By Kashmir Times June 10, 2026 Second NIA case still pending; his release from custody depends on a hearing listed next month Credit: Kashmir Times NEW DELHI: The Delhi High Court on Wednesday granted bail to prominent Kashmiri human rights activist Khurram Parvez in the terror-conspiracy and terror-funding case registered against him by the National Investigation Agency (NIA) under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA), more than four and a half years after his arrest, holding that his prolonged incarceration, with no end to the trial in sight, weighed decisively in favour of his release. A division bench of Justice Navin Chawla and Justice Ravinder Dudeja allowed Parvez’s appeal against the December 13, 2024, order of the special NIA court at Patiala House, which had rejected his bail application on the ground that the allegations against him appeared prima facie true. “We have granted bail, subject to various conditions,” the bench said while pronouncing the verdict, according to court verdict. The relief, however, does not immediately end Parvez’s legal troubles. He remains an accused in a separate NIA case, in which a hearing is scheduled next month, and his actual release from custody will depend on the outcome of proceedings in that matter, a caveat the High Court itself recorded, clarifying that his release under Wednesday’s order remains subject to any orders in other cases in which he may be detained. The Arrest and the Allegations Parvez, Program Coordinator of the Srinagar-based Jammu Kashmir Coalition of Civil Society (JKCCS) and Chairperson of the Asian Federation Against Involuntary Disappearances, was arrested by the NIA from Srinagar on November 22, 2021. After a series of police custody remands, he was sent to judicial custody on February 25, 2022. His total incarceration now stands at over four and a half years. Notably, Parvez was not named in the original First Information Report, registered on November 6, 2021, on central government inputs about the banned Pakistan-based terrorist organisation Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) allegedly building a network of “over-ground workers” (OGWs) in India. He was arrested during the investigation and named Accused No. 1 in the charge sheet the agency filed in May 2022 against seven persons, including a serving NIA Superintendent of Police, Arvind Digvijay Negi. The NIA alleged that, under the cover of human rights activism, Parvez recruited co-accused Muneer Ahmad Kataria as an OGW for the LeT and personally introduced him to a Pakistan-based handler identified as Hyder alias Ali alias Yusuf, described as the chief operating commander of the LeT’s Jammu and Kashmir module. He was further accused of collecting information on the movement and structure of the Army, paramilitary and police, including a dossier of officers titled “High-Ranking Perpetrators”, maintaining links with Pakistan-based terrorist organisations, and instigating violent protests after the July 2016 killing of Hizbul Mujahideen commander Burhan Wani. The agency also alleged that Parvez paid a bribe of Rs 1.5 lakh, routed through Kataria, to Negi to compromise an earlier NIA investigation and secure the release of digital devices seized from his home and the JKCCS office. He was charge-sheeted under IPC provisions relating to criminal conspiracy and conspiracy to wage war, sections of the UAPA covering terror funding, recruitment and membership of a terrorist organisation, and the Prevention of Corruption Act. Kataria turned approver in July 2025. In a statement before a magistrate, he claimed he had worked as an NIA informer since 2019, that Parvez introduced him to the LeT handler over a video call in 2020, and that he ferried the alleged bribe to Negi at Parvez’s request. Source: Kashmir Times Khurram Parvez, Kashmiri human rights activist, has been in jail since November 22, 2021. The Defence In his appeal, Parvez contended that the prosecution’s case was unsupported by evidence and that he was a “factual stranger” to the larger conspiracy alleged by the NIA. Senior Advocate Tanveer Ahmed Mir, appearing for him, told the court that his client had spent more than four years in custody while the trial remained stuck at the stage of framing of charges, with the prosecution proposing to examine 197 witnesses — delay that was itself a ground for bail even under the UAPA’s stringent regime. His counsel argued that there was no digital evidence of contact between Parvez and any proscribed terrorist organisation, no call detail records of the alleged meeting with Kataria, no evidence that he passed sensitive military information to any terrorist operative, and no money trail linking him to terror funding. The central allegation of recruitment, the defence stressed, rested on the uncorroborated word of a co-accused-turned-approver who himself claimed to be an NIA informer. The defence maintained that the documents the NIA characterised as intelligence-gathering were in fact part of published human rights reports — the “Structures of Violence” report of 2015 and the “Alleged Perpetrators” report of 2012 — which remain publicly available on the JKCCS website, were largely compiled from RTI responses, and were even shared with the Indian Army, which responded publicly at the time. The court noted that the Special Public Prosecutor did not dispute this. Parvez rejected the suggestion that his visits to Pakistan in 2007 and 2015 connected him to banned organisations, saying they were open trips on valid visas, part of humanitarian and advocacy initiatives. Counsel also cited Parvez’s physical infirmity: he lost a leg in a landmine blast while monitoring elections in Kupwara in April 2004 and has used a prosthetic limb since. Parvez was represented by Mir along with advocates Swati Khanna, Raminder Kaur, Md. Imran Ahmad and Shahzad Khan. The NIA was represented by Special Public Prosecutor Rahul Tyagi, with advocates Priya Rai, Shubham Goyal, Jatin and Amit Rohila. The NIA’s Opposition Opposing bail, the agency argued that the case rested not on mere association but on overt acts: recruitment for the LeT, transmission of intelligence to a Pakistan-based handler, orchestration of public violence, possession of what it described as targeting lists of Indian Army personnel, and corrupt dealings with a former NIA officer. The prosecutor contended that Parvez, with sympathisers across the globe, posed a major flight risk, had a record of attempting to influence investigations, and that the approver’s statement stood corroborated by several protected witnesses. The Court’s Reasoning The bench undertook what it called a “surface evaluation” of the prosecution case, noting that it was primarily based on the approver’s statement — evidence that is “yet to be tested in trial”. It observed that the allegations had to be weighed against the length of Parvez’s detention, the unlikelihood of the trial concluding soon, and the principle that bail is the rule and jail the exception. The judges held that the appellant’s rights under Article 21 of the Constitution “need to be balanced and may even trump” the restrictions on bail imposed by Section 43D (5) of the UAPA. The court surveyed the Supreme Court's evolving jurisprudence on the tension between that provision and the right to a speedy trial. It traced the line of cases from K.A. Najeeb through this year's rulings in Gulfisha Fatima and Syed Iftikhar Andrabi. The Andrabi ruling highlighted that UAPA conviction rates in Jammu and Kashmir have run below one per cent. The bench noted that although the question has been referred to a larger bench, High Courts must continue to decide cases on the law as it stands. The bench distinguished the case of co-accused Zafar Abbas, whose bail rejection was upheld by the Supreme Court, saying the allegations against him were “very different”, and accepted that Parvez’s infirmity deserved special consideration. It made clear that its observations were not findings on the merits of the case. Strict Conditions Bail was granted on a personal bond of Rs 2 lakh with two sureties, alongside stringent conditions. These include: Parvez must surrender his passport, cannot leave the National Capital Territory of Delhi without the trial court’s permission, must use only one phone kept always switched on, and must report to the investigating officer every fortnight. He is barred from contacting or influencing any witness, from tampering with evidence, and from making any public statement, including on social media, touching on the merits of