In 1988, Saddam Hussein's airforce dropped chemical weapons on the Kurdish town of Halabja killing 5000. ANF 25 Mar 2023 The Vienna City Council has unanimously recognized the poison gas attack on the Kurdish town of Halabja in northern Iraq as genocide. Approving a joint motion submitted by the Greens, the Social Democratic Party of Austria (SPÖ) and the New Austria and Liberal Forum (NEOS), the Vienna City Council has recognized the poison gas attack on the Kurdish town of Halabja on 16 March 1988 as genocide. In doing so, the Austrian Human Rights City commits to uphold the memory of the victims of Halabja genocide and to prevent any attempts to relativise these atrocities. "This is a historic moment in Austrian political history," said Berivan Aslan (Greens), a Viennese councillor of Kurdish origin, whose initiative brought about the resolution. For the first time, a massacre of the Kurdish population was recognized - with the agreement of all parties. Now the Austrian National Council must follow suit. The Vienna City Council calls on the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament to also classify the human rights crime of Halabja as genocide. The attack on the Kurdish town of Halabja by the Iraqi regime of Saddam Husein was the world's largest poison gas attack on a populated area up to that time. More than 5,000 of the 70,000 inhabitants at the time died of agonising suffocation within a few hours, and another 10,000 suffered severe injuries and long-term damage. Even today, the victims and their descendants struggle with late effects: an unusually high number of cases of malignant cancer, skin diseases, respiratory problems, infertility, miscarriages and congenital deformities are just some of them.

To watch this event, click on the poster above. Program in Brussels, Belgium: Brussels hears call for international recognition of Bangladesh Genocide Gregory Stanton speech at Brussels commemoration: The Consequences of Denial

Published on October 31, 2021. A UN peacekeeper and Hema villagers stand amid the wreckage of a village within the Djugu area of Ituri province. (Alex Mcbride Wilson/Al Jazeera) There are at least 120 armed groups active in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (D.R.C.) due to a lack of effective governance. Historically persecuted minorities are still targeted today. In recent years, they have faced worsening violence. In Ituri, the Hema have been targeted in what the United Nations Joint Human Rights Office (UNJHRO) said may constitute genocide. Tensions between Lendu and Hema date back to the colonial era, when the Belgians gave the Hema a higher social status. This conflict erupted into war from 1999 to 2003. In 2017, the death of a Lendu priest sparked anti-Hema hate speech, including false accusations that Hema were planning to “exterminate” the Lendu. The Cooperative for Development of the Congo (CODECO), a Lendu militia, attacked Hema. They raped, beheaded, and mutilated victims and used body parts as trophies. A ceasefire and a delegation of ex-warlords that President Félix Tshisekedi sent in 2020 to negotiate the demobilization of CODECO fighters have had little effect. Instead, Ituri has seen a surge in violence. Luba of Kasaï origin (Kasaï-Luba) have experienced xenophobia in former Katanga Province since they resettled there under colonial rule. In the 1990s, after Katangan leaders ordered the expulsion of “non-natives,” over 5,000 Luba were killed. In the 2000s, returning Kasaïans faced accusations of economic exploitation. In one UNJHRO study on hate speech in the D.R.C. from 2020, 37% of documented cases targeted Luba. President Tshisekedi is a Kasaï-Luba. Some Katangans—who supported his predecessor Joseph Kabila and felt humiliated by Tshisekedi's 2019 election win—have attacked Luba. In Kasaï, Luba face persecution. Luba are seen as “outsiders.” The Luba Kamiuna Nsapu rebellion arose in 2016 following a chiefdom dispute in Kasaï Central Province. The rebellion caused a humanitarian crisis. In 2017, state forces reacted with excessive violence against civilians, particularly Luba. The Bana Mura, a mainly ethnic Chokwe militia, joined state forces in Kasaï Province and targeted Luba and the Lulua sub-group, using tactics aimed at eliminating them. The U.N. said all actors committed crimes against humanity. The Bana Mura subjected Luba to persecution. The crisis subsided by 2018, but a 2020 report said some children remained abducted. Recent clashes between Luba and Kuba could cause a new crisis. “Banyarwanda” or “Rwandophones” (groups originally from Rwanda) face persecution. The Tutsis’ citizenship is contested because some Tutsis arrived in the Congo after independence in 1960. During the Congo Wars (1996-2003), the Rwandan army invaded the Congo (then named Zaire) to overthrow President Mobutu and to stop attacks by Rwandan Hutu exiles. Some Congolese Rwandophones joined the Rwandan army attacks against Rwandan Hutu militias, including remnants of the Interahamwe. Today, all Rwandophones remain associated with the Rwandan invasion. Allegations of Rwandan government support for Tutsi self-defense groups increase anti-Tutsi sentiment. Non-Tutsi Congolese ethnic militias oppose the return of 50,000 Banyarwanda refugees who have lived in camps in Rwanda since the 1990s. The extremist Hutu Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda, an offshoot of the genocidal Interahamwe, still targets civilians. The Batwa forest people, also known as “Pygmies,” face persecution. Exclusionary policies have subjected them to cultural genocide. Although Batwa hunting actually promotes conservation, forest rangers use violence to deny them entry into forests that they rely on for sustenance. This year, the Congolese Parliament finally passed a law against anti-Batwa discrimination. U.S. special forces have offered to help the D.R.C. fight the country’s deadliest group, the Islamist Allied Democratic Forces. The government’s “state of siege” has failed to end ethnic violence in Ituri and North Kivu. The D.R.C. is at Stage 5: Organization, Stage 6: Polarization, Stage 8: Persecution, and Stage 9: Extermination. Genocide Watch recommends that: The U.S. and E.U. help the U.N. and the D.R.C. government disband ethnic militias to prevent genocide. The U.N., the U.S., and the E.U. increase humanitarian aid for refugees and internally displaced persons. This report has been updated to clarify that the figure cited from the UNJHRO report on hate speech is specific to the study in this report and is not necessarily a conclusive figure for the whole issue studied. Genocide Watch has also published a separate report focused on the Banyamulenge of South Kivu Province, who are related to the Tutsi of the Banyarwanda community.

