Beijing Arrested Over 10,000 Protesters, Throttled City’s Freedoms A protestor shows five demands gesture as Hong Kong people participate in their annual pro-democracy march in Hong Kong, January 1, 2020. The five demands include democratic elections for Hong Kong's leader and legislature and a demand for a probe of police behavior during the six months of continuous protests. © 2020 AP Photo/Vincent Yu (Taipei) – The Chinese government has suppressed fundamental freedoms in Hong Kong in the five years since protesters began occupying city streets on June 12, 2019, and staged months long pro-democracy demonstrations, Human Rights Watch said today. The authorities have since arrested over 10,000 people for their involvement in the protests, prosecuted 2,910 of them, and convicted 1,475, according to government figures. Foreign governments should seek to hold Hong Kong and Chinese officials responsible for abuses to account, including by imposing targeted financial and travel sanctions. “Five years since the Hong Kong protests, the government has offered no apology and provided no accountability for police abuses while promoting those responsible for violence to lead the city,” said Maya Wang, acting China director at Human Rights Watch. “Hong Kong is now a city where any criticism of the police or call for justice for that abuse could land one in prison.” In February 2019, Hong Kong authorities proposed revisions to Hong Kong law to allow extraditing criminal suspects to mainland China, where due process rights are routinely flouted. On June 9, over one million people demonstrated peacefully against the extradition amendments. On June 12, tens of thousands gathered around the Legislative Council (LegCo), Hong Kong’s semi-democratic legislature, and occupied the adjacent roads. The Hong Kong police fired tear gas, beanbag rounds, and rubber bullets to disperse the protesters, leading to dozens of injuries. Hong Kong’s then-Chief Executive Carrie Lam condemned the protests, calling it “a riot.” Over the next six months, Hong Kong people staged near-daily protests to press for their “five demands:” withdrawal of the extradition bill; retraction of the official characterization of the protests as “riots;” amnesty for arrested protesters; an independent inquiry into alleged police misconduct; and full universal suffrage for Hong Kong people, as promised by Beijing. While Hong Kong authorities eventually scrapped the proposed legal amendments, they ignored other demands, including calls for an investigation into police use of excessive force. No officers alleged to have used wrongful force during the 2019 protests have been held accountable. Lam insisted that the existing police complaints mechanism – which is part of the police force – was adequate. The protests took place throughout the city and often involved large numbers of people. In the largest, on June 16, 2019, organizers estimated that two million people took to the streets in a city of seven million. “From students and teachers to laborers and lawyers, from activists to teenagers and octogenarians, a large cross-section of Hong Kong society took part in widespread acts of civil disobedience,” Wang said. Protesters organized strikes, formed 4,000 new labor unions, demonstrated outside police stations, occupied the Legislative Council and the airport and its surrounding streets, and held hands forming a 50-kilometer “Hong Kong Way.” They placed ads in major newspapers around the world, spoke at the United Nations, and pressed foreign governments for support. The Hong Kong police increasingly used excessive and indiscriminate force against largely peaceful protesters in violation of international human rights standards. Officers fired projectiles including pepper balls, tear gas canisters, and rubber bullets at protesters, including at close range and at people’s faces, causing injuries including blindness. They fired tear gas inside enclosed spaces, including subway stations and shops; beat protesters on their heads, and chased them in dangerous situations that could have caused stampedes; rammed police vehicles into crowds; and unnecessarily tackled demonstrators to the ground, including pregnant women, children, and older people. Police on two occasions fired live ammunition at protesters. Some protesters alleged that they were beaten and mistreated in custody, while one said police officers had raped her. Some accused the police of deliberately failing to act when suspected criminal gangs attacked protesters. One protester, Alex Chow Sze-Lok, died during a police operation under circumstances that remain disputed. The Progressive Scholars Group in Hong Kong reported 1,200 cases of alleged police brutality during the protests between June 9, 2019, and January 21, 2020. Some protesters also took up more violent tactics over time, throwing bricks and Molotov cocktails at the police, and damaging properties owned by pro-Beijing businesses. One pro-Beijing man was set on fire while bricks thrown by protesters killed another. In December 2019, a group of foreign experts quit the Hong Kong police review bodies out of concern that they lacked the authority to address the abuses related to the protests. In November 2020, the Hong Kong High Court ruled that the government had violated its Bill of Rights by not providing an independent mechanism for complaints about the police. That month, an independent policing expert from the United Kingdom who had quit the Hong Kong review bodies published a report concluding that the indiscriminate use of force by the Hong Kong police escalated the 2019 protests. As of June 2024, the Chinese and Hong Kong governments have gutted Hong Kong’s civil liberties by imposing two draconian national security laws, crushing the city’s pro-democracy movement by detaining and prosecuting elected representatives, eliminating civil society groups and independent labor unions, and shuttering pro-democracy media, among other measures. Hong Kong’s abusive police force has gained greater authority and impunity under the leadership of Chief Executive John Lee, a former senior police official, and security chief Ping-Keung Tang, both responsible for the suppression of the 2019 protests. And the Beijing-controlled Hong Kong courts have handed down baseless convictions against pro-democracy leaders and activists; some will face heavy sentences, up to life in prison. While many foreign governments have expressed concerns about the deteriorating human rights situation in Hong Kong, few have taken concrete action, Human Rights Watch said. In 2020, the United States imposed sanctions on Hong Kong officials for the 2019 abuses, the only government to do so. In the face of continuing repression in Hong Kong, foreign governments should impose sanctions on police officials responsible for the crackdown, Human Rights Watch said. “Foreign governments should respond to the continued impunity for 2019 abuses against pro-democracy demonstrators by imposing targeted sanctions on senior Hong Kong police officials,” Wang said. “Doing so will send the right message and change the calculations of those leaders intent on turning a once-free society into a highly oppressed state.” © 2024 Human Rights Watch

