quarters of the ​budget. 'HUGE IMPLICATIONS' On Thursday, the AU Commission informed members of its Peace and Security Council of the U.S. decision, warning that it carried "significant implications for the logistical ​sustainment, operational posture and financing of the Mission", according to a letter from the AU to its members. A U.S. State Department spokesperson confirmed to Reuters that Washington would no longer support ‌UNSOS operations. "The ⁠United States has provided nearly $2 billion in assessed contributions to UNSOS and its predecessor... Despite this investment, Somalia has been unable to independently sustain progress that AUSSOM and its predecessor missions have made to degrade and contain al-Shabaab or take ownership of most of its own security functions," the spokesperson said. "We should not continue to fund a mission that has not met core objectives and diverts resources away from security priorities with more immediate and direct implications for U.S. interests." Somalia's defence ministry, the ​U.S. Defense Department, the U.N. Transitional Assistance ​Mission in Somalia and the African ⁠Union Commission did not immediately respond to requests for comment for this article. "This will have huge ramifications for Somalia," Ahmed Koshin, a former director general in Somalia's defence ministry and current member of the national parliament, told Reuters. "The peacekeeping mission is ​in danger because ultimately you need to be able to support and sustain these forces," he said. Two diplomats with direct ​knowledge of the AU ⁠mission said it would not be able to continue unless another body replaced the U.N. support. U.N. spokesperson Stephane Dujarric said the U.N. was aware of the U.S. decision. "At this stage, we are discussing this internally and engaging with the African Union, Federal Government of Somalia and other partners," Dujarric said. In its note to the AU, Washington delivered ⁠a stinging ​critique of the Somali government's efforts to restore order in the country. "Internal rivalries and political infighting ​continue to undermine the fight against al-Shabaab and ISIS, and the benefits of international support will remain limited until Somalia's leaders unite to address the country's security and governance challenges," it said. © 2024 Thomson Reuters.

The deportation of Iasi pogrom survivors by Romania's Antonescu Regime in 1941, and the disposal of those who died en route. Credit: Historisches Archiv der Stadt Koln Genocide Watch Country Report: Romania 2026 By Vladimir Kovtun In September 1940, General Ion Antonescu became Prime Minister of Romania, with the support of the fascist Iron Guard movement. Antonescu’s Government from 1940 until 1944 was allied to the Third Reich and directly participated in the Shoah. The Antonescu Regime murdered an estimated 380,000-400,000 Jews throughout the Second World War. Over the last few years, Romania’s far right has reemerged. In the wake of disillusionment with mainstream parties, the far-right ideologue Calin Georgescu received the highest number of votes out of the candidates in the first round of Romania’s 2024 Presidential Election at 22.9%. Despite forgoing a typical campaign, he seemed poised to win the second round. Georgescu has openly referred to General Antonescu as a “martyr”, and in a recording described him as “among the heroes of the Romanian Nation”. Romania’s electoral commission banned Georgescu’s campaign due to irregularities in campaign financing and alleged Russian meddling, preventing him from assuming office. Despite Calin Georgescu’s arrest, the far right continues to strengthen in Romania. At 35%, Romania’s largest far-right party, the Alliance for the Union of Romanians (AUR), is by far the most popular party in Romania. The party openly portrays Georgescu as a victim of Romania’s elite, with its leader, George Simion, calling for "those who committed the coup to be skinned in public for what they did”. It also describes the Shoah as a minor topic that does not need to be taught in schools, polarizing the memory of WWII. The country has clear laws against Shoah denial, but they are rarely enforced. Notably, Romania only adopted a mandatory curriculum including Holocaust education in 2021. An Elie Wiesel Institute poll conducted in 2023 showed that only 11% of Romanian respondents knew that the Holocaust had also taken place in Romania. This showcases the need for Holocaust education reform in Romania. Romania continues to experience de facto discrimination against its Romani minority. Despite Romania’s efforts to desegregate schools, in practice, segregation has worsened. In 2022, 55% of Romani children attended schools where either all or most of their peers were Roma, as compared to 26% in 2016. A 2008 UN study found that Roma-majority schools have worse facilities and less qualified staff compared to their non-Roma majority counterparts. Additionally, several Romanian municipalities effectively denied Roma individuals access to social housing. Genocide Watch assesses that Romania is at Stage 3: Discrimination due to its de facto segregation against the Roma minority in schools and social housing. It also assesses that Romania is at Stage 10: Denial, for the minimization of the Shoah and the glorification of its perpetrators, as demonstrated by high-profile Romanian politicians. Genocide Watch recommends: Building on the country’s newly developed Holocaust curriculum, Romania should produce additional educational programming for adults on the Holocaust on the country’s state TV channel, TVR. Romania’s Ministry of Justice should work to enforce existing laws against antisemitism. Romania’s Parliament could assist in this by introducing mandatory minimum sentences for antisemitism and other hate crimes. To deal with the problem of a lack of prosecutorial experience in this field, Romania should collaborate with fellow EU member states to train prosecutors in the skills needed to prosecute antisemitism. Romania’s Ministry of Education should launch a transparent investigation of Romania’s desegregation programs in schools to understand why segregation targeting the Roma community remains prevalent in the country.