the case, the evidence or the trial. The order also prohibits him from circulating “any anti-national material” on any platform. The Second Case The other case in which Parvez awaits a hearing in the first week of July stems from an FIR registered by the NIA on October 18, 2020. The sweeping complaint named neither Parvez nor the JKCCS, instead broadly indicting “NGOs, Trusts and Societies” as participants in a larger criminal conspiracy prejudicial to India’s unity, integrity, sovereignty and security. Parvez was arrested in that case on March 22, 2023, nearly two and a half years after it was registered, while he was already in jail in the LeT-related matter. The agency alleged that the JKCCS was not registered as an NGO or under the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act, 2010, which governs foreign funding of organisations, and that it received money from, and worked at the behest of, Pakistan’s intelligence agency, Hizbul Mujahideen commanders and separatists based in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir and the Valley. At the heart of that charge sheet is the JKCCS’s 2015 report, “Structures of Violence”, which examined the role of the state in Jammu and Kashmir against a backdrop of more than 8,000 disappearances, 70,000 deaths, thousands of unmarked mass graves and widespread allegations of torture and sexual violence. The NIA described the report as false and fabricated, claiming it disclosed sensitive details of troop deployment and the names of police and army officers posted in sensitive areas, was published to damage India’s image internationally, and that drafts were shared with Pakistan-based handlers, with terrorist commanders facilitating its release at forums in Pakistan. The report itself, however, has been freely available online since its publication in September 2015. It documented 333 cases of alleged human rights violations — 198 case studies of extrajudicial killings involving 415 victims, and 73 cases of enforced disappearances covering 89 persons — and argued that the pattern of named perpetrators, ranks and units showed abuses occurring across Jammu and Kashmir. Lawyers have questioned why, if the government considered the report’s contents sensitive or contestable, it did not take the matter up with its authors at the time of publication, rather than citing a nine-year-old public document as evidence in a terrorism case, as reported by Article 14. A Case Watched Around the World Parvez’s prolonged detention drew sustained international criticism, with global rights bodies and UN experts repeatedly demanding his immediate and unconditional release. In 2023, while still in jail, he was named one of three recipients of the Martin Ennals Award, a prestigious international honour that recognises outstanding defenders of human rights. His work has long made him a significant figure, and inconvenient to the authorities in Jammu and Kashmir. The JKCCS has produced detailed documentation of alleged human rights violations in the region, including reports on the impunity enjoyed by security forces and police. Legal commentators and rights lawyers have pointed out that the case against Parvez cites JKCCS reports as evidence of tarnishing India’s image and promoting secessionism “under the garb of human rights”, an approach, they warn, that effectively criminalises human rights research and fact-finding and could have a chilling effect on other organisations doing similar work. History of Confrontations with the State Wednesday’s bail order is the latest chapter in Parvez’s long history of confrontation with the security establishment. In 2016, he was detained under the Public Safety Act in the aftermath of the protests triggered by Burhan Wani’s killing and spent 76 days in a Jammu jail before the High Court of Jammu and Kashmir quashed the detention order that November. In October 2020, the NIA conducted searches at his residence in the NGO terror-funding case. A year later, in November 2021, he was arrested in the present matter. With bail now secured in this case, charges in which are yet to be framed before the special NIA court in Delhi, attention turns to the other pending matter, where the hearing in July will determine whether Khurram Parvez finally walks out of jail. Copyright © Kashmir Times 2023. All Rights Reserved

US embassy in Sarajevo made threat after European states refused to back its preferred High Representative candidate The outgoing High Representative, Christian Schmidt, left, at a meeting of the Peace Implementation Council in Sarajevo this week. Photograph: Elvis Barukčić/AFP/Getty Images A deepening US-European rift over the future of Bosnia and Herzegovina has broken open with a dispute over a top administrative post, leading to a US threat to “reconsider” its role in international peacekeeping. The American embassy in Sarajevo issued the threat after European states refused to back the US preferred candidate to become the new High Representative for the international community. At a meeting this week in Sarajevo of the Peace Implementation Council (PIC) – a multinational group tasked with overseeing the implementation of the 1995 Dayton peace agreement – Washington supported an Italian diplomat, Antonio Zanardi Landi, while the UK, France, Germany and most European states backed France’s envoy to the Western Balkans, René Troccaz. The Trump administration also argued for a weakening of the High Representative’s power to enforce the principles of the Dayton, which ended a war that cost 100,000 lives but has done little to heal Bosnia’s ethnic divide. In a post on X, the US embassy in Sarajevo wrote: “The United States takes note of the European failure to reach consensus around a European candidate and is disappointed these divisions prevented the PIC from fulfilling its task to elect a new High Representative. European indecisiveness, and the PIC’s abdication of its own duty toward [Bosnia and Herzegovina], is forcing the United States to reconsider our role in the current international presence in Bosnia and Herzegovina.” The US no longer has a substantial military presence in Bosnia, where there is a small EU peacekeeping force, but it has continued to play an influential role through the PIC and bilateral relations. The PIC is due to try again to achieve consensus on the High Representative role towards the end of the month, when compromise candidates may have emerged. One European official suggested that the region might benefit if the US reduced its role, amid growing suspicions over the Trump administration’s motives. Last year, it dropped sanctions on Milorad Dodik, the Moscow-backed Serb secession leader, after a reportedly multimillion-dollar lobbying campaign in Washington. The US also pressured the outgoing High Representative, Christian Schmidt, to resign after he imposed punitive measures on Dodik for undermining the Dayton Agreement. At the same time, Trump’s relatives and associates have increasingly been pursuing business interests in Bosnia, which included a visit by the US president’s son, Donald Trump Jr, to the main Bosnian Serb town of Banja Luka in April as a guest of Dodik’s son. Jasmin Mujanović, a Balkans political analyst and author of two books on Bosnia, said it appeared the Trump administration miscalculated its influence over the Europeans in the PIC. “The Americans seemed to think it was sort of irrelevant what the Europeans thought and assumed they were going to fall in line, and I think that was a misreading of the moment,” Mujanović said. “It does not seem like the US had consulted particularly widely with its allies in terms of selecting Mr Landi. “It raises the question in my mind why they are so insistent on Mr Landi. We don’t know what understandings are between Landi and the Americans that make them so enthusiastic for him.” Reports from the PIC meeting in Sarajevo on Wednesday and Thursday was that the US promoted Landi more enthusiastically than Italy itself. Kurt Bassuener, a co-founder of the Berlin-based Democratization Policy Council thinktank, said: “This isn’t just a personnel decision. This is a strategic decision and it has to be integrated with a regional strategy. It would seem that the American position is driven not only ideologically, but its also a business push. It seems like that’s job number one: get concessions, get contracts, and extract, extract, extract.” © 2026 Guardian News & Media Limited or its affiliated companies. All rights reserved. (dcr)