The Uyghur genocide is gradually and silently fading away, as if it never occurred in the first place. By Mamtimin Ala People in a street market in the city of Kashgar on August 16, 2012. Credit: Depositphotos The risk of the Uyghur genocide being forgotten is a grave concern. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has not only employed deliberate and calculated tactics to conceal its genocide and crimes against humanity in East Turkestan but has also orchestrated a campaign to ensure others forget it is happening. Gregory H. Stanton, the president of Genocide Watch, formulated a comprehensive framework known as the 10 stages of genocide, outlining the different phases leading up to the occurrence of genocide. It starts with classification as a crucial stage in identifying an enemy, a social or ideological outcast to be eradicated, and concludes with denial as the final stage in refuting the perpetration of genocide. Genocide is an ongoing process. While it may physically end with the annihilation of a population, it persists in the memories of survivors, spanning generations. Therefore, for those responsible for genocide to disavow their culpability, they must eliminate all traces of its occurrence, including memories. Every genocide requires psychological warfare, with the destruction of victims’ memories being a crucial aspect. Within this context, let us analyze the Uyghur genocide currently unfolding in East Turkestan, renamed “Xinjiang,” or “new territory,” when it was annexed by Communist China in 1949, focusing on the erasure of collective memories as a strategy of the Chinese government and the CCP to evade legal and moral responsibilities for it. This strategy consists of three main components: the destruction of Uyghur infrastructure, culture, and narratives. Destruction of Uyghur Infrastructure In 2020, the Australian Strategic Policy Institute released a report identifying and documenting more than 380 detention camps in East Turkestan. This demonstrated the extent to which the CCP had created concentration camps in the region. A Washington Post article from September 2022 concluded that “the re-education camp program appears to have ended in 2019 under international pressure.” This assertion is testament to how the Chinese government and the CCP effectively convinced the international community that there is no longer any genocide happening. However, a recent visit by Matthias Sander and Matthias Kamp from Neue Zürcher Zeitung (NZZ), a Swiss paper, tells us the situation is far more complex on the ground. NZZ’s reporting showed that all the “vocational education and training centers” the journalists visited did indeed appear to be closed, but that “new high-security prisons have replaced them.” The Chinese government may have seemingly ended the system of re-education camps in East Turkestan, but the mass internment of Uyghur and other Turkic peoples continue in high-security prisons. Further, the Chinese government and the CCP have absolved themselves of any responsibility for what took place in the camps by successfully convincing the international community that they have closed all the centers or repurposed them as prisons. The key observation here is the transfer of detainees from the camps to prisons. This poses a significant dilemma for Uyghurs: whether to accept the camps being destroyed or transformed into prisons to avoid perpetual trauma or continue to highlight the camps as evidence. More importantly, through the conversion to prisons, the distinctiveness of the concentration camps is diminished, blending in with the country’s vast prison system, creating a transition in perceptions of Uyghur detainees. Rather than being victims of genocide under international law of the Geneva Genocide Convention, held in concentration camps designed for extermination, they become criminals supposedly subject to legal procedures, who are “receiving criminal punishment.” This change creates a twist in the perception of the Uyghurs. Accordingly, the memories of the Uyghur genocide fade into obscurity. From this perspective, it is a deliberate attempt by the Chinese government to destroy the memories of the victims, deny the existence of the genocide, and further portray the victims as nothing more than criminals. A crucial part of the Uyghur genocide, in this sense, is to obliterate the very narrative and memories that confirm a genocide is occurring. Destruction of Uyghur Culture Cultural memory is the strongest emotional link among contemporaries, sharing traditional cultural values; further, it creates intergenerational connections. It cements identity in a cultural milieu, deeply entrenched in past traditions but oriented toward the future, creating a solid foundation throughout periods of change. Currently, in East Turkestan, all Uyghur and Kazakh textbooks and materials are banned in schools, along with the teaching of the Uyghur and Kazakh languages. To keep a Uyghur book or speak the Uyghur language in schools is, to the Chinese government, a sign of separatism, an age-old excuse to punish Uyghur sentiment, pride, and consciousness. If any book written in the Uyghur language is published in the future, there will be nobody who understands the language to read it. Sadly, it is now a dying language. With the prohibition of the Uyghur language comes the destruction of Uyghur literature as the most active, supreme, and everlasting means of spreading cultural and aesthetic values among Uyghurs across generations. This has resulted in a dire situation. The mass internment of millions of Uyghur adults in concentration camps dubbed as so-called “re-education centers” since 2016 has inflicted immeasurable and potentially irreversible damage upon Uyghur society. Families have been torn apart, and the cultural education that once thrived within homes has been extinguished. Furthermore, the arrest and imprisonment of Uyghur intellectuals and academics has halted any potential dissemination of Uyghur culture through the education system and the works of intellectuals. The impact of these actions is far-reaching and devastating as the intellectual life, excellence, and achievement of the Uyghurs will cease to exist. The way Uyghurs observe, understand, and explain the world they live through intellectual vigor and depth will vanish. Diminishing of Uyghur Genocide Discussions There are limited and diminishing discussions regarding the ongoing Uyghur genocide in East Turkestan, with only a few witness testimonies shedding light on the atrocities being committed. While the gravity of this genocide demands greater attention and action, the few testimonies provided are currently overshadowed by a deafening silence and even a growing sense of genocide denial as orchestrated by Chinese trolls on social media. The decrease in discussions of this genocide is rather disturbing. This can be partially ascribed to prolonged genocide fatigue. The Uyghur genocide is designed by the Chinese government to unfold in a manner reminiscent of a slow-motion horror film, inflicting protracted suffering on both victims and onlookers. This prolonged nature of the genocide leads to a sense of fatigue, even collective fatigue on the side of victims, where the gravity of the situation is gradually diminished and eventually fades from collective memory. As part of the slow-paced genocide, the Chinese government has shifted its focus toward actively encouraging more Han Chinese to resettle in vacant homes, neighborhoods, towns, and cities across East Turkestan, left empty by the Uyghurs who disappeared into Chinese camps, solidifying their presence in the region as a permanent fixture of China. This deliberate demographic alteration marks the culmination of the Uyghur genocide, erasing any trace of the Uyghur population’s existence, culture, and history. Conclusion The risk of the Uyghur genocide being forgotten is a grave concern. The CCP has employed deliberate and calculated tactics to conceal its genocide and crimes against humanity in East Turkestan, and has also orchestrated a campaign to ensure others forget it is happening. This forgetfulness appears innocent, as no one can be directly blamed for it. It is a form of bystander indifference manifested as forgetfulness. The Uyghur genocide is gradually and silently fading away, as if it never occurred in the first place. Tragically, this forgetfulness itself is being normalized to the point where it is also being forgotten. © 2024 DIPLOMAT MEDIA INC.