Hungary's parliament passes an amendment banning LGBTQ+ public gatherings, April 2025. Source: Robert Hegedus/MTI via AP Genocide Watch Country Report: Hungary 2026 By Vladimir Kovtun From 2010 to 2026, Prime Minister Viktor Orban and his Fidesz (Hungarian Civil Alliance) Party ruled Hungary in successive terms. Their rule weakened Hungary’s rule of law, curtailed rights, and increased discrimination against minorities, in particular Roma, LGBTQ+, and Jews. Though Hungary’s election on April 12, 2026, saw Fidesz lose power, Hungary must address systemic problems to prevent future abuses. Soon after taking power in 2010, Fidesz used its supermajority in the Hungarian Parliament to write a new Constitution. This Constitution, as written, created openings for abuses towards Hungary’s minorities. The Constitution and its subsequent amendments severely restricted the ability of justices to conduct judicial review on government policy, significantly eroding their ability to check policies. It also notably excludes sexual minorities from the definition of a protected minority and restricts marriage. Finally, it relies on cardinal laws, laws passed by a supermajority of parliament outside the constitution, to define a wide array of issues, including rights. Hungary must address these fundamental restrictions to prevent future abuses. As a result of these issues and Hungary’s violation of European Union (EU) law, the EU has blocked 17 billion euros worth of funds from the country. Hungary’s incoming government is negotiating the release of these funds, but it is contingent on fundamental reforms that move the country away from authoritarianism. Open racism against the Roma people remains widespread among Hungary’s leadership. During the campaign preceding the 2026 election, former transport Minister Lazar referred to the Roma people using the slur “gypsy” while alluding to the idea that they should clean toilets instead of immigrants. Gergeley Gulas, head of the Prime Minister’s office, openly blamed declining reading competency on Romani children. These comments highlight a trend of discrimination against the Romani, who face de facto segregation, especially in schools, a lack of opportunities, and a lack of enforced protections. Hungary’s National Social Inclusion Strategy for Romani emphasizes the integration of Romani people into the workforce, yet it does not restrict such discrimination in the workforce. In 2021, Hungary created a law that significantly curtailed the rights of the LGBTQ+ community in the name of child protection. The law banned adoption by gay couples, conflates homosexuality with pedophilia, and most notably “prohibits the promotion” of non-heterosexual gender identities to minors in education, media, and advertising. Authorities have used to ban pride parades in Hungary and essentially eliminate needed sexual education, stigmatizing the local LGBTQ+ community. A 2025 constitutional amendment further curtailed LGBTQ+ by effectively banning all public gatherings by LGBTQ+ communities. Due to Hungary’s still active policies against the Romani and LGBTQ+ communities, Genocide Watch determines Hungary to be at Stage 1: Classification and Stage 3: Discrimination. However, with a change of government, there is a significant opportunity for positive change. Genocide Watch recommends: Hungary’s new Parliament should institute strong constitutional reforms as allowed by the Hungarian Constitution that explicitly emphasize international law and the rule of law. Hungary’s Parliament should pass laws facilitating the active enforcement of Hungarian national protections and protections under the 1965 International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination for Hungary’s Romani minority, especially through the reintegration of schools. As part of constitutional reforms, Hungary’s Parliament should reinstate judicial review for Hungary’s Constitutional Court. Hungary’s new Parliament should enact explicit constitutional protections for minorities, including LGBTQ+ people.