Published on September 3, 2021 Banyamulenge men at the funeral of a herder killed by a militia. (ALEXIS HUGUET/AFP via Getty Images) A history of violence has collectively victimized many populations of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Despite the presence of a United Nations (UN) peacekeeping mission (MONUSCO), at least 120 armed groups remain active due to the lack of effective governance. Given his expressed support for the targeted Banyamulenge community, President Félix Tshisekedi's 2019 election sparked hope for change. However, he has yet to end the worsening violence against the group. The Banyamulenge have been persecuted and treated as an “unwanted” people since the colonial era, and their attackers cite false interpretations of history to justify their genocide. The Banyamulenge are related to the Tutsi of Rwanda and Burundi and have lived in South Kivu, DRC since before colonialism began in 1885. The Belgians dismantled their chiefdoms for resisting colonial rule. The Belgians propagated Speke’s “Hamitic hypothesis,” which claimed Tutsi pastoralists were Nilotic “invaders” from Ethiopia or the Great Rift Valley, while local Bantu farmers were the "indigenous" groups of the Great Lakes region. This same origin myth became the exclusionary ideology underlying the genocides in Rwanda and Burundi. Although the Congo gained independence in 1960, the Banyamulenge faced continued persecution. In 1981, the government under Mobutu, who named the country Zaire, revoked their citizenship. In 1996, they faced expulsion and massacres. In what became the Congo Wars (1996-2003), Rwanda invaded Zaire to overthrow Mobutu and to stop attacks by genocidal Rwandan Hutu exiles. Initially, Banyamulenge allied with Rwanda along with other Rwandophones (groups originally from Rwanda). Since the wars, Banyamulenge have almost entirely opposed Rwandan-backed rebellions that Tutsis joined. However, all Rwandophones have become collectively associated with Rwandan invasions. Although a 2004 law granted nationality to groups who lived in the Congo in 1960, political representation in an ancestral territory remains essential to local acceptance of Banyamulenge citizenship claims. Self-styled “indigenous” Mai-Mai militias still target Banyamulenge as “invaders.” Since 2017, Banyamulenge have faced a slow genocide unnoticed by the international press. They have been systematically targeted by a growing coalition of Banyindu, Bafuliro, and Babembe Mai-Mai, Burundian rebels, and groups named “Biloze Bishambuke,” meaning, “If we have to destroy, let’s destroy.” Academics and local sources estimate that Mai-Mai have burnt hundreds of villages, looted thousands of cows, killed hundreds of people, and besieged thousands of displaced Banyamulenge in the Minembwe area. Cattle are central to the Banyamulenge’s livelihoods. The Mai-Mai have attacked Minembwe from multiple directions. They have subjected Banyamulenge to destructive living conditions and serious mental and physical harm. Soldiers from the national army have reportedly supported the Mai-Mai. MONUSCO, which faces fiscal constraints and is closely aligned with the army, fails to prevent attacks. The violence worsened in March and April 2021. In a study by the UN Joint Human Rights Office (UNJHRO), 31% of documented cases of hate speech in the DRC from May to December 2020 targeted Banyamulenge. Mai-Mai and political figures have incited their “extermination.” In 2020, the creation of a municipality in Minembwe, which would give Banyamulenge more local representation, was halted after severe backlash. Political and religious figures called it a “cancer” and incited fear of a Rwandan “plot” to “balkanize” the DRC. Despite its complexities, framing the crisis as “intercommunal conflict” hides the genocidal processes the Banyamulenge have faced. Banyamulenge self-defense groups, born of security fears, also attack civilians from other groups. From February 2019 to June 2020, the UNJHRO reported in one study that 38% of victims of documented abuses were Banyamulenge. The Banyamulenge face Stage 9: Extermination and Stage 10: Denial. Genocide Watch recommends: The United States (US) and other global powers recognize the Banyamulenge genocide and help the UN and the DRC government prevent further genocidal massacres. Humanitarian aid should be increased for displaced civilians. The UN and the US conduct an independent investigation detailing all the violence in the area since 2017. The DRC government tackle ethnic bias and civilian abuse in the national army and hate speech at a national level. This report has been updated to clarify that the figures cited from the UNJHRO reports are specific to the studies in these reports and are not necessarily conclusive figures for the whole crisis studied. Some of the data cited have also been generalized to capture the range of specific figures from different sources and the change in numbers over time. Genocide Watch has also published another report for the DRC. This report concerns other groups that face persecution or genocide across the country, including the Hema, Kasai-Luba, Batwa, and the wider Rwandophone community, as well as attacks by the Allied Democratic Forces.