For over 20 years, kidnappings for ransom have plagued the border regions of Cameroon and the Central African Republic. The lack of an effective response from the Chadian state raises fears of a regional security crisis affecting its neighboring countries. By Joris Bolomey (Illustration photo: A Chadian Army Soldier who is a simulated casualty awaits medical assistance during a simulated assault in Faya-Largeau, Chad) (Photo by U.S. Forest Service / CC0 1.0) "Armed men broke into my house in the middle of the night, chained me up, and took me into the bush," recalled Djouda May, who was kidnapped in March 2023 for ransom in Chad’s Mayo-Kebbi Ouest region, which borders Cameroon. He was held for over a month in the Central African Republic with other Chadian and Cameroonian victims. "I was deprived of food and tortured to pressure my family," he continued. "My neighbor, who was captured at the same time, was executed by the kidnappers. Since then, whenever I hear dogs barking, like on the night I was taken, I relive those scenes. I'm terrified it will happen again." Traumatized by this ordeal, this farmer is also tormented by the inability to provide for his family. "My relatives had to sell the 15 cows I owned and the entire year's cereal harvest to pay the ransom," Djouda explained. "Since then, I can't work and can't afford to send my children to school." Over 1,500 victims in 20 years The kidnappings have become a scourge in southwest Chad, with over 1,500 victims in about twenty years, according to estimates from the Organization for Support of Development Initiatives (OAID), which has been monitoring the issue since the early 2000s. Mayo-Kebbi Ouest, one of the country's most populous regions, is the epicenter of this phenomenon. From farmers to merchants, civil servants to NGO workers, anyone with savings is a target. This leads to the impoverishment of the area, noted Timothée Fenessoubo, a lawyer from Pala, the capital of Mayo-Kebbi Ouest, and a member of a legal collective formed in February 2023 to assist kidnapping victims in the region. "Residents are abandoning their lands to seek refuge in towns and villages. Agriculture and livestock farming allow families to pay for their children's education," he explained. "If the government doesn't address this problem and help the victims, the region could ignite." He warned that this banditry could escalate into structured rebellions. Local complicity "In this border area between Cameroon, Chad, and the Central African Republic, dubbed the 'triangle of death' due to general insecurity, local state representatives fail to do their job and are sometimes complicit with the kidnappers," said Barka Tao, national coordinator of the OAID. "This corruption also affects some security forces members. Instead of protecting the population, they rent out their weapons to kidnappers from Chad, Cameroon, the Central African Republic, and even Niger or Nigeria." Local authorities declined to comment on our questions. However, Public Security Minister Mahamat Charfadine Margui acknowledged the problem: "Since I took office in March 2023, I have dismissed all administrative authorities in Mayo-Kebbi Ouest, as well as security forces leaders, but nothing has changed. The kidnappers also benefit from village complicity, with neighbors denouncing each other out of jealousy or greed," he explained. He also highlighted the area's challenging accessibility. Necessary cooperation agreements Criminals exploit porous borders to evade state control. "The cross-border identity of those involved in ransom kidnappings, states' inability to control this area, and the lack of regional cooperation allow this phenomenon to thrive," said Remadji Hoinathy, anthropologist and researcher at the Institute for Security Studies in N’Djamena. "As Boko Haram faces military setbacks around Lake Chad, the risk now is that they will send mobile commandos to the Chadian border to generate revenue from kidnappings, as they already do in Nigeria. If Boko Haram takes over this phenomenon, it will be even harder to curb." To combat this, he emphasized the urgency of establishing cooperation agreements allowing cross-border pursuit rights or forming a multinational joint force, like the one fighting Boko Haram around Lake Chad. "The idea is floated, and there have been initial discussions with Cameroon," Margui said. But so far, negotiations have not resulted in any agreements. Surveillance committees Without an effective state response to curb this scourge, Mayo-Kebbi Ouest residents have taken matters into their own hands. Since 2018, they have formed vigilance committees to gather intelligence within the cantons. "We have over 4,000 members in each village in the region," said Amos Mbairo Nangyo, director of a security company in Pala and coordinator of the vigilance and surveillance committees in Mayo-Kebbi Ouest. "Whenever someone suspicious appears, we report the information to the governor. We also serve as guides for security forces pursuing kidnappers." Beyond vigilance, the committees actively pursue kidnappers after an abduction. "We don't just sit idly by. Enough is enough," declared Nangyo, surrounded by about 20 committee members, armed in a forest south of Pala. Equipped with bows, spears, and slingshots, they confront kidnappers to free hostages. However, the spontaneous response has raised concerns. "If these committees are not supervised and controlled by the state, there's a risk of score-settling," warned Bishop Dominique Tinoudji of Pala. "There's also the danger of sparking rebellions. It's up to the Chadian state to take responsibility to prevent the situation from deteriorating." Kidnapping, a lucrative business According to data from local NGOs in the Mayo-Kebbi Ouest and eastern Logone provinces collected by the Institute for Security Studies: In 2022, 46 people were kidnapped, 12 were murdered, and 42,925,000 CFA francs (about $70,000) were paid as ransom in eastern Logone. In 2023, 41 people were kidnapped, 8 were killed, 2 were missing, and 52,405,000 CFA francs (about $85,000) were paid in Mayo-Kebbi. In Chad, kidnappers mainly come from cross-border Fulani, Arab, and Hausa communities. © 2024 Bayard - All rights reserved