By Michał Jagielski Senior Middle East and Iran Analyst Genocide Watch When the state announced gasoline rationing and increased petrol prices, on Nov. 15, 2019, the Iranian people took to the streets. The protests came to be known as Bloody Aban, or Bloody November, and they were, at the time, the largest and most violent display of opposition to the Islamic Republic. Iranian protesters rally against an increase in petrol prices, in the central city of Isfahan. [AFP] The new law stipulated that every motorist was allowed to purchase 60 liters of gas a month at 15,000 Iranian rials, with each additional liter costing them 30,000 rials, an increase of 50-300%, respectively. The extra state income of approximately 2.5bn USD would ostensibly fund a new social initiative aimed at relieving some of the financial strains experienced by the country's poor. Despite having some of the cheapest gasoline in the world, three factors combined to unsettle Iranian society enough to openly express its grievances. Those were the relatively significant price hike, the ever-eroding trust in state officials due to widespread corruption and misuse of state funds, and an economy struggling under the weight of international sanctions. Initially, the protests were mostly peaceful. People, mostly the youth and the working class, organized blockades on major roads, leaving their vehicles in the middle, stopping traffic, and chanting against the price increase. However, the mood rapidly shifted once protesters began using slogans such as “They live like kings, people get poorer,” against the Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and the government. As the protests spilled to over 100 cities, protestors began to attack state-affiliated buildings. Iran’s Ministry of Interior reported more than 140 attacks against government sites, including petrol stations, banks, and police stations. The government’s response was swift and brutal. Within hours, a nationwide four-day internet shutdown was imposed. Only access to the state-controlled domestic network, the National Information Network, remained, leaving general internet connectivity at 7%. Shielded from the eyes of the international community, the state security apparatus began one of the bloodiest crackdowns in the Islamic Republic’s history. The police, the Basij, and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) used lethal force against the protesters in several instances. Reports described civilians being shot in the upper body and head while fleeing, suggesting deliberate targeting of civilians. One witness described the scenes in Tehran as having “the smell of gunfire and smoke everywhere.” The crackdown extended to social media, with authorities pursuing users who shared videos of the protests and arresting journalists, students, and activists. Those arrested, including women and children, were brought to detention centers in blindfolds and showed signs of torture, beatings, and flogging. During and after the protests, security forces raided hospitals and demanded lists of recently admitted patients, looking for protest participants. It is difficult to determine how many people were detained and killed during the 2019 protests, as is frequently the case with state-sponsored violence in Iran. According to state officials, over 7,000 people were arrested as of November 26, 2019. Amnesty International was able to verify 304 casualties of the state-sponsored crackdown. Reuters, however, reported that the real number could have surpassed 1,500. The protests and their participants were framed by the state as both hooligans and saboteurs who spread “intimidation and terror” and coordinated and trained agents of foreign enemies. The security officials, on the other hand, were presented as defenders of Islam and Iran’s sovereignty. Funerals of the “martyred defenders of security” were broadcast on state television, alongside interviews with civilians who claimed that the deaths of their family members were exploited by foreign media outlets to spread lies about Iran’s leadership. The chilling conduct and framing strategies of the state during the 2019 protests served as a blueprint for future crackdowns on civilians. After 2019, security forces were deployed much more quickly and were given an almost absolute level of freedom and impunity. In 2009, during the Green Movement protests, 72 people were killed by security forces; in the 2017–2018 economic protests, around 20 were killed. The public knew the death toll was higher in 2019, but the government would not reveal it. The state also refused to release the number of detained and killed civilians, a precedent it would follow in the years to come. Furthermore, the narrative employed by officials turned toward condemning acts of rightful social and political dissent, presenting them as being carried out in the service of foreign enemies. People who were killed by the state were portrayed as disruptors of the social order, while security officials who died were presented as martyrs. This constituted a significant shift in the state's behavior. In the following years, it would employ similar or greater levels of violent crackdown and continue to insist that those who oppose the status quo are traitors and foreign agents.