By Farangis Najibullah June 2, 2026 Students attend the Russian school in the southern Tajik city of Bokhtar (Facebook). When a new Russian-language school opened its doors in Tajikistan's southern city of Bokhtar in 2022, thousands of locals flocked to enroll. Named after the 18th-century Russian scientist Mikhail Lomonosov, it was one of five Russia-funded schools that popped up across the impoverished Central Asia country that year. Part of a $150 million Russian state project, the gated school in Bokhtar stands out among other buildings in the area. A modern three-story structure, the school has round-the-clock uniformed security guards and tall flagpoles flying Russian and Tajik colors. Moscow's funding of schools in Tajikistan and across Central Asia is widely seen as an effort to maintain its longstanding influence in a region where China has made inroads and Western interest has intensified. Among the over 1,000 students enrolled at the Russian-language school in Bokhtar is the eldest daughter of Mukhtor, a local construction worker. The 42-year-old, who also hopes to enroll his son, said he is not focused on politics. "What matters to me is my children's future," Mukhtor, who requested that only his first name be used, told RFE/RL. "This school opens doors to universities in Russia and possibly to better jobs there." The five Russian-language schools opened in Tajikistan in 2022 educate a total of around 6,000 students. The schools follow Russian educational standards and teach primarily in Russian. The curriculum as well as the schools' ceremonies and symbols emphasize Russia's language and culture. 'Secure Long-Term Influence' Moscow is spending hundreds of millions of dollars to expand Russian-language education across Central Asia, building new schools, funding universities, and opening cultural centers in a region where its dominance is no longer assured. The investments come as Central Asian governments promote their own national languages and younger generations increasingly turn to English or Chinese as a second language. Yet demand for Russian-language education remains strong, driven by labor migration and access to universities in Russia. The Russian language is still widely used in government and business across the region. "By building new Russian schools in Central Asia, Moscow is targeting the next generation to secure long-term influence," a political analyst based in Tajikistan, an autocratic country where dissent is not tolerated, told RFE/RL on condition of anonymity. Unlike older generations, young Central Asians have no personal memory of the Soviet era and are increasingly exposed to Western and Chinese influence, the expert added. Customized For Each Country Russia is funding dozens of educational projects across Central Asia. Among the most high-profile is a planned $200 million campus for the Kyrgyz Russian Slavic University in Bishkek. Partly funded by Moscow, the institution already plays a major role in Kyrgyzstan's higher-education system. Russia has also pledged to build several new Russian-language secondary schools across Kyrgyzstan. In Kazakhstan, where the Russian language retains official status alongside Kazakh, Moscow's approach has focused more on higher education and professional training. Russian President Vladimir Putin revealed during a visit to the country on May 28 that some 60,000 Kazakh students are studying at universities in Russia. He also said eight of Russia's leading higher education institutions operate campuses in Kazakhstan. In Uzbekistan, Russian-language education remains popular in higher education and technical fields despite government efforts to make Uzbek the main language of instruction. Russian universities operate campuses in the country, and bilateral agreements support student exchanges and professional training. In Turkmenistan, where foreign educational initiatives are tightly regulated, Russian-language instruction persists under state oversight. Turkmen students continue to pursue higher education in Russia through intergovernmental arrangements, keeping educational links intact despite broader restrictions. Across Central Asia, Moscow has also expanded elite and informal education initiatives aimed at younger professionals, analysts, and future policymakers. One example is an initiative called School On Central Asia organized by the Aleksandr Gorchakov Public Diplomacy Fund, a Russian think tank that brings together young specialists from Russia and Central Asian countries for lectures and discussions on regional affairs. Language Politics Russia's investments in education in the region come as Central Asian governments are looking to promote their own national languages and identities. That process began after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 and has accelerated in recent years. Language and identity policies in the region, where many countries have ethnic Russian minorities, have periodically courted controversy and triggered sharp reactions from Russian politicians. When Kyrgyzstan discussed changing Soviet-era names of Bishkek's districts, Russian lawmakers and commentators accused the authorities of erasing shared history and discriminating against Russian speakers. Russian officials have also reacted angrily to debates in Kyrgyzstan over reducing the role of the Russian language in public life, despite its status as an official language. Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty © 2026 RFE/RL, Inc. All Rights Reserved.

By Human Rights Watch June 14, 2026 Longstanding Repression of Religious Minority The Ministry of Interior Office in Doha, Qatar, May 5, 2021. Credit: Shutterstock (Beirut) – The Qatari authorities since March 2026 have ordered at least four people with roles in key institutions of the minority Baha’i religion to leave the country, Human Rights Watch said today, based on information from informed sources. The four were ordered to leave without due process and with no legal pathway to challenge the orders. The people ordered to leave, who have lived in Qatar for decades and have families there, risk deportation in violation of their right to family life. Qatari authorities’ longstanding discrimination against Baha’is separates families and results in the loss of employment and income. Human Rights Watch has documented a significant rise in persecution of Baha’is since the beginning of the armed conflict between Israel, the United States, and Iran. “Qatari authorities have sought external support and sympathy as the target of Iranian attacks while continuing their repression in Qatar,” said Michael Page, deputy Middle East director at Human Rights Watch. “Qatar’s deportations of Baha’is will uproot families and tear them apart.” Human Rights Watch interviewed three people between April and June with knowledge of the cases. The Baha’i faith is centered around the unity of all faiths and people. Baha’i followers are frequently discriminated against in Qatar, Egypt, and Yemen, and subjected to the crime against humanity of persecution in Iran. On March 3, a Baha’i married couple was told to appear at the Qatar Ministry of Interior’s Search and Follow-Up department the following day, the source said. At the ministry on March 4, Qatari authorities informed them that they must leave Qatar and will be banned from returning without providing a reason or a way to challenge the decision. The wife, born and raised in Qatar to Iranian parents and who has lived her entire life in Qatar, serves as an auxiliary board member, a voluntary pastoral role within the Baha’i community’s institutions. Her husband, who has lived in Qatar for 15 years, is a member of the National Spiritual Assembly of the Baha’is in Qatar, an elected body that tends to the affairs of Baha’is in the country. The couple requested permission to remain in Qatar until the end of the school year as they have two children enrolled in schools in the country, the source said. They were told to submit an appeal along with a letter from the Ministry of Education that certified that their children are enrolled in school, and the authorities extended the deadline to leave Qatar until the end of the school year, at the end of June. Qatari authorities confiscated the family’s passports until they present confirmed flight reservations, the source said. On April 7, another auxiliary board member, a 43-year-old man who has lived in Qatar all his life, was summoned and verbally informed of a deportation order. He was told that he had to leave Qatar by April 21, even though he had valid residency until August 2028, an informed source said. No legal grounds or