Oil spills onto the ground from an oil well head in South Sudan, March 3, 2012. (Reuters photo) July 12, 2024 (JUBA) – South Sudan raised concerns on Friday that the escalating conflict in neighbouring Sudan could spill over its borders, citing increased fighting near the border and the potential for further destabilization. James Odhok Oyay, the governor of Upper Nile State, told Sudan Tribune that while the security situation within the state is currently under control, the ongoing conflict in Sudan’s Sennar and West Kordofan states has caused a surge of displaced people seeking refuge in South Sudan’s border areas. “The influx of returnees and refugees from Sudan is putting a strain on local resources,” Oyay explained. “These people need water, shelter, and food, adding to our existing humanitarian challenges.” Concerns have also been raised by authorities in other border states, such as Northern Bahr el Ghazal, Unity State, and the Ruweng administrative area, who fear the potential consequences of the conflict spreading. However, military and security sources have downplayed concerns about fighting extending into the crucial Heglig oilfield, citing agreements with both the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and oil operating companies to avoid damaging infrastructure. South Sudan, which relies heavily on oil exports through Sudan, has already seen its economy impacted by the conflict. Despite assurances from Sudan’s energy minister in June that repairs to damaged pipelines would be completed soon, the ongoing conflict continues to disrupt the flow of vital revenue. The Heglig oilfield, situated on the border between the two countries, remains under Sudanese army control. The RSF, which rebelled against the Sudanese army and ruling military in mid-2023, now controls most of West Kordofan. Efforts are underway to repair a crucial pipeline responsible for transporting 60% of South Sudan’s crude oil. The pipeline’s breakdown in February 2024 significantly disrupted the country’s finances, exacerbating the economic situation and causing a sharp decline in the value of the national currency. Sudan’s Minister of Energy and Oil, Mohieddin Mohamed Naem Mohamed Saed, expressed optimism during a recent visit to the Nile River State, stating that repairs were nearing 80% completion. The general manager of BAPCO, the pipeline operator, reiterated their commitment to working around the clock to complete the repairs and restore the vital economic lifeline between the two countries. Copyright @ 2021 | Sudan Tribune. All rights reserved.

International Organizations Should Act to Provide Safe Evacuation Options By Laetitia Bader Umm Rakouba refugee camp, hosting people who fled the conflict in the Tigray region of Ethiopia, in Qadarif, eastern Sudan, December 14, 2020. © 2020 Nariman EI-Mofty/AP Photo Amid the widespread civilian suffering in Sudan, the fate of over one million refugees living in Sudan when the conflict erupted is often overlooked. In recent weeks, Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF) attacked towns across Sennar state, which neighbors Gedaref state and where more than 40,000 refugees from Ethiopia are currently hosted. In Kassala state, further east, Eritreans fleeing repression and indefinite forced conscription at home continue to arrive in the camps. “If the fighting approaches Gedaref and Kassala, we will not be safe,” an Ethiopian refugee told me last month; these fears are now even more justified. Since conflict erupted in Sudan, Ethiopian refugees, mainly hosted in Gedaref, have been raising very real concerns about their safety and the lack of humanitarian support. Some have independently sought ways to leave the camps, but many thousands remain. Without a clear protection or evacuation strategy, those in the camps could face violence or targeted attacks by warring parties, especially following accusations by the RSF that Tigrayan forces were fighting alongside Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF). Refugees also face the risk of mass arrests by SAF-aligned authorities in towns in Gedaref state, with reports that some Ethiopians have already been detained. Some Ethiopian refugees understandably fear returning home as the real risk of violence or persecution that made them refugees may still persist. The majority in Gedaref’s two camps, and some in Kassala, are from Ethiopia’s Western Tigray Zone and fled a brutal ethnic cleansing campaign against Tigrayans during Ethiopia’s two-year conflict. Those responsible for these crimes still control the area, and Human Rights Watch continues to receive reports of forces forcefully expelling Tigrayans, with Ethiopian military complicity, to other parts of Tigray. Here they join hundreds of thousands of other internally displaced people facing dismal conditions. Ethiopian authorities have reportedly formed a committee to return refugees in Sudan to Ethiopia, but refugees inside the camps need travel permits from the Sudanese authorities. It is critical that United Nations agencies work with Sudanese and Ethiopian authorities to assist refugees seeking to leave with safe, dignified, voluntary, and organized pathways, while ensuring that no one is coerced or forced to return to locations where they would face serious risks. Organizations and the international community should consider all possible means of support, including cash and transport, to ensure that refugees are moved out of harm’s way. Ethiopian and Eritrean refugees in Sudan have been forgotten for too long; now is the time to act. © 2024 Human Rights Watch

Congolese children used in armed conflicts and former child soldiers receive psycho-social support at the Centre for Orientation and Transit for Children associated with militias in Mbuji Mayi, in the Democratic Republic of Congo, March 14, 2018. By Margaret Besheer NEW YORK — A Congolese teenager appealed to the U.N. Security Council Wednesday to protect children in his country, where conflict between the military and armed groups in the country’s east is exacting an appalling toll on children. “I ask you all to take up the cause of defending children’s rights internationally and in the Democratic Republic of Congo,” the 16-year-old boy, whose identity was protected, told a meeting focusing on children and armed conflict through an interpreter. Last year, the United Nations verified almost 4,000 grave violations against children in the Central African nation, where armed groups have been vying for years with the military for control over the country’s vast natural resources. More than 1,800 children were recruited by armed groups last year, according to the annual U.N. report that verifies violations against children. Sixteen armed groups operating in the country were named and