Published by Amnesty International on November 16, 2020. Ouattara’s decision to run for a third term has been met with protests. (Diom Celest/EPA) Dozens killed since the 31 October election Hundreds injured in clashes Dozens of opposition members arrested Opposition leader Pascal Affi N’Gguessan held incommunicado Authorities in Côte d’Ivoire must investigate the killing of dozens of people with rifles, guns and machetes since the presidential election, Amnesty International said today. Eyewitnesses interviewed by the organisation described post-election violence scenes which took place amid intensifying clashes between opposition and ruling party supporters since 31 October. In some instances, security forces were overwhelmed failing to prevent violence from both sides. “We are urging the Ivorian authorities to investigate the bloody violence and bring perpetrators to justice. The impunity that has long reigned in Côte d’Ivoire provides fertile ground for people to commit killings and other human rights violations with no fear of being held to account,” said Samira Daoud, Amnesty International West and Central Africa Director. “This is the second time in a decade that elections in Cote D’Ivoire have been marred by violence. The authorities must urgently take measures to protect lives and send a clear message that killings will not go unpunished.” Violence erupted in several towns in Côte d’Ivoire in the lead up to the presidential election and has continued following the vote. According to the National Human Rights Council, the violence led to 55 deaths between 31 October and 10 November, and 282 people were injured. There have also been dozens of arrests of opposition party members, including opposition leader Pascal Affi N’Guessan who has been in detention since the evening between 6 and 7 November. Last week, violence escalated in the central region of Côte d’Ivoire, including in the towns of Mbatto, Elibou and Daoukro. Between the 9 and 10 of November, an opposition protest in the town of Mbatto led to at least two deaths and dozens of people injured, five of whom in a critical condition, according to information received by Amnesty International. Eyewitnesses told the organisation that supporters of the ruling party attacked protesters with stones, which later led to a violent clash with machetes and guns while security forces were overwhelmed. One witness told Amnesty International: “…. They started with stones, then machetes, and at last we heard gun shots …. We were brutally assaulted. … They started to burn, to break some things and to injure us with bullets. The gendarmes who were in the middle to disperse the crowd with tear gas were (even) discouraged. We were left to ourselves. " According to another witness, at least 24 people were injured by firearms on 9 and 10 November, and five in critical condition could not be evacuated due to ongoing violence. “We've never seen this, usually people take machetes, but this time they all used guns,” he said. Amnesty International has also documented the arrests of dozens of opposition members around the election. This follows a call from the opposition for civil disobedience, a boycott of the election, the establishment of a National Transition Council and the rejection of President Alassane Ouattara's re-election. Opposition leader Pascal Affi N’Guessan was arrested and detained incommunicado from the evening of the 6 to 9 of November, during which period neither his family nor his lawyer had access to him. N’Guessan said he did not see the light of day for 60 hours. There are 30 charges against him including “attack and conspiracy against the state authority, murder and act of terrorism.” His lawyer only managed to see N’Guessan during his appearance in front of the judge on 9 November. Since then, neither the lawyer nor N’Guessan’s family was able to communicate with him. N’Guessan’s whereabouts cannot be confirmed. The authorities must allow him to communicate with his lawyer. On 3 November, 21 people were arbitrarily arrested at veteran opposition leader Henri Konan Bédié’s house, five of whom are still in detention. They include Maurice Guikahué, deputy leader of Côte d’Ivoire Democratic Party (PDCI in French), senators Seri Bi N’Guessan, Bassy Koffi Bernard, and Henri Konan Bédié’s chief of staff Narcisse N’dri Kouadio. They are facing 16 charges, including “attack and conspiracy against state authority”. Security forces are still stationed around the houses of former Minister Hubert Oulaye and that of Pascal Affi N’Guessan, preventing any person to enter or leave the buildings. Amnesty International considers this as an arbitrary restriction on the right to freedom of movement of all people inside the houses. This wave of arrests of political opponents follows another series of arrests earlier this year. In August, Amnesty International reported a wave of arrests of political dissidents. Between 13 August and 25 October, at least 41 people were arrested in Abdijan, Korogho, Toumodi and Alepe while protesting or after calling on people to protest. This includes five members of the opposition party, GPS, who were arrested on 13 August while on their way to a protest, and Pulchérie Edith Gbalet, coordinator of the NGO Alternatives Citoyennes (ACI), who was arrested on 15 August in the hotel where she was residing along with two collaborators after she called on people to protest against Ouattara’s third term. “The growing crackdown on opposition leaders and government critics is an attack on human rights. Authorities must stop restricting the right to freedom of movement of people inside the residence of opposition leaders by removing security forces surrounding them,” said Samira Daoud. “They must immediately release Pascal Affi N’Guessan, and all those detained simply for exercising their human rights. They must commit to creating a space where people can freely express their opinions and peacefully protest without fear of being arrested, assaulted or killed.” Background Côte d’Ivoire Constitutional Council declared on 9 November President Alassane Ouattara elected in the first round after the 31 October presidential election. The post-electoral violence was preceded by several incidents since Alassane Ouattara announced his candidacy for the presidential elections. In August, Amnesty International reported how the police allowed machete-wielding men to attack protesters on 13 August in Yopougon district of Abidjan. A clash between supporters of the ruling party and supporters of the opposition parties in Dabou between 19 and 21 October resulted in 16 deaths and 67 people injured. On 11 November, President Alassane Ouattara met with Henri Konan Bédié in Abidjan. According to reports, Ouattara said they will work towards peace, adding the meeting was “an ice breaker, a first step toward establishing trust.” © 2020 AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL

The government of Lebanon must heed the recommendations of the international community and do much more to fulfil, respect and protect human rights, putting an end to impunity underpinning the drastic erosion of fundamental economic, social and civil rights, Amnesty International said today, following Lebanon’s Universal Periodical Review (UPR) before the United Nations Human Rights Council on Monday 18 January. Forty-seven governments at the UPR Working Group session on Monday made recommendations for improving human rights protections in Lebanon. “The Lebanese authorities must accept these recommendations and commit to making the changes necessary to turn the tide on decades of abuses of people’s social, civil and economic rights. Accountability must replace impunity and Lebanon must be held to its promises,” said Amnesty International’s Deputy Regional Director for the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), Lynn Maalouf. “Since its last review at the Human Rights Council in 2015, Lebanon has made little progress on the recommendations it accepted, failing to adequately investigate torture allegations and increasingly curtailing freedom of expression and assembly in the context of protests. These recommendations must be prioritized by the next Lebanese governments in the next four years, until Lebanon’s next review. “In the years since Lebanon’s last UPR, Amnesty International has documented egregious violations of the rights to freedom of expression, protection from torture, protection of protesters from excessive force, adequate work conditions for migrant workers, and protection of the rights of refugees — especially from refoulement. Lebanon has also failed to end discrimination against women and protect the rights of LGBTIQ individuals. Any positive steps taken, such as the establishment of the anti-torture commission or the commission for the missing, have largely and thus far been tokenistic as the authorities have failed to empower and operationalize these bodies.” Torture In its 2015 review, the Lebanese government accepted recommendations to investigate and prosecute allegations of torture and other ill-treatment. Impunity for torture remains rife, however. At least 32 complaints filed under the 2017 Anti-Torture Law failed to reach court and most of them were closed without an effective investigation. Obstacles to accountability included the system of referring complaints to the very agencies accused of torture, or to the military justice system. Officers accused of torture remain in their positions and, in one instance, an officer named in a complaint was subsequently promoted. "The Lebanese authorities must