pathway for appeal were provided, the source said, though the date by which he must leave was extended to June 17. He is the primary caretaker of his 80-year-old mother, who moved to Qatar from Iran when she was 21, and the sponsor for her residency in the country, the source said. “She came to Qatar before Qatar became a country and now has to pack 60 years of her life and leave,” the source said. On April 22, Moin Yeganeh, 55, a former member of the National Spiritual Assembly of the Baha’is in Qatar, who is also a lifelong resident of Qatar, was told to report to the same office and was detained for a week, a source said. Yeganeh was held with other migrants awaiting deportation and frequently interrogated without a lawyer, the source said. He was released on April 30 on the condition that he would leave Qatar by end of May, though the deadline was extended to June 16. Yeganeh’s parents, 89 and 81, who have lived in Qatar for more than 60 years, rely on him for care and are under his sponsorship for their legal residency in Qatar. If he is deported, his parents will lose their residencies and either have to leave Qatar with him or find a new sponsor. Qatar should cancel the orders to all four Baha’i members to leave the country, Human Rights Watch said. Any members of the Baha’i community who hold Iranian nationality would be at serious risk of persecution if Qatari authorities returned them to Iran, in potential violation of the international legal principle of nonrefoulement. The principle requires governments to refrain from returning or transferring people to places where they would face serious harm. United Nations experts have repeatedly expressed their concern regarding Qatar’s discriminatory treatment of Bahai’s. In May, UN experts called on Qatar to reverse the deportations, expressing concerns about “the potential erasure of the Baha’i religious community from Qatar.” This is not the first time Qatar has cracked down on members of Qatar’s Baha’i institutions. In January 2025, Qatari authorities issued a deportation order for a member of the National Spiritual Assembly for the Baha’is in Qatar. A high-ranking Qatari religious figure told him that if he announced his conversion to Sunni Islam, he could “make the deportation go away,” he told Human Rights Watch. In April 2025, authorities arrested and detained Remy Rowhani, chair of the National Spiritual Assembly of the Baha’is in Qatar, and sentenced him to five years in prison on abusive charges that violated his rights to freedom of speech and religion. In September, Qatar’s Court of Appeal reversed Rowhani’s conviction and acquitted him after pressure from the UN, rightsorganizations, media, and the US Commission on International Religious Freedoms. Under international human rights law, including article 18 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the 1981 UN Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Intolerance and Discrimination Based on Religion or Belief, states are obligated to protect every individual's right to hold, practice, and change their religion free from coercion, discrimination, or interference. Qatar's Constitution also provides a guarantee of freedom of worship in article 50. “Qatar should halt the plan to deport these individuals,” Page said. “The continuing repression of members of the Baha’i community violates both Qatar’s own laws and international law.” © 2026 Human Rights Watch

By Al Jazeera Staff June 9, 2026 Experts say the current crisis is part of a deeper, long-running debate about governance in the region. Source: Al Jazeera Security personnel patrol a street in Muzaffarabad, capital of Pakistan-administered Kashmir on June 8, 2026 on the eve of Joint Awami Action Committee (JAAC)'s anticipated rally, days after the local government banned the protest group under anti-terror laws [AFP] At least 11 people were killed on Sunday during clashes between police and protesters in Pakistan-administered Kashmir’s Rawalakot city, capital of Poonch district, before a major demonstration scheduled by a banned civil society group for Tuesday. Authorities in Pakistan-administered Kashmir deployed federal paramilitary troops and issued a strict travel advisory before the Tuesday protest, which has gone ahead despite the restrictions. Here is what we know about the latest unrest. What’s Happening in Pakistan-administered Kashmir? Eleven people have been killed in clashes between the police and protesters, while more than 70 have been injured. The ban on the organisation, alongside regional grievances, set off the protests. On Tuesday, Sardar Waheed Khan, commissioner of the Pakistan side of the Poonch district, a militarised region shared between Indian-administered and Pakistani-administered Kashmir, told the news agency Reuters that four police officers and a passer-by died “after miscreants shot at them”. Six protesters were killed, he said. Police Chief Liaqat Malik said 23 security officials and 50 protesters were among those injured in Sunday’s clashes. On Friday, local authorities issued an advisory urging visitors to avoid travelling to the area. “The measure is advised to save intending visitors from any unexpected situation or inconvenience,” an unnamed official said in a statement issued by the region’s Press Information Department (PID). “The government also requests those already in the territory for sightseeing or any other purpose to leave by Friday evening so that they do not confront any unpleasant situation,” the statement added. Kashmir is a disputed Himalayan region which is claimed in full by both India and Pakistan, with China also controlling a portion of the territory. Pakistan-administered Kashmir – known locally as Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK) – is governed under a semi-autonomous system, with its own prime minister and legislative assembly, but ultimate authority resting with Islamabad. Its population exceeds four million people, according to the 2017 census. It is separated from India-administered Kashmir by what is known as the Line of Control (LoC). Source: Al Jazeera The LoC is the 740km (459-mile) military border dividing the disputed Kashmir region between Indian-administered and Pakistan-administered territories. Source: Al Jazeera Who is Behind the Protests? The Jammu Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee (JAAC) is a grassroots umbrella organisation that emerged in 2023 as the leader of a protest movement across the Pakistani-administered part of the region. The JAAC, led by activist Shaukat Nawaz Mir, represents traders and civil society groups. On Friday, the local government proscribed the JAAC under a regional legislative framework in Pakistan-administered Kashmir called the Anti-Terrorism Act of 2014. In a circular, the government’s home department claimed the JAAC “is engaged in terrorism, acted in a manner prejudicial to the peace & security of the State, involved in creating anarchy in the State by intimidating public, promoting hatred & creating sense of insecurity in society and public at large, etc”. In the past, protests organised by the JAAC have led to violent clashes between protesters and security forces, leading to casualties. In a video message on X responding to Sunday’s incident, Mir accused the authorities of unleashing violence in Rawalakot, saying, “The state has begun a massacre of our people in Rawalakot.” In response, Khan, the commissioner of Pakistani Poonch, said, “The JAAC leadership is misleading the masses by terming it a massacre. The state’s action was meant to restore law and order.” On Tuesday, the internet monitoring group NetBlocks said that its data showed that access to the web remained severely restricted in Pakistan-administered Kashmir for a third day in a row. What is the Trigger Behind these Protests? These protests are against the reservation of 12 seats in Pakistan-administered Kashmir’s legislature for refugees from Indian-administered Kashmir who now live in other parts of Pakistan. If the refugees live in Pakistan-administered Kashmir, they are not eligible to contest for these reserved seats. The region votes on July 27 to elect its next legislature, which has 45 seats in all — including the 12 reserved ones. The JAAC is calling for the abolition of the reserved seats, arguing that all seats in the legislature must go to those who actually reside in Pakistan-administered Kashmir, and not those living in other constituencies scattered across Pakistan. Abdul Jabbar Nasir, a journalist currently based in Karachi, but originally from