shamed for a range of offenses, from abducting and forcibly recruiting children, to maiming and killing them. The Congolese armed forces were listed for committing rape and other forms of sexual violence against children, but the U.N. noted they have taken formal steps aimed at preventing such abuses. More than 650 children were verified to have been killed or maimed last year, the majority by three armed groups — CODECO, the Allied Democratic Forces, or ADF, and M23. Thirty child casualties were attributed to the army and police. The teenager who addressed the Security Council spoke of how he was abducted, beaten and forcibly recruited by an armed group on his way to school one day with two friends. “We cried and trembled, begging them to let us go home to our families, but they wouldn’t listen,” he recounted. “That’s when they started whipping us and keeping us in the bush. We were heavily guarded, and they had orders to kill anyone who tried to flee. I had to leave school to serve this armed group by force.” His job was to steal food from farmers’ fields. “During the fighting, many [child recruits] were exposed to being killed by the enemy, and others were killed by their groups themselves, for fear they would divulge their secrets if caught by the military,” he said. After three years in the bush and losing hope of ever seeing his family again, one day he took his chance and escaped while out searching for food. Found by the army, he was taken into custody and briefly sent to a military prison. He went through demobilization rehabilitation and has now returned to school. But not all children are as fortunate. “Girls were also abducted,” he said. “Some became wives of the chiefs, while others were taken by other soldiers.” Spiraling sexual violence The United Nations report says sexual violence was perpetrated against 279 girls and two boys last year — including rape, gang rape, forced marriage and sexual slavery. “The use of sexual violence as a modus operandi of armed groups is spiraling,” Ted Chaiban, UNICEF deputy executive director, told the council. "During my recent visits to the DRC, I met with adolescent girls who had run away with their siblings when their villages were attacked, and who now headed their households,” he said. Chaiban said it is especially worrying that the conflict is intensifying at the same time the large U.N. peacekeeping mission is beginning to leave the country, at the government’s request. "There is a very real risk that the humanitarian crisis in the DRC could soon become a catastrophe,” he said. It is not just children who are experiencing horrific abuse. Women are also subjected to staggering rates of sexual violence. In Goma, capital of North Kivu province, instances of sexual violence in the first half of 2024 were double the amount recorded over the same time last year, from 7,500 reported cases to 15,000, said Francois Moreillon, the International Committee of the Red Cross’s head of delegation in DRC. “Anyone with a gun feels that he can do whatever he wants,” he told reporters. Moreillon recounted how a woman that the ICRC had treated after being raped told caregivers that she and other women were taking condoms with them into the forest when they went to collect firewood — a prime time for women to be attacked. She said they hoped to persuade their potential rapists to wear them so they could prevent sexually transmitted diseases and lessen the anger of their husbands, who often leave women after finding out they have been raped. The Congo has one of the largest internal displacement crises in the world, with more than 7 million people affected. © Voice of America

UN News | Peace and Security © UNICEF/Jospin Benekire A community health worker walks through an IDP camp in North Kivu in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo. The security situation in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) has resulted in alarming levels of violence and widespread civilian displacement, the UN envoy for the country reported on Monday. Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Bintou Keita, informed the Security Council of an attack on the residence of a Congolese politician, during which two police officers were killed. M23’s rapid expansion Ms. Keita, who also heads the UN peacekeeping mission in the country (MONUSCO), expressed grave concern over the rapid growth of the armed group Mouvement du 23 mars (M23) in North and South Kivu provinces. The group has overtaken strategic locations in North Kivu, including Kanyabayonga, Lubero, and Rutshuru territories in the last two weeks. During their latest attack, M23 and its supporters burned several DRC Armed Forces (FARDC) bases, causing further displacement and exacerbating an already catastrophic humanitarian and human rights situation. Other M23 attacks have killed and injured several civilians and worsened community tensions, Ms. Keita said, warning that the “the rapidly escalating M23 crisis carries the very real risk of provoking a wider regional conflict.” Gender-based violence Ms. Keita also reported of a rise in cases of sexual and gender-based violence with 122,960 cases recorded in 2023, an increase of 3 per cent from 2022. Female victims, including girls, accounted for almost 90 per cent of all cases, with incidents of sexual violence against children increasing by 40 per cent. “This is solely the tip of the iceberg, as many cases remain unreported,” she said, warning that 2024 could see even higher numbers of gender-based violence. Dreadful humanitarian crisis The Special Representative further informed the Security Council that the DRC is facing one of the most severe, complex, and neglected humanitarian crises of our times. “The escalating violence in the east continues to trigger massive population displacements, exacerbating an already dreadful humanitarian situation,” Ms. Keita said. About 7.3 million people in the country are displaced, with the majority in the east. Humanitarian efforts face complex challenges due to the proximity of conflict frontlines and the presence of heavy weapons around displacement camps, she said. Address root causes Ms. Keita called on Member States and regional organizations to strengthen their engagement towards political and regional solutions to reduce humanitarian suffering. She urged them to recommit to addressing the root causes of the conflicts driving the dramatic increase in humanitarian needs. © United Nations