accept these recommendations and commit to making the changes necessary to turn the tide on decades of abuses of people’s social, civil and economic rights. Accountability must replace impunity and Lebanon must be held to its promises." -Lynn Maalouf Amnesty International has repeatedly called on the Lebanese authorities to implement the recommendations it accepted in the 2015 review and end the practice of freezing torture complaints. Further, the government must implement its anti-torture law by investigating complaints, holding the perpetrators accountable and offering redress to the victims of torture and other ill-treatment. In Monday’s UPR meeting, at least five governments called on Lebanon to effectively end torture. Freedom of expression In the wake of the October 2019 protest movement, Lebanese authorities relentlessly harassed journalists and activists visible during the protests, using defamation laws that fail to meet international standards and unduly restrict people’s rights to exercise their freedom of expression. Between October 2019 and June 2020, security and military agencies interrogated 75 individuals, including 20 journalists, in relation to spurious charges of defamation over social media posts criticizing authorities, even though none of these agencies are mandated to investigate issues of free speech. Amnesty International has called for an end to the use of laws on defamation to harass activists and journalists and urged the authorities to bring national legislation curtailing the right to freedom of expression in line with international standards. At least 11 member states made recommendations to decriminalize defamation during Monday’s UPR session. Kafala For years, local and international communities have called on the Lebanese state to abolish kafala, an inherently abusive migration sponsorship system, and protect the rights of women migrant domestic workers to adequate work conditions. The economic crisis, coupled with the spread of COVID-19, worsened conditions for these vulnerable workers. Since May 2020, employers have abandoned scores of migrant domestic workers outside their consulates or embassies, often without their belongings or even their passports. These migrant workers have been subjected to exploitation, including being refused pay or plane tickets to return home. The Lebanese authorities must urgently take steps to dismantle the kafala system, including by ensuring migrant workers are not dependent on exploitative employers for their legal status in the country. Only a change to the labor law enshrining protection for migrant workers can protect the rights of these workers to a dignified and just work environment. At least 14 governments called for an end to kafala in the UNHRC review. Right to assembly and protest Despite statements by the Lebanese government during its 2015 UPR committing to protect protesters’ right to peaceful assembly, the military, the Internal Security Forces and Parliament Police used excessive force — including live ammunition, rubber pellets and tear gas — against largely peaceful protesters amid the eruption of the protest movement across Lebanon in October 2019 and failed to protect them from armed supporters of political parties. In one incident, at least 409 people were injured over two nights in January 2020 as a result of the authorities’ excessive use of force, and, in another incident, 230 were injured in a single day as they protested four days after the devastating Beirut explosion that had already left over 6,000 people injured. No transparent investigations have been carried out into the use of excessive force, nor any of the victims offered remedy. Amnesty International has previously called on Lebanon to end the use of excessive force against peaceful protesters and respect and protect their rights to protest. The organization has also called for thorough, independent, and effective investigations into the violent crackdown on protesters during the October 2019 protests. At least five governments called on Lebanon to respect and protect the right to freedom of assembly and protest © 2021 Amnesty International

Authorities in Guinea must investigate the deaths of at least four people in detention and end a wave of arrests targeting at least 400 opposition and civil society members across the country following the publication of the presidential election results in October, Amnesty International said today. In the past two months, four people, including three supporters of the opposition Union of Democratic Forces of Guinea (UFDG) have died in pre-trial detention in Conakry’s main prison. They were arrested in connection with protests in March 2020 against a referendum to change the constitution, and in October 2020 against the results of the presidential election which gave Alpha Condé a third term in office. “These people died while being held in prisons that are notorious for squalid, abusive conditions that often result in death, where the international rules of law on the treatment of detainees are ignored," said Fabien Offner, Amnesty International West Africa researcher. “By refusing to thoroughly investigate these deaths and authorizing the release or hospitalization of sick detainees only when their cases are desperate, the authorities show a deep contempt for human life. The Guinean authorities must shed light on the circumstances of these deaths in detention and urgently improve conditions of detention.” “I was never told my husband was sick’’ Mamadou Oury Barry, who had been in custody since 5 August for “assault and battery”, died in prison on 16 January 2021. According to the Ministry of Justice, "he died a natural death linked to a bowel obstruction and anaemia in the emergency department of Ignace Deen Hospital". Barry told one of his relatives on 14 January that he had stomachache. Despite arriving at the prison with food and medicine, the relative was turned away. “When I arrived at the prison, I was told that I could not enter with the medicine. In the early afternoon of 21 January, I was told he was seriously ill. When I went again to the prison, I was informed of his death,” the relative told Amnesty International. As of 29 January 2021, Barry’s family had still been unable to recover the body, despite lodging a request for it 10 days earlier with the prosecutor at Dixinn Court. Roger Bamba, a member of the UFDG’s national youth council, died in detention on 16 December 2020 "from illness", according to the Justice ministry. He was arrested on 6 September 2020 at the National Assembly where he was working as parliamentary assistant, and was sent to prison four days later, charged with "producing, disseminating statements likely to disturb public security". “I was never told that he was sick… Every time I went to the prison to visit him, I showed my authorization document, but I was always banned from meeting him. They said political prisoners cannot be visited. I only got to see him once, on 23 November, and he was fine that day. I was never able to see him before 16 December. When I got there it was too late,” Roger Bamba's wife told Amnesty International. Another detainee, 25-year-old Mamadou Lamarana Diallo, died on 5 December 2020 after being arrested on 2 April 2020 in Conakry, during the unrest following the disputed 22 March referendum. “After his arrest we did not see Mamadou Lamarana Diallo until 4 December," said one of his relatives. Diallo died a few hours after being brought almost dying to his relatives by members of the defense and security forces. Another detainee at Conakry central prison, Thierno Ibrahima Sow, died on the night of 17 November 2020. One doctor for every 2,000 detainees in Conakry prison Prison conditions fall short of minimum standards required by international law, particularly those enacted by the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights (ACHPR) in the Robben Island guidelines. Witness testimonies received by Amnesty International from relatives of detainees who died in prison or from former detainees indicate that authorities in Guinea failed to respect international standards regarding the rights of detainees. For example, at Conakry's central prison, built for around 300 people, a single doctor on site is supposed to care for nearly 2,000 inmates. Amnesty International delegates visited Conakry prison four times between 2015 and 2019. A detained UFDG member described conditions in the prison at the end of 2020: “We lie one on top of another. The food is rotten. The prisoners relieve themselves side by side ... A young man has been here for six months, arrested only because he was dancing in the street to music praising [opposition leader] Cellou Dalein Diallo… There is no infirmary in the prison… There is only one doctor for all these detainees. When people revolt, they are sent to Ignace Deen Hospital,” the detainee told Amnesty International. “The detention conditions in the Conakry prison are inhuman. Every detainee has the right to be treated with dignity, to receive adequate and appropriate food, hygiene conditions and care. When a detainee is ill, he must be able to see a doctor as soon as possible and have access to the necessary treatment,” said Fabien Offner. Wave of arrests and convictions Oumar Sylla, also known as Foniké Mengué, who is one of the executives of the National Front for the Defense of the Constitution (FNDC in French) was arrested in Conakry on 29 September 2020, while mobilizing against President Alpha Condé's candidacy for the presidential election. After four months of arbitrary detention, he was sentenced on 28 January 2021 to 11 months in prison for "participating in a prohibited assembly likely to disturb public order". He was initially prosecuted for “illegal assembly, disturbing public order, destruction of public properties and endangering state security”. Amnesty International considers Oumar Sylla’s detention as arbitrary and calls for his immediate and unconditional release. © Amnesty International 2021