a village near the LoC in the Gilgit Baltistan area, which is the majority of the Pakistan-administered Kashmir region, told Al Jazeera that the seats are reserved for those who migrated from Indian-administered Kashmir to Karachi or any other part of Pakistan in 1947. Nasir explained that the reserved seats have existed in various forms since the late 1940s and were formalised in Pakistan-administered Kashmir’s 1974 interim constitution, which treats the region as a self-governing, autonomous state, with its own prime minister, president and courts, while defence, foreign affairs, currency and communications remain under Pakistan’s control. “If the constitutional protection provided begins to be changed by these protesters, then I don’t think things can function,” Nasir said. “It is essential for these seats to exist. If we abolish them, on one hand, Pakistan’s own case for Kashmiri statehood in the United Nations will be weakened, and India’s case will be strengthened,” he added. He drew a parallel with India, noting that New Delhi historically kept a number of seats vacant in its parliament and the former Jammu and Kashmir assembly as a way of asserting that those bodies represented the entire former princely state, including areas under Pakistani control. If Pakistan now dismantles refugee representation in Pakistan-administered Kashmir, he warned, India could argue that both countries have effectively “regularised” their control over their respective portions of the disputed region. Marathon talks between a federal ministerial team, including leaders from Pakistan and Pakistan-administered Kashmir, and JAAC leadership in late May failed to yield a breakthrough. This resulted in the JAAC announcing that the protest on Tuesday would proceed as planned. On Sunday, a top court in Pakistan-administered Kashmir, called the Supreme Court of Azad Jammu and Kashmir, ruled that the 12 reserved seats are constitutionally protected, and a constitutional amendment would be needed to abolish the reservation. “This ruling effectively closed the legal route for groups seeking to challenge the existing arrangement and intensified calls for protest by the [JAAC],” Raja Qaiser Ahmed, director for the Area Study Centre for Africa, North and South America at the Islamabad-based Quaid-i-Azam University, told Al Jazeera. What are the Deeper Issues? Experts say the current crisis is part of a deeper, long-running debate about governance, political representation, resource allocation and regional autonomy in Pakistan-administered Kashmir. The protest on Tuesday is the fourth such protest led by the JAAC. “The current crisis reflects a broader and longer-term debate about governance, political representation, resource distribution, and regional autonomy in AJK,” Ahmed said. “While the refugee-seat issue has become the focal point of the present mobilisation, it is intertwined with wider grievances that have surfaced repeatedly over the past several years.” In September and October 2025, the JAAC officially released a comprehensive 38-point charter of demands and initiated a lockdown. The government, in response to a lockdown initiated by JAAC, imposed a complete communications blackout. The protests had their roots in May 2023, when residents first protested skyrocketing electricity bills alongside widespread flour smuggling and acute shortages in subsidised wheat supplies. The movement hit its first major flashpoint in May 2024, when protesters set off on a long march towards Muzaffarabad. The ensuing violent clashes left at least five people dead, among them a police officer. The 38-point charter remains the focal point of current tensions. The demands of the charter include economic subsidies, investigation of corrupt officials, social welfare and infrastructure, as well as the abolition of the 12 reserved seats. Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari, chairman of the Pakistan Peoples’ Party (PPP), the party with the most seats in Pakistan-administered Kashmir’s Legislative Assembly, said on Sunday that he would meet Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif to discuss the ongoing tensions in the region. “Thirty-five out of 38 demands have been implemented,” Bhutto-Zardari said during a news conference in Islamabad, explaining that the rest of the demands are not feasible or have court orders barring their implementation. “More fundamentally, the protests reveal an ongoing tension between constitutional arrangements linked to the broader Kashmir dispute and growing demands for greater local accountability and political participation,” Ahmed said. “The debate is therefore not only about a specific set of assembly seats but also about competing visions of representation, governance, and the future political trajectory of the region.” © 2026 Al Jazeera Media Network

By Flora Drury & BBC Afghan A woman on the streets of Herat on Monday - a day before the protest Taliban police used live fire to disperse a rare protest against the detention of women accused of violating strict Islamic dress codes in the western Afghan city of Herat, witnesses and protesters said. Medics told the BBC two people died, but did not specify how. A number of others at the protest were injured. Both men and women had taken to the streets days after local Taliban government officials reportedly began arresting women perceived to be "improperly wearing the hijab". Police in Herat denied there had been any deaths, but have acknowledged they responded to the protest, telling the BBC that officers had "taken action to ensure security and maintain public order". It is unclear what methods police used to break up the protest. Witnesses say the police opened fire, but the police did not confirm this when asked directly by the BBC. One protester told AFP that the security forces "used sticks, whips and firearms to disperse the crowd. They even fired shots into the air". He told the news agency he saw people wounded. "People are extremely frightened," he said. AFP also quoted a photographer who said he had seen security forces "striking protesters and firing weapons in the direction of the crowd". "Based on what I personally witnessed, a significant number of people were injured," the photographer said. The BBC could not independently verify the accounts. Gunfire can be clearly heard in videos circulating online, while women can be heard screaming "don't beat [them]". Sayed Masoud Hosseini, spokesperson for the Herat Police Command, said the protesters "acted in a manner that disturbed public order". He added they were trying to "create tension under the pretext of protesting issues related to the observance of hijab and opposing Islamic hijab, which is considered a divine obligation". In one clip, some protesters can be heard chanting "education, work, freedom", the BBC's Afghan service reported. Richard Bennett, the United Nations' special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Afghanistan, said on social media site X he was "alarmed by excessive use of force against seemingly peaceful protesters in Herat today", calling on those responsible to be "held accountable". Wearing a hijab has been compulsory for women since May 2022 Protests against the Taliban, especially by women, have been rare in Afghanistan since they retook power in August 2021. Initial attempts by women to defy the strict new rules brought in to control everything from their clothes to their education petered out, with women telling the BBC they were cowed by officials' response to their protests - including being beaten, abused, jailed and even threatened with death by stoning. The wearing of a hijab is one of many rules brought in by the Taliban, who made it mandatory in May 2022. However, this latest crackdown in Herat was reportedly only announced on Friday. A number of eyewitnesses told BBC Afghan that since Saturday they had "seen with their own eyes women being arrested for not wearing the hijab". One woman said the markets had since been "deserted", while another told BBC Afghan that officers from the Ministry for Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of Vice, the so-called morality police, were checking cars and rickshaws for women wearing the hijab improperly. City officials have given conflicting accounts on whether or not women were being detained, with the Herat Provincial Information and Culture Department saying reports of dozens of arrests were "incorrect and rumoured". Copyright 2026 BBC. All rights reserved. The BBC is not responsible for the content of external sites.