Libyans overwhelmingly desire a political consensus so that credible national elections can be held that will restore legitimacy to national institutions, the deputy head of the UN Support Mission in the country (UNSMIL) said on Wednesday. June 19 2024: Briefing ambassadors at the UN Security Council, Stephanie Koury added that many Libyans have deep concerns, which she shares, about the de facto division of the country. Rival administrations have evolved, one led by the internationally recognized Government of National Unity (GNU) based in Tripoli, and the Government of National Stability (GNS) based in the east. She said the country’s security and economic stability was at stake “as well as Libya’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, amidst concerns about the impact of geopolitical tensions on Libya,” she said. This was Ms. Koury’s first briefing to the 15-member Security Council since assuming her role as the Officer in Charge and Deputy Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Political Affairs. A Libyan-Led Process She highlighted the need for an inclusive Libyan-led process to overcome the political impasse and support the Libyan people in achieving their aspirations for peace, stability, prosperity, and democracy. Libyans shared their ideas on what a future political process should look like, she noted, including key institutions, the two Chambers and the need for a broad-based dialogue to reach a political agreement. “Many have signaled the importance of a ‘pact’ or an agreement that would, among other things, affirm the parties’ respect for electoral outcomes,” she said, adding that some emphasized the importance of including sufficient detail and mechanisms in place to guarantee that promises will be kept. Security Concerns The senior UN official also noted that conflict prevention and stability remain key concerns for ordinary citizens. In April, there were intense clashes in Tripoli's Ain Zara district, but dialogue de-escalated the situation, and no civilian casualties were reported. May saw sporadic clashes and a car bombing in Tripoli, further highlighting Libya’s fragile security. “While no violation of the ceasefire agreement was recorded during the reporting period, progress on the withdrawal of foreign forces, foreign fighters and mercenaries remains stalled,” Ms. Koury reported, adding also that the human rights situation remains alarming with a repetitive pattern of abduction, arbitrary arrests and detentions. Economic Situation Furthermore, for many Libyans, the economic situation remains difficult, with families and small businesses facing high prices, less purchasing power or limited access to cash. “Libyan wealth is not translating into equitable distribution of resources, access to services and opportunities for all people, particularly youth and women,” Ms. Koury said. She emphasized the need to unify the national budget and urged all stakeholders to resolve their differences to ensure its swift adoption and agree on its transparent and accountable implementation. Copyright © United Nations

UN Secretary-General António Guterres called on Tuesday for the immediate release of all United Nations staff held in Yemen by the de facto Houthi authorities, following the detention of 13 of the Organization’s personnel. June 11 2024: Four additional UN staff members have been detained and held incommunicado by the de facto authorities since 2021 and 2023, without access to their families or their respective organizations and agencies. “This is an alarming development that raises serious concerns about the Houthis’ commitment to a negotiated solution to the conflict. The United Nations condemns all arbitrary detention of civilians,” Mr. Guterres said. “I demand the immediate and unconditional release of all detained UN personnel.” The UN chief’s call came as he met with his Special Envoy to Yemen, Hans Grundberg, in Jordan. They discussed recent developments in Yemen including an escalating crackdown on civic space by the de facto authorities that reportedly led to the arbitrary detention of dozens of UN, NGO, and aid workers. UN and Civil Society Targeted The Special Envoy’s Office noted that the four staff held ahead of the latest detentions worked for the UN education, scientific and cultural agency, UNESCO, and the UN human rights office, OHCHR. The 13 UN staff detained over the past few days included six from OHCHR, one each from the Office of the Special Envoy (OSESGY), the UN Development Programme (UNDP), the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF), the UN World Food Programme (WFP), UN World Health Organization (WHO) and two from UNESCO. At least 11 civil society workers were also arrested. In the meeting between the Secretary-General and Mr. Grundberg, the Special Envoy briefed on efforts to secure the release of the personnel including a meeting on Monday with Mohamed Abdul Salam, the Houthi chief negotiator, in Muscat. He also met senior Omani officials to solicit support. “We are working diligently to secure the immediate and unconditional release of our detained personnel through all available channels,” Mr. Grundberg told UN News, as he called for the release of all arrested NGO workers as well. During their encounter, the Secretary-General and his Special Envoy also stressed that the United Nations stands in solidarity with all humanitarian workers and civil society actors who play a crucial role in providing life-saving assistance and support to the people of Yemen. Human Rights Chief's Call Echoing the call to immediately release all the detainees, UN human rights chief Volker Türk expressed deep concern about the conditions in which they were being held, while also rejecting false allegations about their activities. Two of the UN personnel detained last week are women, along with at least one other female civil society worker, continued the High Commissioner for Human Rights, as he insisted on an immediate end to "any further targeting" of human rights and aid workers in Yemen. The UN human rights office has been working in Yemen since 2012, Mr. Türk noted, "for the promotion and protection of the rights of all the people of Yemen, including through engagement with the de facto authorities". Humanitarian Crisis Impact The development has added to deepening concerns about the humanitarian emergency in Yemen where needs remain huge. After nearly a decade of conflict between the internationally recognized government in and despite truce conditions largely holding, aid teams have repeatedly warned