Version originale publiée le 31 octobre 2021. Version traduite publiée le 13 décembre 2021. Un casque bleu et des villageois Hema dans un village détruit en Ituri. (Alex Mcbride Wilson/Al Jazeera) Il y a au moins 120 groupes armés actifs en République Démocratique du Congo (RDC) dû à un manque de gouvernance efficace. Des minorités historiquement persécutées sont toujours visées, et la violence contre elles a récemment empiré. En Ituri, les Hema ont été visés dans ce qui pourrait constituer le génocide, selon le Bureau conjoint des Nations Unies aux droits de l’homme (BCNUDH). Des tensions entre les Lendu et les Hema sont nées pendant l’ère coloniale, quand l’Empire colonial belge a donné aux Hema un statut social plus élevé. Ce conflit a dégénéré en guerre entre 1999 et 2003. En 2017, la mort d’un prêtre Lendu a provoqué des discours haineux anti-Hema, avec des accusations erronées que les Hema voulaient « exterminer » les Lendu. La Coopérative pour le développement du Congo (CODECO), une milice Lendu, a attaqué les Hema. Ils ont violé, décapité, et mutilé des victimes et utilisé des parties du corps comme trophées. Un cessez-le-feu et une délégation d’anciens chefs de guerre envoyée par le Président Félix Tshisekedi en 2020 pour négocier la démobilisation de combattants CODECO ont eu peu d’effet. En fait, l’Ituri a connu une hausse de violence. Les Luba d’origine kasaïenne (les Kasaï-Luba) font face à la xénophobie dans l’ancienne province du Katanga depuis qu’ils s’y sont réinstallés sous la domination coloniale. Pendant les années 1990, quand les chefs katangais ont ordonné l’expulsion de « non-natifs », plus de 5,000 Luba ont été tués. Pendant les années 2000, des kasaïens qui sont retournés ont fait face à des accusations d’exploitation économique. Dans une étude du BCNUDH sur les discours haineux en 2020, 37% des cas en RDC visaient les Luba. Le Président Tshisekedi est un Kasaï-Luba. Certains Katangais—qui avaient soutenu son prédécesseur Joseph Kabila et qui s’étaient senti humiliés par la victoire électorale de Tshisekedi en 2019—ont attaqué des Luba. Au Kasaï, les Luba sont vus comme des « étrangers ». Une rébellion Luba, le Kamiuna Nsapu, a émergé en 2016 suite à un conflit politique local au Kasaï-Central, causant une crise humanitaire. En 2017, les forces de l’état ont réagi avec une violence excessive, en particulier contre des Luba. Le Bana Mura, une milice principalement de l’ethnie Chokwe, s’est joint aux forces de l’état dans la province du Kasaï, visant les Luba et le sous-groupe des Lulua dans le but de les éliminer. Selon l’ONU, tous les acteurs ont commis des crimes contre l’humanité. Le Bana Mura a persécuté les Luba. La crise s’est calmée en 2018, mais des enfants restaient enlevés en 2020. Un conflit récent entre les Luba et Kuba pourrait causer une nouvelle crise. Les « Banyarwanda » ou « Rwandophones » (des groupes d’origine ethnique Rwandaise) sont persécutés. La citoyenneté des Tutsi est contestée parce que certains Tutsi sont arrivés au Congo après l’indépendance en 1960. Pendant les guerres du Congo (1996-2003), le Rwanda a envahi le Congo (alors nommé le Zaïre) pour renverser le Président Mobutu et mettre terme aux attentats par des Hutu Rwandais en exil, y compris des membres des Interahamwe. Des Rwandophones Congolais se sont joints aux attentats de l’armée Rwandaise. De nos jours, tous les Rwandophones restent associés à cette invasion. Des allégations de soutien du Rwanda à des groupes d’autodéfense Tutsi augmentent le sentiment anti-Tutsi. Des milices s’opposent au retour de 50,000 réfugiés Banyarwanda qui habitent dans des camps au Rwanda depuis les années 1990. Les Forces démocratiques de la libération du Rwanda, un groupe Hutu et un rejeton des Interahamwe, vise toujours des civils. Les Batwa, un peuple forestier connu comme les « Pygmées », sont persécutés. Des politiques discriminatoires les soumettent au génocide culturel. Bien que leurs méthodes de chasse aident la conservation, des gardes forestiers bloquent violemment l’accès aux forêts dont ils dépendent. En 2021, le parlement a fait passer une loi contre la discrimination anti-Batwa. Des forces spéciales américaines offrent de l’aide pour combattre les Forces démocratiques alliées, un groupe islamiste et le groupe le plus meurtrier de la RDC. L’état de siège en Ituri et au Nord-Kivu n’a pas réussi à mettre fin à la violence. La RDC est à l’Etape 5: Organisation, l’Etape 8: Persécution, et l’Etape 9: Extermination. Genocide Watch recommande que: Les USA et l’UE aident l’ONU et le gouvernement de la RDC avec la dissolution de milices pour empêcher le génocide. L’ONU, les USA, et l’UE augmentent l’aide humanitaire pour les réfugiés et les personnes déplacées internes. La version originale de ce rapport est accessible ici.