Jawad Morad © Amnesty International Lebanese security forces have committed shocking violations against Syrian refugees who have been arrested, often arbitrarily, on terrorism-related charges, employing some of the same atrocious torture techniques that are used in Syria’s most notorious prisons, said Amnesty International in a damning new report published today. Amnesty’s report, “I wish I would die”: Syrian refugees detained on terrorism-related charges and tortured in Lebanon, documents an array of violations committed by primarily Lebanese military intelligence against 26 detainees, including fair trial violations as well as torture - including beatings with metal sticks, electric cables, and plastic pipes. Detainees also described being hung upside down or forced into stress positions for prolonged periods of time. “This report offers a snapshot of the Lebanese authorities’ cruel, abusive and discriminatory treatment of Syrian refugees detained on suspicion of terrorism-related charges. In many cases refugees who escaped war, ruthless repression and widespread torture have found themselves arbitrarily detained and held incommunicado in Lebanon, where they face many of the same horrors employed in Syrian prisons,” said Marie Forestier, Researcher on Refugee and Migrants Rights at Amnesty International. “There is no question that members of armed groups responsible for human rights abuses must be held accountable for their actions, but the Lebanese authorities’ flagrant violation of Syrian refugees’ right to due process has made a mockery of justice. At every stage, from arrest through to interrogation, detention and prosecution in unfair trials, the Lebanese authorities have utterly disregarded international human rights law.” The report documents the cases of 26 Syrian refugees, including four children, detained in Lebanon on terrorism-related charges between 2014-2021. It is based on interviews with former and current detainees, lawyers and an examination of legal documents. Since 2011 hundreds of Syrian refugees, have been detained in Lebanon, often arbitrarily on trumped-up terror-related charges, or at times in relation to their membership of armed groups. Widespread torture and other ill-treatment In all but one of the 26 cases documented by Amnesty International, refugees reported being tortured, either during interrogation or detention. Most frequently this occurred at Ablah military intelligence centre, the General Security office in Beirut or at the Ministry of Defence. Two of the torture survivors were aged just 15 and 16 years old at the time. At least four men said they were beaten so badly that they lost consciousness and two had broken teeth. Detainees said they faced some of the same torture techniques routinely used in Syrian prisons such as the “flying carpet” (being strapped on a foldable board), “shabeh” (when an individual is suspended by wrists and beaten), or “balango”, which involves an individual being suspended for hours with wrists tied behind their backs. Bassel, a former Syrian detainee, told Amnesty International, that after his transfer to Rihaniyyeh prison, he was beaten so badly every day for three weeks that his wounds festered. “They beat us with plastic tubes from the bathroom on our back. My back had open wounds that started becoming really bad. In the end, there were worms inside my wounds,” he said. Ahmed, who described his ordeal in detention at Ablah military intelligence centre, said he was beaten on his genitals until he lost consciousness. "There is no question that members of armed groups responsible for human rights abuses must be held accountable for their actions, but the Lebanese authorities’ flagrant violation of Syrian refugees’ right to due process has made a mockery of justice. At every stage, from arrest through to interrogation, detention and prosecution in unfair trials, the Lebanese authorities have utterly disregarded international human rights law." Marie Forestier, Researcher on Refugee and Migrants Rights at Amnesty International Another detained refugee said a security agent injured him so badly by beating his genitals that he urinated blood for several days. While beating him, the agent said: “I’m hitting you here so you can’t bring any more children to this world, so that they don’t contaminate this community.” Several detainees said Lebanese security forces made reference to their opposition to President Bashar al-Assad while beating them, indicating the attacks may have been politically motivated. Karim, a journalist, who was detained for eight days at the Beirut General Security office, said his interrogators asked whether he supported the Syrian president and when he said he did not they beat him harder. Detainees also described being held in harsh conditions. “I stayed three days in a row, night and day, standing in the corridor, handcuffed and blindfolded... We had to beg to go to the bathroom and for water. They gave us food once a day. There were officers guarding us so that we didn’t sit or sleep. If somebody tried to, they would force him to stand again,” one man said. There have been no investigations into any of the torture allegations Amnesty International documented, even in cases where detainees or their lawyers told the judge they had been tortured. In some cases, security agents requested the delay of court sessions leading to the loss of scars from beatings or other forms of torture. Amnesty International documented the ill-treatment of two women who were sexually harassed and verbally assaulted in detention. One was forced to watch as security agents tortured her son and another woman was made to watch her husband being beaten. Lebanon passed an anti-torture law in 2017 but has consistently failed to implement it, and torture complaints rarely reach court. “The Lebanese authorities must immediately implement their own anti-torture law and respect their obligations under international human rights law. They must ensure that torture allegations are effectively investigated and that those responsible for these horrendous abuses are held accountable,” said Marie Forestier. "They beat us with plastic tubes from the bathroom on our back. My back had open wounds that started becoming really bad. In the end, there were worms inside my wounds." Bassel, a former Syrian detainee Fair trial violations All 26 detainees, whose cases were documented by Amnesty International, were denied access to a lawyer during initial questioning, in violation of Lebanon’s own laws and international law and standards. This undermined their ability to defend themselves or to challenge their detention. After arrest, refugees often reported having to wait several weeks to appear before an investigative judge, and in nine cases trials were delayed for up to two years, violating international law. In many cases judges relied heavily on confessions obtained under torture or evidence from unreliable informants, and convictions were based on vague and overly broad terrorism-related charges. At least 14 detainees told Amnesty they ‘confessed’ to crimes they did not commit after being tortured or threatened. In 23 of the cases documented, detainees – two of them children - were tried before military courts, violating international standards against the trials of civilians before military courts. In at least three cases, orders were issued and in one case carried out to forcibly deport the detainees to Syria in breach of the refoulement principle under international law, which prohibits states from sending anyone back to a place where they would be at real risk of serious human rights violations. Amnesty International is calling on the Lebanese authorities to ensure all Syrian detainees are granted a fair trial that adheres to international standards. They must also urgently end the practice of trying civilians in military courts. In 14 of the cases documented, Amnesty International found that terrorism-related accusations against Syrian refugees were made on discriminatory grounds including political affiliations. In nine cases, simply expressing political opposition to the Syrian government was considered evidence to justify convictions on “terrorism” charges. A number of Syrians living in north Lebanon were arrested based on their real or perceived involvement in the 2014 battle of Arsal - when members of Jabhat al-Nusra and the armed group Islamic State attacked the Lebanese army and abducted 16 members of the security forces. The battle of Arsal ended with a ceasefire deal which allowed thousands of Jabhat al-Nusra fighters and their families to return to Idlib in Syria. The cases examined also included, a number of Syrian women, detained in relation to their male relatives’ alleged activities, or in order to pressure the male relatives to confess or hand themselves over. © 2021 Amnesty International