that 17.6 million people – half of the population in Yemen - face food insecurity and nearly half of all children under five suffer from moderate to severe stunting. According to the UN aid coordination office, OCHA, 4.5 million people remain displaced across the Arabian peninsula country, many of whom have experienced multiple displacements over several years, as a result of more than nine years of conflict between the Government of Yemen and the de facto Houthi authority in control of the capital, Sana’a, and other areas of the country. Top Relief Official's Plea According to UN’s top relief official, the recent wave of detentions could have a negative impact on an already dire situation. “Aid workers are neutral in a conflict. Their safety and the safety of the civilians they serve must be guaranteed,” said Martin Griffiths, UN Emergency Relief Coordinator to UN News. Ahead of the Muslim celebration of Eid al-Adha beginning this weekend, he added: “My heart goes out to the families of the detained personnel who fear for the wellbeing of their loved ones instead of celebrating Eid al-Adha together.” Peace Moves In his briefing to the Security Council last month, UN Special Envoy Grundberg noted that the warring parties had agreed to a number of commitments in December including a nationwide ceasefire and an inclusive political process under UN auspices. However, he warned that announcements by Ansar Allah – the official name for the Houthi movement - to expand the scope of attacks on Red Sea shipping were a “worrisome provocation in an already volatile situation”. On Tuesday, Mr. Grundberg told UN News that the recent arrests hinder his efforts and erode trust. However, he noted that his efforts to convene the parties to address key issues related to the economy, a nationwide ceasefire and the launch of talks to reach a sustainable political settlement will continue for the benefit of the Yemeni people. Copyright © United Nations

Attacks target Hodeidah’s airport and region north of Sanaa, Al Masirah TV says, as Houthis continue Red Sea attacks. The United States and United Kingdom have carried out six air strikes against targets in Yemen, a Houthi-run television station reports, as the Yemeni group targets shipping lanes in the Red Sea. Four attacks targeted on the airport of Hodeidah, a main port city on the Red Sea, and the seaport of Salif north of it, Al Masirah TV said. Two air raids also hit the Al-Thawra region north of the Yemeni capital, Sanaa, according to the news outlet. There were no immediate reports of casualties, and the US and UK militaries have not confirmed the attacks. Friday’s strikes follow US and UK attacks on Hodeidah province that the Houthis said killed 16 people last week. The Houthis, who control Sanaa and present themselves as the official Yemeni armed forces, have been attacking shipping lanes in the Red Sea and firing missiles and drones at Israeli targets for months in a show of support for Palestinians in Gaza. Later on Friday, the Houthis said they attacked two ships headed to Israel in the Red Sea with drones and missiles. The Yemeni group’s operations have angered the US and other Western nations. The US and its allies have been bombing Houthi targets in Yemen since January, but the military campaign has not deterred Houthi attacks. The US military regularly announces interceptions of Houthi attacks. On Thursday, it said it destroyed eight Houthi drones launched over the Red Sea. That same day, the Yemeni group said it launched two joint military operations with the Islamic Resistance in Iraq against ships at the Israeli port of Haifa in response to the “massacres of the Israeli enemy in Rafah” in the southern Gaza Strip. More than 36,700 people have been killed in Israel’s war on Gaza since October 7. Houthi leader Abdul Malik al-Houthi said the group’s operations against Israel with the Islamic Resistance in Iraq, a coalition of Iran-backed Iraqi armed groups, would intensify. The Houthi, US and UK attacks have raised fears of an expansion of the conflict in Gaza as well as concerns over efforts to end Yemen’s own civil war. Since 2014, the Houthis have been battling forces loyal to the internationally recognised government, backed by Saudi Arabia. A fragile truce has been in place since 2022. According to a Bloomberg News report published on Thursday, Washington is looking to block major parts of a United Nations peace plan that the warring parties in Yemen adopted in December unless the Houthis cease their attacks on international shipping. © 2024 Al Jazeera Media Network

July 9 2024: ALGIERS: Fourteen people, including 12 Syrian migrants, have been found dead in Algeria’s southern desert province of Illizi, while five others remain missing, an official from the Syrian embassy in Algeria told AFP on Monday. Search efforts to find the other five were still underway, said Bassem Farroukh, head of irregular migration at the Syrian embassy in Algeria. “The victims came from Libya on Tuesday,” he added. “They were found dead on Saturday after they got lost in the desert.” The migrants were found by the Search and Rescue Association, an NGO that specializes in rescuing people lost in the Algerian desert. The association said it had identified the dead as two Algerians and 12 Syrians, including a 10-year-old and a 16-year-old. Farroukh blamed Libyan authorities, whom he said expelled the migrants and “pushed them to flee toward Algeria.” “We will see other Syrians leaving Libya in the same manner toward Algeria and I am afraid we must prepare ourselves for more disasters,” he said. In 2016, 22 Syrians got lost in the Algerian desert after entering from neighboring Niger before being rescued by the Algerian army. Many Syrians, as well as irregular migrants from other countries, come to North Africa in the hopes of making the dangerous sea crossing of the Mediterranean to Western Europe. Syria remains the world’s largest displacement crisis, with 13.8 million people forcibly displaced inside and outside the country, according to the UN’s refugee agency, UNHCR. The country has been ravaged by war since 2011, when intense clashes between President Bashar Assad’s troops cracked down violently on opposition groups amid the Arab Spring uprisings. The war has killed more than half a million people and forced millions to flee their homes as Syria’s economy and infrastructure suffered severe damage. © 2024 SAUDI RESEARCH & PUBLISHING COMPANY, All Rights Reserved And subject to Terms of Use Agreement.