The Goz al-Haj camp, north of Khartoum, Sudan. Photograph: The Guardian United States Senate Foreign Relations Committee June 10, 2026 Senators Shaheen, Risch, Coons, Cornyn Introduce Legislation to Address Conflict in Sudan WASHINGTON – Today, U.S. Senators Jeanne Shaheen (D-NH) and Jim Risch (R-ID), Ranking Member and Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Chris Coons (D-DE) and John Cornyn (R-TX) introduced the Preventing External Aggression and Conflict Escalation (PEACE) in Sudan Act of 2026. This legislation will address the ongoing conflict in Sudan and hold the perpetrators, aiders and abettors accountable. “The Sudanese people are enduring the world’s worst humanitarian and displacement crisis, while the RSF, SAF and their external backers continue to pursue a zero-sum war that has no military solution,” said Ranking Member Shaheen. “The bipartisan PEACE in Sudan Act will give the United States additional tools to hold perpetrators, aiders and abettors accountable to punish those who are fueling this violence and bolster negotiations to end this war. I urge swift passage of this bill by the full Senate and call on the Administration to support and fund a robust humanitarian response to address the unbearable suffering of millions of Sudanese. The Sudanese people deserve peace and prosperity, and a stable Sudan would fundamentally benefit regional security, Red Sea commerce and U.S. national security.” “The war in Sudan is a humanitarian catastrophe, a source of instability in Africa, and a threat to U.S. national security,” said Chairman Risch. “We cannot allow Sudan to continue devolving into chaos, causing uncontrolled migration, human suffering and serving as a haven for terrorists. This bill is a bipartisan effort to provide the Trump Administration with additional tools to raise the costs of this war for the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF), Rapid Support Forces (RSF), and their proxies to bring this war to an end.” “The ongoing civil war in Sudan is the globe’s largest humanitarian crisis, and yet the world has spent too much time closing its eyes to three years of atrocities and death,” said Senator Coons. “This war will only end with a diplomatic solution, and every responsible nation must push all sides to the bargaining table to achieve a durable and lasting peace in Sudan. The United States stands with the people of Sudan and their decades-long fight for the peace and justice they deserve." “Prolonged armed conflict in Sudan has led to the world’s largest humanitarian crisis, caused the deaths of tens of thousands of Sudanese civilians and created a deteriorating regional security environment that offers a breeding ground for malign actors,” said Senator Cornyn. “I am proud to cosponsor this legislation that would sanction those providing weapons to armed groups, direct the State Department to submit a strategy for securing a ceasefire in Sudan and advance efforts to bring about peace and stability in the region to strengthen U.S. national security.” The PEACE in Sudan Act: Calls on the Secretary of State to assess whether armed actors in Sudan meet the criteria for designation as Specially Designated Global Terrorists; Provides the Administration with an updated and expanded discretionary sanctions regime; Provides guardrails on the types of non-lifesaving foreign assistance the U.S. can provide—directly or through multilateral institutions—to Sudan; Requires an update to the Sudan Business advisory to provide U.S. businesses with additional information about the risks of doing business in Sudan and the supply chains of Sudanese natural resources; Extends the authorization for a U.S. special envoy for Sudan to bolster dedicated U.S. diplomatic resources related to addressing the war; Provides for greater information sharing with Congress to address the Sudan conflict by requiring the State Department to submit regular reports detailing: the activities of foreign governments and non-state armed groups supporting the warring parties; atrocities being committed; and information on countries holding assets for the warring parties And encourages the State Department to explore opportunities to build a stronger international coalition focused on ending the conflict in Sudan. Text of the bill can be found HERE. Background:Since April 2023, the SAF and the RSF have engaged in a zero-sum war for control of Sudan fueled by support from regional and global proxies. The RSF has committed genocide and other mass atrocities against non-Arab communities and perceived opposition. The SAF and allied militias—including entrenched Islamist elements—have likewise targeted civilians through starvation, chemical attacks and other atrocities, further destabilizing the region. There is broad consensus that the only path to peace and recovery in this conflict is through negotiation. The conflict in Sudan is the cause of the worst humanitarian and displacement crisis in the world. 14 million people—one quarter of the population—have fled their homes. 19.5 million people in Sudan face acute food insecurity, of which 5 million are living in emergency or famine conditions.

By Reuters June 4, 2026 Credit: Reuters DHAKA, June 4 (Reuters) - Bangladesh said on Thursday it had foiled several attempts by India to force people into the country over the previous 24 hours, reviving a dispute over alleged undocumented migration ​and clouding efforts to improve ties between the South Asian neighbours. Their border is ‌one of the longest land frontiers in the world, stretching for more than 4,000 km (2,500 miles) across all sorts of terrain, making it difficult to police. Border Guard Bangladesh said it had detected 10 attempted infringements by Indian ​authorities along several sections of the border. India's Border Security Force and ministry of external ​affairs did not respond to requests for comment. India's ruling Bharatiya Janata Party, which governs the ⁠border states of Tripura, West Bengal and Assam, has said it would tackle undocumented migration ​as a priority and since last year it has been trying to push Bengali-speaking Muslims branded "illegal infiltrators" ​into Bangladesh. The issue has complicated efforts by both countries to mend ties following the 2024 ousting of Sheikh Hasina, Bangladesh’s long-time India-aligned leader. "No individual or group will be allowed to enter Bangladesh illegally through the border," BGB said ​in a statement, adding that any attempt to violate international border management norms and bilateral understandings ​would be "strictly resisted". Bangladesh's border guards last month intensified patrols and launched public awareness campaigns along parts of the frontier ‌due ⁠to concerns India had illegally forced people into Bangladesh in what officials, rights groups and analysts describe as “push-ins” — informal transfers of people into Bangladesh without going through verification and repatriation procedures. India's foreign ministry in May told reporters it had asked Bangladesh to verify the nationality of more than 2,860 ​suspected Bangladeshis living illegally ​in India. In one incident ⁠in the last day in the southwestern border district of Jhenaidah, the BGB alleged that Indian Border Security Force personnel tried to move 30 ​to 35 people towards Bangladeshi territory in a prison van after ​opening a border ⁠gate. The BGB said it forced the vehicle to retreat. Dhaka has repeatedly said anyone identified as a Bangladeshi national should be returned through formal legal and diplomatic channels rather than being driven across ⁠the border. The ​issue is expected to be taken up at director-general-level ​talks between the two sides' border forces in New Delhi from June 8 to 11, government officials in Dhaka said. Reporting by ​Ruma Paul in Dhaka; Additional reporting by Saurabh Sharma in New Delhi; Editing by Aftab Ahmed © 2026 Reuters. All rights reserved