The use of excessive force by Guinean security force in the weeks following the country’s presidential election, has led to more than a dozen killed including a 62-year-old man presumably from torture, and the arrest of hundreds during protests or police operations in pro-opposition neighborhoods, Amnesty International said today. President Alpha Condé was re-elected on 18 October for a third term and will be sworn in today. Amnesty International is highlighting new evidence, including testimonies from families of victims, analysis and authentication of images, and a count done with hospitals of the number of people killed, of the repression of demonstrations and dissenting voices between 19 October and the beginning of this month. “President Alpha Condé’s swearing in today is the culmination of a contested electoral process marred by serious and widespread human rights violations in Guinea, carried out with complete impunity over more than a year. Before, during and immediately after the election, people were killed and injured by the defense and security forces, and despite regular announcements of investigations there have so far been no convictions,” said Fabien Offner, Amnesty International West Africa researcher. “President Condé has the opportunity, with this new mandate, to break with the country’s repressive past. All suspected killings of protesters and others resulting from the excessive and unlawful use of force, and those of police officers must be investigated, and perpetrators brought to justice." Violent protests Following the presidential election, protests-some of which were violent- erupted to contest the results. The defense and security forces responded to the protests by using excessive force when carrying out operations in some neighborhouds which resulted in deaths. According to the judicial authorities, during the days following the presidential election, 20 dead bodies were handed to the forensic medicine department at Ignace Deen Hospital in Conakry “for autopsy”, following the post-electoral violence. According to the Union of Democratic Forces of Guinea (UFDG, an opposition party) there were 46 "victims of targeted assassinations" between 19 October and 3 November. At least 16 people have been shot dead between 18 and 24 October, according to a count made by Amnesty International. Between 19 and 28 October alone, one clinic in the capital received 37 wounded people, including 15 with firearms injuries and nine with stab wounds. Reprisals against residents Amnesty International has documented acts of violence by the defense and security forces against residents of neighborhouds that favor the opposition in the capital. In Wanindara, north of Conakry, the director general of the national police reported two "armed attacks by two groups of assailants in the Wanindara market” carried out on 30 November against “police officers”, leaving one officer dead and three injured. The Security Ministry subsequently described the attacks as "terrorist acts" and the police announced "sweeps" operations and a "strong security presence" in Wanindara. During this period of heightened police and security activity, Mamadou Lamarana Diallo, a young resident of Wanindara, was killed at close range on 1 December without reason, by a group of six police officers who came to search his family home. The young man presented no immediate danger. His mother, who was present at the time of the incident, told Amnesty International: "(..) The police said they were going to search the house (…) They looked at all the rooms and saw no one (…) In the meantime, I called my son. His arrival coincided with the exit of the police officers from the house and they shot him. He died along the way to the hospital. We returned home with the body we buried." Wanindara was "surrounded" in the days following the election by the defense and security forces, who "shot all over the neighbourhood," according to another resident who was beaten with her son on 1 December. She told Amnesty International: “(..) My 25-year-old son who is a student was going at the university and showed his student card to the police, but they beat him. He came back, and then I walked out to the road with him, greeted the police and asked them if they were the ones who hit my son. At that moment, their officer ordered the agents to knock at me. They ripped my clothes. " "Authorities’ virulent statements about perceived dissenting neighborhouds in Conakry have intensified since Alpha Condé’s election. This worrying verbal escalation, coincided with serious human rights violations committed by security forces,” said Fabien Offner. “Nothing could justify security operations that look like punitive expeditions carried out against the inhabitants of an entire neighborhoud. The use of firearms by police is only allowed under international law to protect themselves or others from imminent danger of death or serious injury.” In the Cimenterie district in Dubreka, north of Conakry, Abdoulaye Djibril Bah died due to injuries sustained to his arm and hip from three bullets fired by defense and security forces on 21 October. He died in the arms of his friend who was threatened by police on his way to the hospital. According to testimony received by Amnesty International, Abdoulaye had met people fleeing security forces who were in the way he was heading to and was shot in the arm. When he was trying to escape, a second bullet hit him in the leg, and when trying to crawl a third bullet hit him in the hip. Two people who tried to rescue him were respectively shot in the leg, arm and stomach. “(…) Abdoulaye was conscious when I found him. (…) The police pointed guns at us saying that if we move (…) they would shoot. I cried and told them Abdoulaye was dying (…) I also told them to kill me because I will not let Abdoulaye die. A policeman came and said 'let them go, he (Abdoulaye) is already a dead man,” his friend said. The director general of the police has repeatedly said police are not carrying arms when maintaining order. Based on expert analysis and authentication of photographs of shells recovered in a district of Conakry where the defense and security forces were present to repress a demonstration, Amnesty International confirms the use of bullets intended for AK / MPAK-type guns. These weapons are frequently used by members of the defense and security forces. The bullets may have been manufactured in China. On 23 October, these types of bullets were used by members of the defense and security forces, who seriously injured 24-year-old Ousmane Barry in the Lansanayah neighborhoud in Conakry. According to witnesses, they killed several people after besieging the neighborhood on that day. Torture and ill-treatment Forensic medicine experts at Amnesty International also analyzed and authenticated the photos of the injuries of Ibrahima Sow, 62, arrested on 24 October and who died on 17 November while he was under arrest. Ibrahima Sow was arrested for "criminal participation in a gathering with violence", after the attack of an uranium company train during which "three gendarmes, a soldier and a civilian" were killed, according to the Attorney General of the Conakry Court of Appeal. The day after Sow’s death the Ministry of Justice said in a statement that he had tested positive for Covid-19, then recovered and left the Conakry prison treatment center. The Ministry said he was subsequently “complaining of diabetes” and was taken to the hospital, where he died. His family and the Guinean Organization for Human Rights (OGDH) accuse the authorities of deliberately covering up a death caused by acts of torture or ill-treatment in detention. An Amnesty International analysis concluded that “taken together, Ibrahima Sow's pattern of injuries strongly suggest the infliction of burns using a hot iron rod or a similar object. These injuries are very strong evidence of ill-treatment.” Arbitrary arrests and detentions The authorities carried out at least 400 arbitrary arrests, targeting opponents and members of civil society, after the presidential election. On 31 October, the General prosecutor of the Court of Appeal of Conakry announced that 325 people had been arrested during the post-electoral violence. On 10 November, the Dixinn district prosecutor announced that 78 people had been brought before a judge and several others were wanted. On the following day, some of them like Ibrahima Chérif Bah, vice-president of the opposition UFDG party, Ousmane "Gaoual" Diallo, MP and coordinator of the UFDG, Abdoulaye Bah, former mayor of Kindia, Etienne Soropogui, president of the movement “Our common values”, and Mamadou Cellou Baldé, coordinator of the UFDG Committees were arrested. They were charged with "possession and manufacture of small arms, criminal conspiracy, disturbing public order, looting and destruction, participation in a gathering, and statements inciting violence". Etienne Soropogui, who suffered from lung-related health problems, was admitted to hospital on 27 November. He returned to prison on 8 December, but his health condition still requires treatment, according to his lawyer. In addition, a FNDC top official, Oumar Sylla, has been in prison for several months. On 22 November, the government spokesman announced, "the suspension for health reasons of mass demonstrations throughout the national territory". “Challenging President Condé’s reelection, should not become another pretext to muzzle opposition members, ban peaceful demonstrations and protect the impunity of the defense and security forces who have perpetrated violence against demonstrators and passers-by. The new government must urgently end the bloody crackdown in Guinea,” said Fabien Offner. © Amnesty International 2020