Version originale publiée le 3 septembre 2021. Version traduite publiée le 13 décembre 2021. Des Banyamulenge aux funérailles d'un pasteur tué par une milice. (ALEXIS HUGUET/AFP via Getty Images) Malgré la présence d’une mission de maintien de la paix des Nations Unies (ONU), surnommée la MONUSCO, au moins 120 groupes armés restent actifs en République Démocratique du Congo (RDC) dû à un manque de gouvernance efficace. L’élection du Président Félix Tshisekedi en 2019 a suscité un espoir de changement étant donné son soutien exprimé pour la communauté vulnérable des Banyamulenge. Cependant, il n’a pas encore arrêté la violence qui empire contre le groupe. Les Banyamulenge sont persécutés comme une population « indésirable » depuis l’ère coloniale, et leurs assaillants citent des interprétations erronées de l’histoire pour justifier leur génocide. Ils sont liés aux Tutsi du Rwanda et du Burundi, et ils habitaient le Sud-Kivu en RDC avant le début du colonialisme en 1885. L’Empire colonial belge a démantelé leurs chefferies parce qu’ils ont résisté au régime colonial. Les colonisateurs ont propagé « l’hypothèse hamitique » de Speke, selon laquelle les pasteurs Tutsi étaient des « envahisseurs » Nilotiques, alors que les fermiers Bantous étaient les « indigènes » de la région des Grands Lacs. Ce même mythe de fondation est devenu l’idéologie qui a causé le génocide au Rwanda et au Burundi. Cette persécution a continué après l’indépendance du Congo en 1960. En 1981, le gouvernement sous Mobutu a révoqué leur citoyenneté. Dès 1996, ils ont été victimes d’expulsion et de massacres. Pendant les guerres du Congo (1996-2003), le Rwanda a envahi le Congo (alors nommé le Zaïre) pour renverser Mobutu et mettre un terme aux attaques des Hutu Rwandais en exil. Initialement, les Banyamulenge se sont alliés avec le Rwanda et avec d’autres Rwandophones (des groupes d’origine ethnique Rwandaise). Depuis les guerres, les Banyamulenge s’opposent aux rébellions supportées par le Rwanda, mais tous les Rwandophones sont devenus associés collectivement aux invasions. Bien qu’une loi de 2004 ait accordé la nationalité aux groupes qui habitaient le Congo en 1960, la représentation politique dans un territoire ancestral reste essentielle pour l’acceptance locale des droits à la citoyenneté. Des milices Maï-Maï « indigènes » continuent d’attaquer les Banyamulenge. Depuis 2017, les Banyamulenge sont systématiquement visés par une coalition croissante de Maï-Maï Banyindu, Bafuliro, et Babembe, de rebelles Burundises, et de groupes appelés Biloze Bishambuke, ce qui se traduit comme « Si nous devons détruire, détruisons ». Selon les estimations de sources locales et d’universitaires, les Maï-Maï ont brûlé des centaines de villages, volé des milliers de vaches, tué des centaines de personnes, et assiégé des milliers de Banyamulenge déplacés à Minembwe. Le bétail est essentiel pour les moyens de subsistance du groupe. Les Maï-Maï les ont attaqué de multiples directions, les ont soumis à des conditions de vie destructives, et ont commis des atteintes graves à leur intégrité physique et mentale. On rapporte que des soldats de l’armée nationale ont soutenu les Maï-Maï. La MONUSCO, qui souffre de contraintes fiscales et qui s’aligne avec l’armée, est souvent incapable de prévenir les attaques. La violence a empiré en 2021. Dans une étude du Bureau conjoint des Nations Unies aux droits de l’homme (BCNUDH), 31% des cas documentés de discours haineux en RDC, de mai à décembre 2020, ont visé les Banyamulenge. Des personnalités politiques et Maï-Maï ont incité à leur « extermination ». En 2020, face à une réaction politique hostile, Tshisekedi a interrompu la création d’une commune à Minembwe, ce qui aurait accordé plus de représentation politique locale aux Banyamulenge. Des figures politiques et religieuses ont appelé Minembwe un « cancer » et ont attisé la peur d’un « complot » Rwandais de « balkaniser » la RDC. Malgré ses complexités, la représentation de cette situation comme un « conflit intercommunal » camoufle les processus génocidaires que les Banyamulenge endurent. Des groupes d’autodéfense Banyamulenge ont aussi attaqué des civils. De février 2019 à juin 2020, le BCNUDH a rapporté, dans une étude, que 38% des victimes étaient Banyamulenge. Ces derniers font face à l’Etape 9: Extermination et l’Etape 10: Déni des Dix Etapes du Génocide. Genocide Watch recommande que: L’Union Européenne (UE) et les autres puissances mondiales reconnaissent le génocide des Banyamulenge et qu’ils aident l’ONU et le gouvernement Congolais pour la prévention de massacres et l’augmentation de l’aide humanitaire. L’ONU et l’UE mènent une enquête indépendante exposant en détail toute la violence dans la région depuis 2017. Le gouvernement de la RDC aborde les préjugés et les abus dans l’armée et le discours haineux à un niveau national. La version originale de ce rapport est accessible ici.