Graphic credit: The Roys Report #EndTheSilence: Standing for Leah Sharibu and Nigeria’s Missing Christian Women and Girls June 4, 2026 Eight years ago, a 14-year-old Nigerian girl disappeared into captivity because she refused to renounce her Christian faith. Today, Leah Sharibu remains missing—and the world must not forget her. On June 18, Christian Freedom International, Jubilee Campaign, and 21Wilberforce will join with advocates, faith leaders, members of the Nigerian diaspora, and concerned citizens outside the Nigerian Embassy in Washington, D.C., for the #EndTheSilence rally—a public call for action on behalf of Leah Sharibu and the many Christian women and girls who remain missing, captive, or vulnerable to violence in Nigeria. The rally is part of the Religious Liberty Partnership’s (RLP) collaborative advocacy platform, Voices4Justice (V4J), which mobilizes organizations to speak with one voice for justice, dignity, and freedom for vulnerable communities facing violations of freedom of religion or belief (FoRB). Leah’s continued captivity has become one of the world’s most recognized cases of religious persecution and a stark reminder of the ongoing violations of freedom of religion or belief facing vulnerable communities in Nigeria. Held in conjunction with the International Day for the Elimination of Sexual Violence in Conflict, the rally seeks to draw renewed attention to the ongoing abuses suffered by women and girls in Nigeria’s conflict-affected regions. This year’s campaign focuses on a name that has become known around the world: Leah Sharibu. Eight Years in Captivity On February 19, 2018, 14-year-old Leah Sharibu was kidnapped by militants from the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) during an attack on the Government Girls’ Science and Technical College in Dapchi, Yobe State, Nigeria. Leah was abducted alongside 109 other schoolgirls. Most of the girls were eventually released, while some died in captivity. Leah, however, was never freed after reportedly refusing to renounce her Christian faith and convert to Islam. Today, she remains the only known captive from that attack still held by her abductors. For eight years, Leah’s parents have endured the agony of not knowing when—or if—they will see their daughter again. Eight years of missed birthdays, family celebrations, and milestones. Eight years during which Leah has grown from a teenage girl into a young woman while separated from her family and community. When Leah was abducted, her story captured international attention and renewed global concern about schoolgirl kidnappings in Nigeria. Yet as the years have passed, many fear that the world has largely forgotten Leah and others like her. Gloria Puldu, Leah-Foundation One notable exception has been the tireless advocacy of the Leah-Foundation, established by Nigerian human rights advocate Gloria Puldu. Through public awareness campaigns, survivor support initiatives, and ongoing engagement with policymakers and international stakeholders, the Foundation has worked to ensure that Leah’s plight—and the suffering of countless other abducted women and girls—is not forgotten. Their efforts serve as a powerful reminder that sustained advocacy remains essential until Leah and others like her are safely reunited with their families. The Voices4Justice campaign seeks to build upon these efforts by mobilizing churches, advocacy organizations, and concerned citizens around the world to speak with one voice on behalf of those whose cries for freedom have too often gone unheard. Leah’s Story Is Not an Isolated Case While Leah’s case is unique in its visibility, her experience reflects a much larger crisis affecting women and girls across Nigeria’s conflict-affected regions. Christian women and girls continue to face abduction, forced marriage, sexual violence, trafficking, coercion, and forced religious conversion at the hands of extremist groups and armed militants. Many cases go unreported. Survivors often receive little support, while perpetrators frequently operate with impunity. The recently published report Hijacking Innocence documents the experiences of young Christian girls who were abducted, forcibly converted, and subjected to abuse. Their stories reveal a troubling pattern: families pleading for help, authorities failing to act, and local activists risking their own safety to rescue victims and support traumatized survivors. Among these stories is Ruth, who was forced into motherhood after being raped by a Boko Haram militant. Another survivor, Rebecca, emerged from captivity determined to continue the education that had been violently interrupted years earlier. Joy, abducted while returning home from school, endured forced conversion, sexual abuse, and confinement before eventually being rescued after relentless efforts by her family. These stories remind us that Leah’s captivity is not merely an individual tragedy. It is a symbol of a broader humanitarian and human rights crisis that continues to affect countless women and girls throughout Nigeria. A Global Call to End the Silence The Voices4Justice campaign recognizes that prayer and advocacy must go hand in hand. This year’s campaign coincides with the International Day for the Elimination of Sexual Violence in Conflict and seeks to draw renewed international attention to the plight of Leah Sharibu and other missing women and girls. Leah’s story has become a powerful reminder of the suffering endured by many women and girls subjected to violence, forced marriage, and captivity in conflict-affected regions of Nigeria. The June 18 rally will call on Nigerian authorities to: Intensify efforts to secure the safe release and return of Leah Sharibu and all other abducted women and girls. Provide appropriate medical, psychosocial, and reintegration support for survivors. Conduct prompt, impartial, and thorough investigations into abductions, sexual violence, and forced marriage. Arrest and prosecute perpetrators. Strengthen protection for vulnerable communities through accountable and adequately resourced security measures. Organizers will deliver a letter outlining these requests to His Excellency Lateef Kayode Kolawole Are, Nigeria’s Ambassador to the United States. Voices4Justice: Speaking with One Voice The #EndTheSilence rally is part of Voices4Justice, an advocacy platform launched by the Religious Liberty Partnership to unite organizations around shared concerns involving freedom of religion or belief. Rather than working independently, participating organizations collaborate to amplify awareness, advocate for victims, and encourage meaningful action from governments and international institutions. The campaign reflects a simple conviction: when communities speak together, their voices carry further. Last year’s Voices4Justice campaign, #ReleaseThe7, focused international attention on imprisoned religious freedom advocates. This year, Voices4Justice is mobilizing advocates around the world to ensure that Leah Sharibu and Nigeria’s missing girls are not forgotten. As one Voices4Justice prayer resource reminds participants, “there are moments when a single story captures the suffering of thousands. One name can represent countless lives affected by violence, injustice, and loss.” Leah’s story has become such a story—a reminder of the countless women and girls whose names may never appear in headlines but whose lives matter deeply. At its core, this campaign is about defending the fundamental human right to freedom of religion or belief. Leah’s continued captivity serves as a stark reminder of the consequences when individuals are targeted because of their faith and when vulnerable communities are denied the protection and dignity they deserve. How You Can Help The crisis facing Christian women and girls in Nigeria requires sustained attention, advocacy, and prayer. We invite you to join us in three ways: Pray Pray for Leah Sharibu, for the many women and girls still in captivity, for survivors rebuilding their lives, and for families waiting for the return of loved ones. Pray for justice, protection, healing, and freedom. Pray that Nigerian authorities will intensify efforts to rescue those still missing and protect vulnerable communities from future attacks. Speak Up Share Leah’s story. Raise awareness in your church, community, and social networks about the ongoing crisis affecting Christian women and girls in Nigeria. Help ensure that Leah and the many others who remain missing are not forgotten. Take Action Sign the campaign letter to the Nigerian Ambassador calling on Nigerian authorities to intensify efforts to secure the release of Leah Sharibu and all abducted women and girls, protect vulnerable communities, and hold perpetrators accountable. If you are in the Washington, D.C., area, consider joining advocates, faith leaders, and members of the Nigerian diaspora at the June 18 #EndTheSilence rally outside the Nigerian Embassy at 11:00am ET as we collectively call for justice, protection, and freedom. Eight years is too long. Every day Leah remains in captivity is another day her family waits, another day justice is delayed, and another day the world risks looking away. Together, we can help ensure that Leah Sharibu—and the many other missing women and girls of Nigeria—are seen, remembered, protected, and never forgotten. #EndTheSilence #Voices4Justice

Genocide Watch wrote a Training Manual on Genocide and Genocide Prevention for the Pan African Lawyers' Union that was used to train over 100 African lawyers in a Workshop held in Arusha,Tanzania in March 2025. The Training Manual was written by the Genocide Watch Legal Team, including Dr. Gregory Stanton, Sanaea Suntok, Brenda Salazar, Emily Mullin, Finia Hilmes, Areeka Khan, Subash Jai Devarage, and Omar Kausar. Members of the Genocide Watch Legal Team have since continued their legal careers with the Kosovo Specialist Chambers, International Criminal Court, Spanish Foreign Ministry, Malaysian Bar Association, Canadian Federal Courts, the University of Toronto Faculty of Law, and the University of London. The Genocide Watch Manual on Genocide and Genocide Prevention has been praised by numerous genocide scholars and law professors as a succinct, well documented, and authoritative manual for lawyers, personnel of tribunals and courts, diplomats, journalists, and professors and students of genocide studies, law, social science, history, anthropology, and international relations, as well as for the general public. Genocide Watch is republishing it on the home page of its website where it will remain available for reference.