The policy of repression in Venezuela has been based on the coordination of attacks and stigmatizing messages broadcast by media with links to Nicolás Maduro’s government and politically motivated arbitrary arrests by the security forces under his command, with a marked pattern of political discrimination, concludes new research published today by Amnesty International in conjunction with the Foro Penal and the Centro para los Defensores y la Justicia (CDJ). “The world has known for years about the policy of repression that Nicolás Maduro’s government has put in place. Our research shows that there are instances where there is an extremely high correlation between public stigmatization and politically motivated arbitrary arrests. This correlation is a new indicator of a systematic policy of repression and points to the crime against humanity of persecution, which must be investigated by the international justice system,” said Erika Guevara-Rosas, Americas director at Amnesty International. The research for the report, Calculated Repression: Correlation between stigmatization and arbitrary detentions in Venezuela, was conducted for over a year, in collaboration with Foro Penal and the CDJ, two human rights organizations based in Caracas. Different statistical models were applied to the records of both organizations covering the period between January 2019 and June 2021, including Pearson’s correlation and other descriptive analytics such as evolutionary analysis and percentage frequency distribution. The statistical models were validated by a peer review process. Marianna Romero, Director General of the CDJ, stated that they “documented how the stigmatization campaigns have been the basis of the policy of repression and criminalization in Venezuela. From the highest levels of the state, the system has been designed to discredit, accuse, threaten and target those who defend, promote and demand respect for human rights, through public statements, the media and social, personal and institutional networks. This research clearly shows how this stigmatization is based on the rationale that there is an enemy within and results in manifestations of acts of violence and persecution by the state”. The study revealed a correlation between politically motivated arbitrary arrests, carried out by state security officials, and stigmatization, carried out by various media outlets. This analysis showed that, while in 2019 the general correlation between both variables was 29%, in 2020 it increased to 42% and in the first half of 2021 it reached 77%. The annual correlations between arbitrary arrests and stigmatization also vary in relation to the different security forces involved in the arrests. In 2019, there is a greater correlation (74%) with arrests by intelligence agencies (Military Counter-Intelligence General Directorate, DGCIM, and the Bolivarian National Intelligence Service, SEBIN). In 2020 the correlation is greater (92%) with arrests by the units under the command of the Bolivarian National Police (PNB), including the Special Action Forces (FAES). And in 2021 the correlation is highest with civil and decentralized bodies, such as the FAES, municipal police forces and the Scientific, Penal and Criminal Investigations Corps (CICPC), where the correlation between arrest and stigmatization is 92%. Another significant finding was the high correlation (94%) observed from January 2019 to June 2021, between the stigmatization by the television programme “Con El Mazo Dando” and politically motivated arbitrary arrests carried out by a military security body and prosecuted in the military courts. The qualitative dimension of the research includes analysis of the phenomena of stigmatization, politically motivated arbitrary arrests, the nature and functioning of media outlets linked to the government — many of which receive public funding — and the socio-political context in the country during the period covered by the study. All this was compared against international human rights standards and international criminal law, leading to the conclusion that the patterns of stigmatization suggest the existence of political persecution. “According to the results obtained, there is no doubt that there is a close relationship between agents of the Venezuelan state, public and private media outlets, and attacks against human rights defenders, which should not go unpunished”, said Gonzalo Himiob, Director of Foro Penal. The organizations involved call on the Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court to consider including in its investigation into crimes against humanity in Venezuela the facts set out in this research, with a view to determining key actors, specific cases and possible participants in the crimes against humanity of arbitrary deprivation of liberty and persecution. They also call on the international community to continue supporting the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission in its mandate to contribute to accountability for human rights violations in Venezuela since 2014. For more information or to arrange an interview, please contact Duncan Tucker: duncan.tucker@amnesty.org Copyright 2022 Amnesty International

Source: Getty Images Indian authorities must immediately put an end to the excessive use of force in response to large scale protests in the country that has resulted in the death of at least two people, including a child, and in many others suffering injuries since last Friday, Amnesty International India said today. The organization also called for the immediate and unconditional release of those arbitrarily arrested solely for peacefully exercising their rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly. In the last few days, thousands of people took to the streets in the states of Uttar Pradesh, Jharkhand, West Bengal, Maharashtra, Karnataka, Gujarat, Jammu & Kashmir and Telangana calling for the arrest of Nupur Sharma and Naveen Kumar Jindal, the former spokespersons for Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), India’s ruling political party, for making statements deemed insulting of Prophet Mohammed in a prime-time TV news debate. “The Government of India is selectively and viciously cracking down on Muslims who dare to speak up and peacefully express their dissent against the discrimination faced by them. Cracking down on protesters with excessive use of force, arbitrary detention and punitive house demolitions by Indian authorities is in complete violation of India’s commitments under international human rights law and standards,” said Aakar Patel, chair of Amnesty International India Board. On 10 June, media reported an incident where, police personnel can be seen striking batons, pelting stones and shooting bystanders during protests in Ranchi, Jharkhand. Another bystander was shot six times by the police while returning from the market. Two protesters including a 15-year-old child was fatally shot in the head by the police. Under the United Nations Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials, police may only use force for a legitimate law enforcement purpose and may not use more force than needed to achieve this objective. Moreover, police may use firearms only as a last resort and when strictly necessary to protect themselves or others against the imminent threat of death or serious injury; the intentional lethal use of firearms is only permissible if strictly unavoidable in order to protect life. In another video reported by multiple media outlets and shared by many on Twitter including the former Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, a police officer is repeatedly hitting detained male protesters with batons in Saharanpur, Uttar Pradesh while they cry in fear and pain and one protester complains of a fractured arm. Instead of criticizing the use of force, it was celebrated by former police officers and BJP politicians on social media. Baton strikes while a subject is under control are unnecessary and disproportionate, and amount to using batons punitively – which amounts to torture or other cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment or punishment, a violation of international law. “Presenting and treating all protesters, including peaceful ones, as a threat for public order is deeply worrying and is part of an alarming escalation of the states’ measures targeting Muslims. Unfortunately, the Prime Minister and various state chief ministers have done little to show that they disapprove of any statement portraying Muslims as a risk for public order or embedding other stereotypes and prejudices that may contribute to justifying discrimination and violence against Muslims. They should publicly show their opposition for any such statement” said Aakar Patel. Instead, in a continuing blow to human rights, the authorities carried out the unlawful and arbitrary demolition of houses belonging to Muslims suspected of being “key conspirators” of the violence that erupted during the protests in Prayagraj, Uttar Pradesh. On 10 June, activist Javed Mohammed, his wife and younger daughter were detained along with many others by the police. On 11 June, a backdated notice was pasted on the wall of the family’s house at 11pm in the night before the planned demolition. Javed Mohammed and his elder daughter Afreen Fatima, a student activist, have been vocal in their criticism of the government specially against the discriminatory Citizenship Amendment Act. While the authorities cited illegal construction as the reason for demolition, the notice was issued in the name of Javed Mohammed who did not even own the demolished property. On 12 June, the authorities demolished the two-storey house amounting to a punitive measure and a violation of the right to adequate housing. Houses of many other protesters were similarly demolished in Uttar Pradesh. It is evident that in the absence of any genuine consultation and a complete departure from due process of law, these demolitions stand in absolute violation of the right to adequate housing as enshrined in the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, to which India is a state party and has been done to inflict punishment on the community for raising their voices against injustice. “The State’s response to current protests is not only deplorable but also marks the latest escalation in the suppression of dissent. The Indian authorities must carry out a prompt, thorough, effective, impartial and independent investigation into all the human rights violations allegedly committed by law enforcement officials and other public officials against protesters and human rights defenders. Law enforcement officials who used the force excessively should be charged, whenever there is enough evidence. Victims should also have access to reparations including compensation,” said Aakar Patel. © Amnesty International 2022