Rwandan President Paul Kagame applauds Rwandan Joint Force and Mozambican troops that liberated Cabo Delgado Province in Mozambique in 2021. Credit RMD Mozambique is under attack from an Islamic State (ISIS) insurgency in the northern province of Cabo Delgado. The terrorists are locally known as Al-Shabab, but they have few connections to the Somali terrorists with the same name. The group has carried out beheadings, destroyed schools and hospitals, and abducted children. Mozambique is still recovering from its 1977-1992 civil war. That war was fought between the Marxist Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO) and the Mozambican National Resistance (RENAMO), supported by South Africa. The civil war ended with the Rome General Peace Accords of 1992 brokered by the Community of Sant'Egidio, Andrea Riccardi and Matteo Zuppi, Bishop Jaime Gonçalves and the Italian government's Mario Raffaelli. Implementation of the accords was assisted by UN peacekeeping resolutions regularly modified to meet evolving requirements on the ground by Genocide Watch's founder, Dr. Gregory Stanton. The United Nations Operation in Mozambique (ONUMOZ), authorized by United Nations Security Council Resolution 882, was led by Italian diplomat Aldo Ajello. ONUMOZ disarmed 76,000 fighters, collected 155,000 firearms, helped train 10,000 soldiers of the new Mozambican Armed Forces (FADM) and helped repatriate five million refugees and internally displaced people. ONUMOZ suffered only 26 casualties. The mission cost US $492.6 million and an additional $616 million was spent on humanitarian aid. The peace that has followed proves that money spent on peacekeeping is a much better investment than money spent on war. Mozambique's central government is still dominated by FRELIMO. Mozambique is a centralized polity, leaving the citizens of the provinces with little power. There has been almost no development in the North except for foreign investments in natural gas on the coast of the province of Cabo Delgado. These investments have not benefited the people of the province. High unemployment within the economically marginalized Muslim Mwani community helps Al-Shabab recruit terrorists. In 2017, over 735,000 residents fled Cabo Delgado. In June 2022, Al-Shabab terrorists attacked the previously safe district of Ancuabe, displacing nearly 10,000 people. Children constitute more than half of the displaced population. Save the Children reports that many schools were shut down, leaving children from the districts of Ancuabe, Chiure, Mecufi, and Meluco without education. Al-Shabab has kidnapped boys as young as 12 as child soldiers. U.N. Secretary General Antonio Guterres announced that U.N. officials would investigate terrorism in Mozambique, and include kidnapping of child soldiers in the 2023 U.N. “Children and Armed Conflict” report. Mozambique's counter-terrorism operations have contributed to the deterioration of the country’s human rights situation. Security forces have been accused of targeting displaced people and intimidating civilians during counter-terrorism operations. Although Mozambique’s military has lost ground, the military intervention of Southern African Development Community forces and Rwandan troops have beaten back the Al-Shabab insurgency in northern Mozambique. However, many gains have been wiped out by the massive flooding caused by cyclones in 2022 and 2023. Genocide Watch recognizes Al-Shabab’s forced recruitment of children as a war crime. Mozambique is at Stage 5: Organization, Stage 7: Preparation, and Stage 10: Extermination. Genocide Watch recommends that: ● Mozambique must refrain from brutal counterinsurgency tactics that would alienate its citizens. ● Mozambique must create a national action plan to address high youth unemployment. ● Mozambique should devote resources to improve infrastructure and provide jobs for the Muslim Mwani community in northern Mozambique. ● Mozambique police and international forces should protect schools and maintain education for displaced children. ● Child soldiers must be treated as victims rather than as perpetrators of violence.

Genocide Watch interns at work credit: Genocide Watch Genocide Watch announces six specialized internships for Summer 2023. Applications are due until positions are filled. Internships are for volunteers and all are virtual. Applicants may be from anywhere in the world. Podcast intern We are seeking an enthusiastic and self-motivated individual to join our podcast making team for an unpaid summer internship in 2023. As a podcast making intern, you will work closely with our Communications team to create engaging and informative podcasts about genocide prevention. This will involve conducting research, drafting interview questions, scheduling, and conducting interviews with experts in the field, and editing audio content for final production. Responsibilities: Conduct research on current events and topics related to genocide prevention. Develop interview questions and scripts for podcast episodes. Schedule and conduct interviews with experts in the field. Collaborate with team members to brainstorm new podcast ideas and develop content. Edit and produce audio content using professional software. Qualifications: Strong interest in human rights, genocide prevention, and related issues. Excellent research and writing skills. Ability to conduct professional interviews and communicate effectively with guests. Self-motivated and able to work independently as well as part of a team. While experience with sound editing software is not required, it would be beneficial for candidates applying to this job posting This is an unpaid internship position for summer 2023, with a commitment of 10-20 hours per week. The internship will be conducted remotely, with regular communication and virtual meetings with the team. This is an excellent opportunity to gain experience in podcast production, learn about genocide prevention, and contribute to a meaningful cause. To apply, please send your resume and cover letter to president@genocidewatch.org and interns@genocidewatch.org with the subject line "Podcast Internship Application." Social Media intern We are currently seeking a highly motivated and creative individual to join our team as a Social Media Intern for an unpaid internship in summer 2023. As a Social Media Intern, you will work closely with our Communications team to create engaging visual aids, such as infographics and images, that can be used on social media or the organization's website. You will help us to communicate complex information in a visually appealing and accessible way, to raise awareness about genocide prevention and advocacy. Responsibilities: Collaborate with team members to develop visual aids that communicate key information about genocide prevention and advocacy. Research and analyze data to inform the design of infographics and other visual aids. Create visually appealing and engaging designs using graphic design software such as Adobe Illustrator, Canva, or Piktochart. Edit and refine visual aids based on feedback from team members. Ensure that all visual aids are consistent with the organization's brand guidelines. Qualifications: Proficiency with graphic design software such as Adobe Illustrator, Canva, or Piktochart. Strong research and