EXPLANATION OF THE TEN STAGES OF GENOCIDE MAP ​ This map shows the stages of genocide in 2025 in nations monitored by Genocide Watch. On the Genocide Watch website, this map can be found at: https://www.genocidewatch.com/tenstages ​ The shading of each country reflects its current Genocide Alert level as of May 2025. Genocide Watch defines three alert levels: ​ Genocide Watch – (yellow) classification, symbolization, discrimination Genocide Warning – (orange) dehumanization, organization, polarization, preparation Genocide Emergency – (brown) persecution, extermination Denial runs throughout the genocidal process and follows every genocide. This map was created by Bela Müller for Genocide Watch in May 2025,

June 9th 2026 Debretsion Gebremichael, Pre-war council elect President, giving a press conference. (Source Tigray President Office Facebook Page) Addis Abeba – A draft proclamation reportedly prepared by the Legal Standing Committee of the region’s pre-war council, which has recently been reinstated by the TPLF, is drawing scrutiny over provisions that would make military mobilization a legal obligation while imposing harsh penalties on individuals and media organizations accused of discouraging recruitment, criticizing mobilization efforts, or disseminating information deemed harmful to security interests. The proposed legislation, which seeks to establish a legal framework for national mobilization and wartime administration, contains a series of provisions granting authorities extensive powers over civilian, institutional, and media activities during periods of mobilization. At the center of the draft is a requirement that citizens called upon for national mobilization must comply with recruitment orders. The law outlines penalties for individuals who evade service, fail to report when summoned, assist others in avoiding mobilization, or otherwise obstruct recruitment efforts. One provision states that individuals who “discourage, intimidate, or actively mislead” members of the armed forces or mobilization structures, or who encourage them to abandon service or surrender weapons, may face prison sentences ranging from several years to as much as 25 years in severe cases. The draft further expands liability beyond individuals to media organizations. It stipulates that where such acts are committed through newspapers, radio stations, television broadcasters, online platforms, social media channels, or other communication outlets, media institutions themselves may face financial penalties and the suspension or revocation of operating licenses. Another article criminalizes the publication or dissemination of information authorities deem false or misleading regarding military operations, casualties, security threats, or wartime developments. Critics say the language is broad and could potentially expose journalists and media organizations to prosecution for reporting on controversial issues related to recruitment, battlefield developments, or public grievances. Particularly contentious is a provision targeting what the draft describes as “hostile propaganda, media campaigns, or public relations activities” that support the objectives of an enemy. The offense carries some of the harshest penalties in the proposed law, including lengthy prison terms, life imprisonment, and, in the most serious circumstances, the death penalty. The draft also penalizes actions considered harmful to national defense, including the disclosure of military or state secrets, collaboration with hostile forces, sabotage of public infrastructure, and activities deemed to weaken constitutional authority or public order during periods of mobilization. Other provisions impose penalties for desertion, insubordination, espionage, corruption related to mobilization resources, and obstruction of government directives issued under the law. In addition, the proclamation requires public institutions, private organizations, businesses, community structures, and media outlets to cooperate with mobilization efforts and comply with directives issued by authorities. The draft also includes provisions restricting bail for certain offenses and allowing special procedures for the prosecution of individuals accused of serious crimes under the legislation. The proposed law comes as reports of forced military recruitment continue to emerge from various parts of Tigray. In recent months, residents from multiple zones have told Addis Standard that young people have been rounded up, detained, or pressured into joining military structures. Opposition political parties have similarly accused authorities of conducting coercive recruitment campaigns, while rights organizations have warned that such practices risk violating fundamental rights and deepening public frustration. A recent report by Human Rights First Ethiopia (HRFE) documented allegations of forced military recruitment across several parts of the region. The organization said individuals, including students and young people, had reportedly been subjected to pressure, detention, and other coercive measures aimed at compelling participation in military activities. HRFE called for adherence to human rights standards and urged authorities to ensure that recruitment practices remain voluntary and lawful. Against that backdrop, media observers and legal analysts say the draft law could significantly affect public discussion of recruitment practices. They warn that provisions criminalizing speech that “discourages” military service, along with restrictions on reporting deemed harmful to mobilization efforts, may create uncertainty for journalists covering allegations of forced conscription or public opposition to recruitment campaigns. Supporters of the draft, however, argue that Tigray faces extraordinary security challenges that require a comprehensive legal framework capable of organizing society for collective defense and preventing actions that could undermine security and stability. The draft proclamation has not yet been formally enacted, but its provisions are already generating debate among journalists, legal experts, political actors, and rights advocates concerned about the balance between security imperatives and fundamental freedoms. The proposed law emerges amid heightened political and security tensions in Tigray, more than three years after the signing of the Pretoria Agreement. While the peace deal largely ended active hostilities between federal forces and the TPLF, divisions within Tigray’s political leadership have deepened, accompanied by growing concerns over security, governance, and the future of the region’s armed structures. In recent months, reports of forced military recruitment have surfaced from multiple areas of Tigray. Residents, opposition parties, and rights groups have alleged that young people have been compelled to join military formations, prompting calls for independent investigations and greater transparency regarding recruitment practices. The debate over the draft proclamation, therefore, comes at a particularly sensitive moment, with questions surrounding military mobilization, civil liberties, and freedom of expression increasingly at the center of public discussion. © Copyright 2026, All Rights Reserved