(Photo by Mousaab Rouibi/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images) The Algerian authorities must immediately and unconditionally release at least 266 activists and protesters imprisoned for participating in the Hirak protest movement, criticising the authorities, denouncing state corruption or expressing solidarity with detainees, Amnesty International said as Algeria prepares to celebrate 60 years of independence on 5 July. In May 2022, local watchdogs reported that at least 266 activists and protesters are languishing in Algerian prisons solely for exercising their rights to freedom of expression and assembly; the authorities must urgently drop all charges against them. Many protesters are being held in pretrial detention for excessively long periods of time. Others have been handed sentences of up to five years on overly broad, trumped-up charges such as “harming” national security, “undermining national unity”, “offending” public officials, “inciting unarmed gatherings”, spreading fake news, and terrorism. “Sixty years after Algeria was recognized as an independent nation, basic freedoms and human rights are still being overlooked, trampled upon or actively curtailed,” said Amna Guellali, Amnesty International’s Deputy Director for the Middle East and North Africa. “The unjustified detention of activists and protestors must end. It is shameful that the Algerian authorities continue the use of overly broad and repressive laws to prosecute individuals solely for peacefully exercising their rights to freedom of expression and assembly.” On 24 April 2022, Hakim Debbazi, a Hirak detainee, died in custody under unclear circumstances. Debbazi is a 55-year-old father of three children. He had been held in pretrial detention since February 2022 after sharing a Facebook post from another page that called for a protest to mark the third anniversary of the Hirak movement. He was prosecuted for “inciting an unarmed gathering”, “offending public officials” and publishing content that might “harm the national interest”. The court rejected a request for his provisional release from his lawyers, but offered no explanation for the refusal. Zakiya Sadeg, Debbazi’s aunt and lawyer, told Amnesty International that he had informed his wife during a visit in April that he was suffering from chest pains and breathing difficulties. He also said he was being held in a small, smoke-filled room that lacked ventilation. Almost one month after Debbazi’s death, Algeria’s Minister of Justice said, citing an autopsy report, that he had died of natural causes. The unjustified detention of activists and protestors must end. Amna Guellali, Amnesty International Out of all cases documented by Amnesty International, at least four detainees have faced additional trials while in prison over charges related to expressing state criticism either online or offline. On 8 June 2020, environmental activist Mohad Gasmi was arrested and later sentenced to five years in prison over a Facebook post that was deemed by the authorities as “glorifying terrorism.” While in prison, he was prosecuted on additional charges related to his participation in environmental activism abroad and communicating with activists online. He was handed an additional three-year sentence. Journalist Merzoug Touati was also handed an additional prison term while serving his initial one-year sentence for “inciting an unarmed gathering” and publishing content that “undermines national unity”. On 29 May 2022, he was sentenced to one more year in prison and fined $350 USD in a separate case under the same charges. Touati was eventually released on 20 June following a presidential pardon. Charges against him have not been dropped. He received yet another sentence of a year in prison and a fine of $342 USD on 28 June 2022. The latest sentence is the fourth against him in 2022. After the Hirak protest movement was halted due to Covid-19 in 2020, the Algerian authorities escalated their repression of peaceful dissent. The growing suppression of state critics was not limited to Algerians within the country, but also targeted several individuals residing abroad or seeking refuge overseas. Earlier this year, one refugee was abducted in Tunisia before being forcibly returned to Algeria and prosecuted on at least 10 charges including “participation in a terrorist organization” for his alleged links to the Movement for the self-determination of Kabylie. Also, at least two asylum seekers were deported over their alleged links with unauthorized organizations, while at least three dual nationals residing in Canada were arbitrarily arrested or interrogated upon arrival in Algeria, and then prevented from exiting the country for several weeks or months. © 2022 Amnesty International Link to source : https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2022/06/algeria-over-260-hirak-detainees-languishing-in-prison-must-be-released/

© Photo by MOHAMMED HUWAIS/AFP via Getty Images The internationally recognized government (IRG) of Yemen must end its harassment and prosecution of journalists in areas under its control, including in Taiz and Hadramout governorates, Amnesty International said today. Judicial authorities have over the past seven months prosecuted at least three journalists for publishing content that was critical of officials and public institutions. A fourth journalist was summoned by the criminal investigation directorate for questioning over a Facebook post in which he was critical of oil sale prices and arbitrarily detained him for around 9 hours. "Journalists should not be treated like criminals simply for being critical of government institutions and employees." Diana Semaan, Amnesty International “Journalists should not be treated like criminals simply for being critical of government institutions and employees. These journalists were just doing their job and their speech is protected under international human rights law. The internationally recognized government of Yemen has a responsibility to respect freedom of expression and should drop all charges against them,” said Diana Semaan, Acting Deputy Director for the Middle East and North Africa. “Targeting journalists and activists for exercising their right to freedom of expression has a chilling effect on society. Its real aim is to silence dissent and deter critical voices.” In the first half of 2022, the Yemeni Journalists’ Syndicate recorded 11 cases of attacks, including threats and incitement of violence, against journalists and media outlets, nine cases of detention, and six cases of prosecution and summoning by parties to the conflict. The Syndicate report found that the IRG was responsible for committing 23 of these violations, while the Huthi de facto authorities were responsible for 16. The charges they faced include “insulting” a public employee, which carries up to two years imprisonment under the Penal Code, mocking army officials, offending a symbol of the state, and disturbing public order. Under international law, “insult” is not a recognizable offense and does not justify a limitation on freedom of expression. In addition, the UN Human Rights Committee has stated that “the mere fact that forms of expression are considered to be insulting to a public figure is not sufficient to justify the imposition of penalties”. Amnesty International opposes laws prohibiting insult or disrespect of heads of state or public figures, the military or other public institutions, flags or symbols – unless it constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence. Criticism taken as “insult” criminalized by law Amnesty International interviewed two lawyers and 10 journalists and activists, six of whom were summoned for questioning, by the criminal investigation directorate or the military intelligence for publishing content critical of the authorities. Judicial authorities prosecuted two of the journalists under the Penal Code and a court gave them suspended prison sentences in 2022. In one of the cases, Taiz Public Prosecution had charged one journalist in 2019 with “insulting” public and military officials after he published several Facebook posts in which he criticised the military authorities in Taiz for their “thug-like” behaviour and their intimidation of journalists and activists. On 17 May 2022, Sabir Court of First Instance found him guilty and sentenced him to a one-year