analytical skills. Excellent organizational skills and attention to detail. Ability to work independently and as part of a team. Strong written and verbal communication skills. This is an unpaid internship position for summer 2023, with a commitment of 10-20 hours per week. The internship will be conducted remotely, with regular communication and virtual meetings with the team. This is an excellent opportunity to gain experience in graphic design, learn about genocide prevention, and contribute to a meaningful cause. To apply, please send your resume and cover letter to president@genocidewatch.org and interns@genocidewatch.org with the subject line "Social Media Internship Application." Website Design Intern We are currently seeking a highly motivated and skilled individual to join our team as a Website Improvement Intern for an unpaid internship in summer 2023. As a Website Design Intern, you will work closely with our Communications team to enhance the organization's websites, which are built on the Wix platform. This will involve assessing the current websites' design and functionality, identifying areas for improvement, and implementing changes to enhance user experience and promote the organization's mission. Responsibilities: Assess the current websites' design, content, and functionality. Identify areas for improvement, including website structure, navigation, and user experience. Develop and implement strategies to improve website performance and search engine optimization (SEO). Collaborate with team members to create new website content and improve existing content. Update and maintain the website's content management system (CMS) using Wix. Qualifications: Familiarity with website design and development principles. Knowledge of HTML, CSS, and JavaScript is preferred but not required. Proficiency with Wix or other website builders. Excellent organizational skills and attention to detail. Ability to work independently and as part of a team. Strong written and verbal communication skills. This is an unpaid internship position for summer 2023, with a commitment of 10-20 hours per week. The internship will be conducted remotely, with regular communication and virtual meetings with the team. This is an excellent opportunity to gain experience in website design and development, learn about genocide prevention, and contribute to a meaningful cause. To apply, please send your resume and cover letter to president@genocidewatch.org and interns@genocidewatch.org with the subject line "Website Design Internship Application." Fundraising Intern We are currently seeking a Fundraising Intern for the summer of 2023. This is an unpaid internship that will provide valuable experience in nonprofit fundraising and development. The successful candidate will work closely with our Founding President to assist with fundraising initiatives and donor outreach. Responsibilities: Assist with donor research and outreach Draft fundraising communications and marketing materials Maintain accurate records of donor information and contributions Assist with other development-related tasks as needed Qualifications: Strong interest in nonprofit fundraising and development Excellent written and verbal communication skills Detail-oriented with strong organizational skills Ability to work independently and as part of a team Proficiency in Microsoft Office Suite and Google Suite Familiarity with fundraising software a plus This internship will provide valuable experience in nonprofit fundraising and development, as well as the opportunity to work for an organization that is making a difference in the world. Applications will be accepted on a rolling basis until the position is filled. To apply, please send your resume and cover letter to president@genocidewatch.org and interns@genocidewatch.org with the subject line "Fundraising Internship Application." Congressional Communications Intern We are currently seeking a US Congressional Communications Intern for the summer of 2023. This is an unpaid internship that will provide valuable experience in researching and analyzing legislative initiatives related to genocide prevention. Responsibilities: Conduct research on relevant congressional committees, legislation, and hearings related to genocide prevention Monitor legislative updates and news related to genocide prevention and provide summaries to the team Draft reports, policy briefs, and other written materials related to legislative initiatives Assist with advocacy efforts related to legislative initiatives, including drafting letters to Congress and other stakeholders Participate in meetings with congressional staff and other stakeholders as needed Qualifications: Strong interest in international human rights, genocide prevention, and US foreign policy Excellent research, writing, and analytical skills Detail-oriented with strong organizational skills Ability to work independently and as part of a team Familiarity with the US legislative process and congressional committees Proficiency in Microsoft Office Suite and Google Suite This internship will provide valuable experience in legislative research and analysis related to genocide prevention, as well as the opportunity to work for an organization that is making a difference in the world. Applications will be accepted on a rolling basis until the position is filled. To apply, please send your resume and cover letter to president@genocidewatch.org and interns@genocidewatch.org with the subject line "Congressional Communications Internship Application." Mapping Intern We are currently seeking a Mapping Intern for the summer of 2023. This is an unpaid internship that will provide valuable experience in using mapping technologies to analyze and visualize data related to genocide prevention. Responsibilities: Assist with the creation and maintenance of maps and other visualizations using ArcGIS and other software Conduct research and gather data related to genocide prevention and human rights violations Use ArcGIS software to analyze data and create visualizations related to genocide prevention and human rights violations Collaborate with other team members to develop and refine maps and visualizations to support advocacy and awareness-raising efforts Assist with other research and mapping-related tasks as needed Qualifications: Strong interest in human rights, genocide prevention, and the use of mapping technologies for social justice work Experience using ArcGIS software to create maps and visualizations Ability to conduct research and gather data related to genocide prevention and human rights violations Strong attention to detail and organizational skills Ability to work independently and as part of a team Proficiency in Microsoft Office Suite and Google Suite This internship will provide valuable experience in using mapping technologies to analyze and visualize data related to genocide prevention, as well as the opportunity to work for an organization that is making a difference in the world. Applications will be accepted on a rolling basis until the position is filled. To apply, please send your resume and cover letter and samples of maps or visualizations created using ArcGIS software to president@genocidewatch.org and interns@genocidewatch.org with the subject line "Mapping Internship Application."