How corruption and deception trap Haitians in a vicious cycle of abuse and deportation across the Dominican border JUL. 08, 2024 Repatriated Haitians leaving the Dominican migration control truck on June 18, 2024, at the Dajabon border crossing. Photo by Edxon Francisque for The Haïtian Times OUANAMINTHE— Standing in sweltering heat, Roderly Saint-Vil recounts his harrowing journey. The 26-year-old Saint-Raphaël native crossed into the Dominican Republic illegally, paying exorbitant fees to border guards and taxi drivers. Like many Haitians, he sought economic refuge, only to be trapped in a cycle of border crossing, exploitation and repatriation. “It’s been 11 months since I left my home to work in agriculture here,” Saint-Vil says, his voice edged with exhaustion. “Undocumented migrants detained by Dominican immigration and border guards must pay bribes to secure their release,” says Harry Saint-Jean, a migrant repeatedly repatriated for violating Dominican immigration laws. Saint-Jean was repatriated again on June 18. “The guards in the province of Dajabon charge 1,000 pesos, approximately USD 19, while other areas demand 10,000 pesos USD 192 or 7,000 pesos USD 134.” For many Haitians, the perilous journey across the northeast border with the Dominican Republic offers a fragile lifeline out of economic despair. Men, women, and children cross the dense jungles, often with the complicity of taxi drivers deeply established in the shadowy networks controlled by Dominican border guards. They spend enormous sums, sometimes up to 12,000 pesos or USD 230, for the chance to work in sectors like agriculture and construction. The reality that greets them, however, is brutal. “I was stopped in the street on my way from work, still in my work clothes,” recounts Judeley Jean, a 22-year-old woman. “They treated me like I wasn’t human, throwing me into a van like an animal.” How They Get Into the Vicious Cycle In the complex mix of desperation and exploitation, people like Saint-Vil and many others pay a heavy price. Driven by economic needs, thousands embark on perilous journeys to the Dominican Republic, lured by the promise of work and a chance to support their families. They traverse different borders not just in search of work but in a bid for dignity amid an unforgiving landscape of abuse and profiteering. Once across the border, they endure appalling conditions and are sent back to Haïti. Despite their willingness to work hard in fields and construction sites, they are faced with hostility and exploitation. The Dominican authorities, complicit with smugglers, trap them in a brutal cycle of deception and expulsion. In the asphyxiating confines of box trucks, Haitians are sent back to their country like animals by Dominican immigration authorities, subjected to conditions unfit for any living being. Men, women, and children—often barefoot, without shirts, and unwashed—are crammed together, left without food or water for days. The inhumane treatment they endure during these forced expulsions strips them of their dignity, as they are callously returned across the border they once crossed in search of a better life. “They put us in smelly spaces, without mattresses or linen, there’s no water even to brush our teeth,” says one of the repatriated recently. “If you want any favor, you pay 100 pesos to the guards.” But the suffering doesn’t end with deportation. Many Haitians, like Rochenel Joseph, find themselves trapped in a vicious cycle. “Every time I am expelled, I spend colossal sums to return,” says Joseph, a father of four. He pays these amounts to be reunited with his family in the Dominican Republic. For those who can afford it, the journey back is facilitated by the very guards who expelled them, revealing a corrupt system profiting from human misery. This practice, deeply rooted in corruption and abuse, is denounced by many. The Dominican army’s involvement in these activities, often forcing Haitians to pay large sums to cross the border, has turned deportation into a profitable business. “Each time, to return to the Dominican Republic, I paid 9,000 pesos or USD 173 to the guards,” says Edgard Jean from Dondon, a commune in the Saint-Raphaël Arrondissement, in the Nord Department. He has been expelled twice in 2024 alone. “The operation of expulsion serves as a means for Dominican border guards, especially senior officers, to increase their wealth,” says Lioguens Cherenfant. According to Paylab, a site that provides salary insights, the monthly salaries of Dominican border guards range from 15,000 to 60,000 pesos (approximately USD 260 to USD 1,035). With these salaries, border guards find lucrative opportunities in this exploitative system. They charge repatriated and deported migrants exorbitant fees to facilitate their return, often in collusion with transport networks. Nerline Saint-Louis, an activist from Capotille, highlights the entrenched collusion between many sectors in DR which fuels the cycle of exploitation. “There is a network in the transport sector, in collusion with the Dominican army, which facilitates the clandestine travel of Haitians for 14,000 pesos or USD 269 per person Saint-Louis said.” This shadow economy thrives despite the official barriers erected by the Dominican government, including a wall along much of the northeastern border. A System Profiting From Misery According to figures published by the IOM, from August 2021 to June 2024, 357,057 Haitian immigrants were expelled from countries in the region, primarily the Dominican Republic (84.86%), the United States, the Bahamas and the Turks and Caicos. Of these deportees, 243,820 were men (70.1%), 70,361 were women (20.2%), and 33,624 were children (9.7%), including 14,647 girls (4.2%). In the first half of 2024 alone, 81,289 people were deported to Haiti. The Dominican Republic was responsible for 95.4% of these expulsions. As Haitians continue to navigate these treacherous crossings, the exploitative practices of Dominican guards persist. Marc Pierre, a political activist from Ouanaminthe, condemns these extortionate demands. “The amounts charged by border guards to Haitians who cross illegally are scandalous,” he said, drawing parallels to the extortion by gangs in Port-au-Prince. This exploitation extends beyond extortion at the point of crossing. Border and immigration guards demand money from migrants to be released after their arrests. Luckner Pierre-Louis, an illegal migrant deported on the same day, recounts his experience. “They arrested me after two days. Because I didn’t have 1,000 pesos to be released, they put me in a van and sent me to Haiti.” Despite these obstacles, the determination to seek a better life drives Haitians to return repeatedly, often at great personal and financial cost. The northeast border crossings of Ouanaminthe and Capotille, along with the province of Dajabon, remain the most frequented routes. “Many Haitian smugglers continue to collaborate with Dominican guards, facilitating illegal passage for large sums of money,” confesses a smuggler who identifies himself as a pastor. “It’s hard to pinpoint exactly when the Dominican army started engaging in illegal trade and deportation. This abusive practice stems from various factors like corruption, abuse of power, human rights violations, and the shadow economy,” said Romain Charles, head of Renesans in Ouanaminthe. © 2024 The Haitian Times