suspended prison term and a fine under Article 292 of the Penal Code. He said: “This prosecution is for settling political scores. The side that is prosecuting me is the one in control of the army, the security apparatus, and the judiciary.” Another journalist was sentenced on 21 June 2022 by the Public Funds Courts in Hadramout to a three-month suspended prison term for “insulting a public employee” and “threatening to publish private secrets” citing Articles 172 and 257 of the Penal Code, respectively, after he published an article that was critical of the academic standing of the public university in Hadramout. He questioned how that could be framed as an offence to a government employee: “what has the Public Prosecution gained from dragging me through court for nearly a year, just because I told the truth which most people agree with?” he told Amnesty International. Self-censorship as press freedom threatened One journalist is still facing trial based on trumped-up charges and could face up to at least three years imprisonment if sentenced. He is being tried before the Specialized Criminal Court of First Instance in Hadramout based on trumped up national security-related charges for publishing articles calling on the local authorities in Hadramout to stop using intelligence agents to persecute journalists and calling for the governor to be changed. He told Amnesty International that security agents were regularly stationed outside his house and office in response to him speaking out against the governor in 2019. Neither the journalist nor his lawyer have been able to access the case file containing the evidence brought against him, in violation of the right to a fair trial. Two other journalists told Amnesty International they had stopped publishing critical views of the authorities out of fear of persecution. One of them said: “I have resorted to silence and stopped journalism temporarily, but it is a frustrating, bitter and humiliating fate.” The use of national security laws or defamation laws with the purpose or effect of inhibiting legitimate criticism of government or public officials violates the right to freedom of expression. National security and public order should be precisely defined in law to guard against over-broad or abusive interpretation and application. “The internationally recognized government of Yemen must immediately end its harassment and prosecution of journalists and respect their right to freedom of expression. It can start by dropping the practice of summoning activists and journalists to security and military agencies and ending the abuse of laws on criminal defamation and national security to suppress dissent. The IRG must also bring national legislation curtailing the right to freedom of expression into line with the international standards,” said Diana Semaan. © Amnesty International 2022

Photographs of those unlawfully killed by the Taliban in Ghor province of Afghanistan Six people killed during a night raid on a family home in Ghor province, including a 12-year-old girl Ongoing Taliban killings indicate a pattern of attacks on ethnic minorities and members of the former security forces Taliban fighters killed six Hazara people in a deliberate attack on the ethnic minority group in Afghanistan’s Ghor province, Amnesty International said today following a new investigation. On 26 June 2022, the Taliban detained and unlawfully executed four men during a night raid operation in search of a former security official. The body of at least one of those executed showed signs of torture. A woman and a 12-year-old girl were also killed during the raid. The attack is part of a wider pattern of unlawful targeted killings of people whom the Taliban perceives as adversaries, in this case being both members of the Hazara community and those who were associated with the former Afghan government “The Taliban must immediately end this cruel pattern of targeted killings and, as the de facto authorities, ensure the protection of all Afghans,” said Agnès Callamard, Amnesty International’s Secretary General. “The Taliban must investigate these killings and ensure that those responsible are prosecuted in accordance with international human rights obligations and standards. If the de facto authorities cannot provide justice, the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court should immediately open full investigations into all cases of extrajudicial executions. In addition, along with the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation in Afghanistan, Amnesty International calls for an independent accountability mechanism in and for Afghanistan.” Amnesty International documented similar extrajudicial executions of Hazara people in Ghazni province in July 2021, and Daykundi province in August 2021. Despite publicly promising not to target former government officials, the Taliban have still not investigated or prosecuted anyone for the killings. Amnesty International conducted eight remote interviews, including with witnesses to the June 2022 attack, analyzed 38 photos and three videos that were taken in the aftermath of the attack, consulted a forensic pathologist to review the images of the bodies, and reviewed satellite imagery of the area to confirm the location of one of the killings. Several of the photos analyzed were published online by Taliban media, including the Ghor Province Governor Media Office, which deleted the post soon after publication. Family members killed On the night of 26 June 2022, Taliban forces raided the home of Mohamad Muradi, a Hazara man and security official under the former government who had also previously led a People’s Uprising Program force – a local militia – against the Taliban in 2020 and 2021. Muradi had recently returned to his home in Chahar Asyab, in the Lal wa Sarjangal district in Ghor province, after failing in an attempt to flee to Iran, and then hiding in other cities around the country. Like many who had been involved in Taliban opposition, Muradi had not taken up the offer of a personalized ‘amnesty letter’ – often issued to former security and government officials, offering permission to return home in exchange for a promise to lay down arms – due to the fear of reprisal attacks by the Taliban. Witnesses told Amnesty International that, on the night of the attack, Taliban forces fired rifles and rocket-propelled grenades at Muradi’s home, killing Taj Gul Muradi, his 22-year-old daughter, who had studied medicine and had been providing health care in the community. The attack wounded Muradi and two of Muradi’s other children, a son and his 12-year-old daughter. The girl suffered severe stomach injuries and died the next day. Muradi’s left leg was injured, and he surrendered to Taliban forces through the intervention of local elders. However, the Taliban then dragged him outside of the house and shot him dead. An analysis of photos of Muradi’s body shows damage to the front of his shirt, indicating a likely chest wound, and an exit wound in his forehead. Amnesty International reviewed photos and videos that show damage to Muradi’s home consistent with witness testimony. The images were also geolocated by analyzing visible features – including vegetation, nearby pavements and the buildings’ layout – and satellite imagery. Tortured and judicially executed Three other men who had been staying at Muradi’s home were detained and then extrajudicially executed. Two of them, like Muradi, had previously been members of the People’s Uprising Program force, though none had taken part in fighting with the militia for some time. Ghulam Haider Mohammadi, Muradi’s nephew, had been visiting relatives. Photos of Mohammadi’s body indicate that he was executed with at least one gunshot to head, while kneeling and with his hands bound behind him. Locals found his body approximately 50 meters from Muradi’s home, left between some rocks in a tree-covered area. Witnesses told Amnesty International that the other two victims – named Asif Rezayee and Arif Sangaree – were put in a vehicle and driven away to be killed in a separate location. The bodies of the two men were later discovered in an uninhabited part of Takeghal, more than 30 minutes’ drive from where they were initially detained. Asif Rezayee had been living in Kabul but had returned to his home village a few days prior to visit family members. Rezayee was executed by gunfire while his hands were cuffed behind his back. Photos and a video of his body show four distinct gunshot wounds, to the head, chest, right thigh, and left hand. Based upon the nature of the wounds, apparent bullet trajectory, and gun powder stains, the wounds to the leg and hand were done at close range prior to execution. Such intentional infliction of pain on a bound detainee constitutes torture, a crime under international law. Photos indicate that Arif Sangaree was also executed while bound and detained, with at least one close range shot to the head. One of the photos posted by the Taliban to Facebook, claiming credit for the successful operation, shows Sangaree with a significant facial wound surrounded by fresh bright red arterial blood, indicating the Taliban took the photo immediately after his death. In contrast, photos provided by people who discovered the body show Sangaree with the identical wound, but the blood dark and dried, meaning time had passed. The Taliban news sources that posted the image of Arif Sangeree’s body described the night raid as a “targeted operation” that culminated in a fight between “rebels” and “Mujahideen”, or the Taliban. The account claimed seven rebels had been killed, detained and wounded, and that one Taliban member was killed, with two others wounded. To justify the deaths, the statement went on to say that the raid had occurred after fighters associated with Mawlavi Mahadi, the Hazara leader of a Taliban defector group, had attacked the Taliban in Balkhab district of Sar-e-Pul province, and then fled and established themselves in the village of Chahar Asyab. This Taliban statement is incorrect. While this fighting has been documented by the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation in Afghanistan in his 6 September 2022 report, which includes cases of Taliban executions of fighters hors de combat, Muradi and his family members were not members of Mahadi’s group or taking part in this round of attacks. Rather, Amnesty International believes the Taliban justification is a pretext for targeting ethnic minorities and soldiers associated with the former government. Background The Taliban seized power in Afghanistan following the collapse of the government in mid-August 2021. Amnesty International has called for the protection of thousands of Afghans at serious risk of Taliban reprisals. There have been numerous cases of raids and extrajudicial executions targeting those the Taliban perceives as adversaries – those affiliated with the former government particularly Hazaras/Shias or those fighting with the National Resistance Front (NRF). © 2022 Amnesty International

Maasai and government troops in Loliondo, where protests over eviction from their land turned violent on Friday (© Handout) Responding to the decision by Tanzania’s Director of Public Prosecution to drop charges of murder and conspiracy to murder against 24 members of the Maasai, including 10 leaders, Muleya Mwananyanda, Amnesty International’s Regional Director for East and Southern Africa, said: “Dropping these charges against members of the Maasai people is unequivocally the right decision. They should never have been arrested in the first place. Their only ‘crime’ was exercising their right to protest while security forces tried to seize land from them in the name of ‘conservation’. “The Tanzanian authorities must immediately stop their ongoing security operations in Loliondo and ensure that any traditional pastoral lands they have seized are returned to the Indigenous Maasai. Tanzania should immediately stop suppressing the right to freedom of assembly. The government should instead take steps to protect the right to protest.” Background On 7 June 2022, Tanzanian security forces and authorities from the Ngorongoro Conservation Area arrived in Loliondo and began forcefully evicting members of the Maasai people without providing adequate notice, compensation or a chance for genuine consultation to obtain their free, prior and informed consent. In the name of conservation, they seized 1,500 square kilometres of ancestral land claimed by over 70,000 Maasai people. On 9 June 2022, members of the Maasai from Ololosokwan, Oloirien, Kirtalo and Arash — four villages in Loliondo that border the Serengeti National Park — gathered to protest against the demarcation exercise by removing markers placed by security forces to outline the boundaries of the land claimed by the Maasai. On 9 June, police arrested 10 Maasai leaders from Loliondo — a day before the policeman they were accused of murdering was actually killed — and 14 other members of the Maasai, and three others. They were held for around 11 days and denied access to their lawyers and families before arraignment in court. On 10 June, security forces used firearms and tear gas against protesters in an incident that saw a policeman, Garlus Mwita, killed by an arrow, while 84-year-old Maasai community member Orias Oleng’iyo was disappeared. At least 32 members of the Maasai also suffered gunshot wounds. © 2022 Amnesty International

(© EARO) Meta must reform its business practices to ensure Facebook’s algorithms do not amplify hatred and fuel ethnic conflict, Amnesty International said today in the wake of a landmark legal action against Meta submitted in Kenya’s High Court. The legal action claims that Meta promoted speech that led to ethnic violence and killings in Ethiopia by utilizing an algorithm that prioritizes and recommends hateful and violent content on Facebook. The petitioners seek to stop Facebook’s algorithms from recommending such content to Facebook users and compel Meta to create a 200 billion ($1.6 billion USD) victims’ fund. The individual petitioners are represented by Mercy Mutemi of Nzili and Sumbi Advocates, supported by Foxglove, the tech-justice non-profit. Amnesty International joins six other human rights and legal organizations as interested parties in the case. “The spread of dangerous content on Facebook lies at the heart of Meta’s pursuit of profit, as its systems are designed to keep people engaged. This legal action is a significant step in holding Meta to account for its harmful business model,” said Flavia Mwangovya, Amnesty International’s Deputy Regional Director of East Africa, Horn, and Great Lakes Region. One of Amnesty’s staff members in the region was targeted as a result of posts on the social media platform. “In Ethiopia, the people rely on social media for news and information. Because of the hate and disinformation on Facebook, human rights defenders have also become targets of threats and vitriol. I saw first-hand how the dynamics on Facebook harmed my own human rights work and hope this case will redress the imbalance,” said Fisseha Tekle, legal advisor at Amnesty International. Fisseha Tekle is one of the petitioners bringing the case, after being subjected to a stream of hateful posts on Facebook for his work exposing human rights violations in Ethiopia. An Ethiopian national, he now lives in Kenya, fears for his life and dare not return to Ethiopia to see his family because of the vitriol directed at him on Facebook. The legal action is also being brought by Abrham Meareg, the son of Meareg Amare, a University Professor at Bahir Dar University in northern Ethiopia, who was hunted down and killed in November 2021, weeks after posts inciting hatred and violence against him spread on Facebook. The case claims that Facebook only removed the hateful posts eight days after Professor Meareg’s killing, more than three weeks after his family had first alerted the company. The Court has been informed that Abrham Meareg fears for his safety and is seeking asylum in the United States. His mother who fled to Addis Ababa is severely traumatized and screams every night in her sleep after witnessing her husband’s killing. The family had their home in Bahir Dar seized by regional police. The harmful posts targeting Meareg Amare and Fisseha Tekle were not isolated cases. The legal action alleges Facebook is awash with hateful, inciteful, and dangerous posts in the context of the Ethiopia conflict. Meta uses engagement-based algorithmic systems to power Facebook’s news feed, ranking, recommendations and groups features, shaping what is seen on the platform. Meta profits when Facebook users stay on the platform as long as possible, by selling more targeted advertising. The display of inflammatory content – including that which advocates hatred, constituting incitement to violence, hostility and discrimination – is an effective way of keeping people on the platform longer. As such, the promotion and amplification of this type of content is key to the surveillance-based business model of Facebook. Internal studies dating back to 2012 indicated that Meta knew its algorithms could result in serious real-world harms. In 2016, Meta’s own research clearly acknowledged that “our recommendation systems grow the problem” of extremism. In September 2022, Amnesty International documented how Meta’s algorithms proactively amplified and promoted content that incited violence, hatred, and discrimination against the Rohingya in Myanmar and substantially increased the risk of an outbreak of mass violence. “From Ethiopia to Myanmar, Meta knew or should have known that its algorithmic systems were fuelling the spread of harmful content leading to serious real-world harms,” said Flavia Mwangovya. “Meta has shown itself incapable to act to stem this tsunami of hate. Governments need to step up and enforce effective legislation to rein in the surveillance-based business models of tech companies.” The legal action also claims that there is a disparity in Meta’s approach to crisis situations in Africa compared to elsewhere in the world, particularly in North America. The company has the capability to implement special adjustments to its algorithms to quickly remove inflammatory content during a crisis. But despite being deployed elsewhere in the world, according to the petitioners, none of these adjustments were made during the conflict in Ethiopia, ensuring harmful content continued to proliferate. Internal Meta documents disclosed by whistle-blower Frances Haugen, known as the Facebook Papers, showed that the US $300 billion company also did not have sufficient content moderators who speak local languages. A report by Meta’s Oversight Board also raised concerns that Meta had not invested sufficient resources in moderating content in languages other than English. “Meta has failed to adequately invest in content moderation in the Global South, meaning that the spread of hate, violence, and discrimination disproportionally impacts the most marginalized and oppressed communities across the world, and particularly in the Global South.” © 2022 Amnesty International