Syria: Thousands mourn four civilian Kurds killed while celebrating Nowruz Pro-Turkish fighters suspected to have killed four Kurds, including three brothers, have been arrested By Ahmed Fallaha Men carry the bodies at a mass funeral of the four Kurdish civilians who were killed in Jindayris on Monday, on 21 March 2023 (MEE/Ahmad Fallaha) Thousands of angry Kurdish mourners on Tuesday rallied in rebel-held northwestern Syria after pro-Turkish fighters killed four members of a Kurdish family as they celebrated the Nowruz new year festival. Local sources told Middle East Eye that brothers Farhan Din, Mohammed, Ismail Othman, and Ismail's 18-year-old son were killed on Monday evening when fighters from the Sharqiya Army opened fire on people who had lit fires for Nowruz in the town of Jindayris. Three people were also wounded, one of them seriously. "My brothers and my nephew were killed at the door of the house because they were lighting a fire. They shot them dead in cold blood," Roshin Othman told Middle East Eye. The Sharqiya Army, a splinter group of Ahrar al-Sharqiya, operates within the ranks of the Syrian National Army, a coalition of Ankara-backed rebel groups, in the Jindayris district, in the northern countryside of Aleppo. "My brothers and my nephew died while they were defending themselves. Should we go and bury ourselves because we were created Kurds?" Roshin Othman said. "Our sin is that we are Kurds. Those who killed my brothers and my brother's son are criminals and must all be held accountable." Turkey and the Syrian National Army captured Jindayris in a 2018 offensive, known as Operation Olive Branch, which drove Kurdish-led fighters - and much of the resident Kurdish civilian population - from the nearby Afrin area. The Syrian National Army condemned in "the strongest possible terms" the killing of the Kurdish men and promised to bring the perpetrators to justice. On Tuesday evening, the defence ministry in the opposition-led Syrian Interim Government in the north said that the military police, in coordination with the Harakat al-Tahrir wal-Binaa, a faction within the Syrian National Army, have arrested the suspects in the killing. "[The ministry] will deal firmly and forcefully with all perpetrators of crimes and violations against innocent people," it said in a statement. The killings have caused widespread anger among Kurdish people in the region, prompting thousands to attend the funeral demanding justice. The UK-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights said fighters from the militant group Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) deployed around Jindayris on Tuesday at the request of Kurdish residents and were heavily present during the funeral. The Observatory added that HTS had also taken over the headquarters of the Ahrar Sharqiya group after the faction's fighters withdrew from the base without a fight. "I saw my four cousins ​​on the ground and they were dead. One of my cousins ​​was taking his last breaths," said Sharaf al-Din Jaqal, a relative of the victims, who had rushed to his cousins' nearby house immediately after the shooting. "My cousins ​​used to sit in front of the house every day and light a fire, and yesterday was the Nowruz holiday for the Kurds, and they had lit the fire as a small celebration. "Celebrating the Nowruz holiday is not a crime for which Kurdish citizens should be killed." Copyright © 2014 - 2023. Middle East Eye. All rights reserved. Only England and Wales jurisdiction apply in all legal matters.

NEVER AGAIN ‘BROWN BOOK’ DOCUMENTS PREJUDICE AND HATE IN POLAND 20 March 2023 On the occasion of the International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, the ‘NEVER AGAIN’ Association published the ‘Brown Book’ – documentation of racist, xenophobic and homophobic crimes and acts of discrimination in Poland in the years 2020-2023. The long-time author of the ‘Brown Book’ was the late Marcin Kornak (1968-2014), founder of the ‘NEVER AGAIN’ Association, social justice activist and poet. He was the mind behind social campaigns promoting respect and diversity. 20 March marks the ninth anniversary of his death. The United Nations General Assembly established 21 March as the International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination in 1966 to commemorate the Sharpeville massacre in South Africa. On this day in 1960, police opened fire on Black people protesting against apartheid. Sixty-nine protesters were killed and one hundred and eighty were injured. The tragic anniversary is commemorated all over the world to express opposition to racism, discrimination, and xenophobia. The latest edition of the ‘Brown Book’ on more than 300 pages describes cases of physical assaults on the basis of skin colour, language, or religion, as well as acts of verbal aggression. In addition, the report documents street demonstrations with slogans inciting hatred, acts of discrimination against minorities, and fascist banners displayed at football stadiums. Examples of hostility towards refugees from Ukraine can also be found therein. - ‘In the Brown Book we paid a lot of attention to online hate speech, including the widely disseminated anti-Ukrainian conspiracy theories, disinformation, and direct abuse against Ukrainians’, said Dr. Anna Tatar, co-author of the report. - ‘The Brown Book documents negative social attitudes towards minority groups. In this edition of the report, we have described, among other things, attacks on people of Asian origin as well as other minorities who were accused of spreading Covid-19’, said Jacek Dziegielewski from the ‘NEVER AGAIN’ Association. Selected examples of events documented in the ‘Brown Book 2020-2023’: SZCZECIN. In mid-March 2020, unknown perpetrators devastated a plaque with an inscription commemorating the Jewish residents of the city who were murdered during World War II in the Belzec extermination camp. Someone painted a swastika and the SS symbol on the plaque. LUKOW. On 19 March 2020, three pupils of a local elementary school attacked a fifty-nine-year-old Vietnamese-born resident of the town. They shouted insults, including ‘She comes from China and has coronavirus’, ‘F*ck off you slut!’, and ‘Get the f*ck out of here, you whore, you f*cking Chinese woman!’ The perpetrators hurled stones and litter at her, spat in her direction, and one of them pushed her. GDANSK. On 20 June 2020, an unidentified assailant attacked a man of Egyptian origin. He yelled at him, ‘Get out from here, you black w*ore’ and punched him in the face. He also tried to stab him with a knife. WARSAW. On 17 February 2021, a gay couple was attacked. The assailant shouted, ‘Stop holding hands, children are watching’ at the men and stabbed one of them in the back with a knife. The injured man was hospitalized. POZNAN. On 14 March 2021, on a tram one of the passengers made threats and racist insults towards a Guatemalan man travelling with his wife and child. SZCZECIN. On 12 December 2021, Konfederacja (Confederation, far-right party) organised a ‘Shooting Competition named after Kyle Rittenhouse’ (Kyle Rittenhouse shot two participants of Black Lives Matter protests in the USA in 2020). The poster announcing the competition contained an image of Rittenhouse with a machine gun and a Confederate flag, a symbol of racial discrimination. SEDZISZOW MALOPOLSKI. On 13 January 2022, a resident of the town brutally beat a homeless man. He punched him in the face twice, and when the victim fell to the ground, he kicked him unconscious in the head, causing numerous injuries. As a result of this attack, Slawomir K. died after spending several days in hospital. BIALYSTOK. On 15 January 2022, during the demonstration of COVID-19 deniers, its participants chanted, ‘This is Poland and not Polin!’ (the word means Poland in Hebrew; for the extreme right it has become synonymous with the alleged rule of Jews over Poland). KATOWICE. On 9 June 2022, at a bus stop and on the bus an unidentified man attacked a teenage boy from Ukraine. He threatened him and hurled xenophobic slurs at him. LUBLIN. On 30 August 2022, three Black students were attacked by a group of several men. The attackers shouted ‘Black c*nts’ and punched them repeatedly. WARSAW. On 24 September 2022, the streets of Warsaw witnessed the protest march under the slogan ‘Stop Ukrainization of Poland’, organised by Konfederacja Korony Polskiej (Confederation of the Polish Crown), a far-right party headed by Member of Parliament Grzegorz Braun. The participants unfurled banners ‘This is Poland and not Ukropol!’ (a conspiracy theory claiming that Poland is being overtaken by Ukrainians) and ‘Stop replacing the ethnic structure of Poland’. LUBLIN. On 7 January 2023, two men attacked a Ukrainian woman, her 13-year-old son and her pregnant daughter. They shouted at them, ‘Ukrainian wh*res’, ‘F*ck Ukrainians’, ‘Get the hell out of Poland’. When the boy tried to call the police, they knocked him to the ground and punched him on the head. They also pushed the pregnant woman. They were charged with publicly insulting the Ukrainian citizens, making death threats, and using violence. POZNAN. On 7 March 2023, activists of Mlodziez Wszechpolska (All-Polish Youth, a far-right organisation) disrupted a meeting with Ukrainian writer Oksana Zabuzhko. They chanted ‘Poland is for us!’ Meetings with the writer were also disrupted by members of Mlodziez Wszechpolska on 21 November 2022 in Krakow and on 14 February 2023 in Warsaw. GDANSK. On the night of 11/12 March 2023, two juvenile perpetrators painted a swastika on the entrance to the synagogue in Gdansk-Wrzeszcz. Three ‘K’ letters, which stand for Ku-Klux-Klan, also appeared on the façade. *** In April 2022, the ‘NEVER AGAIN’ Association published a report entitled ‘Let’s Maintain Solidarity with Refugees’ about cases of discrimination and hate speech against Ukrainians, refugees, and ethnic minorities in Poland in the context of the ongoing war. In January 2023, the ‘NEVER AGAIN’ Association published a report on hate speech as well as antisemitic and anti-Ukrainian conspiracy theories propagated on the Media Narodowe (National Media) online tv channel. After the report had been published, the channel was removed by YouTube. The ‘NEVER AGAIN’ Association is an independent anti-racist organisation founded in Warsaw in 1996. It has monitored hate crimes and hate speech as well as campaigned against antisemitism and xenophobia, for peace, intercultural dialogue and human rights both in Poland and internationally. From 1 March 2022 to 1 March 2023, data collection for the ‘Brown Book’ was supported by the Henryk Wujec Civic Fund. Henryk Wujec (1940-2020) was an activist of the Workers’ Defence Committee (KOR) in the 1970s, political prisoner in the 1980s, member of the International Auschwitz Council and civil society mentor. ‘Brown Book 2020-2023’ (full version of the report): https://www.nigdywiecej.org//docstation/com_docstation/172/brown_book_2020_2023.pdf More information: www.NeverAgainAssociation.org www.facebook.com/Respect.Diversity www.twitter.com/StowNIGDYWIECEJ www.linkedin.com/company/never-again-association * If you would like to support ‘NEVER AGAIN’ please contact info@neveragainassociation.org . * Please include a link to www.NeverAgainAssociation.org on your website or blog. * Please like the ‘NEVER AGAIN’ Association on Facebook: www.facebook.com/Respect.Diversity . * Our Twitter account is: www.twitter.com/StowNIGDYWIECEJ . * We are looking for online volunteers to contribute to the anti-racist initiatives conducted by the ‘NEVER AGAIN’ Association from all over the world - please join us wherever you are, we welcome all backgrounds and cultures.

The police standing guard outside the office building where Indian tax authorities raided the BBC’s office in New Delhi last month.Credit...Sajjad Hussain/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images By Anuradha Bhasin Ms. Bhasin is the executive editor of The Kashmir Times. On the evening of Oct. 19, 2020, as reporters and photographers for The Kashmir Times rushed to meet deadlines, government officials and the police swept into the newspaper’s offices in the city of Srinagar, chased out the staff, and put a lock on the door that remains to this day. To me, the raid was punishment for daring to question the policies of Prime Minister Narendra Modi of India. The newspaper, for which I am the executive editor, has been an independent voice in the state of Jammu and Kashmir since it was founded by my father in 1954, weathering several tumultuous decades of war and military occupation. But it may not survive Mr. Modi. His repressive media policies are destroying Kashmiri journalism, intimidating media outlets into serving as government mouthpieces and creating an information vacuum in our region of about 13 million people. Now Mr. Modi is taking steps that could replicate this disturbing model on a national scale. His Hindu-chauvinist movement, which has normalized intolerance and violence against Indian Muslims, has already put severe pressure on India’s once-rambunctious press, with journalists surveilled and jailed and the government using strong-arm tactics against media outlets to ensure favorable coverage. But in January, draft amendments to digital media guidelines were introduced that would essentially allow the government to block any content it doesn’t like. In other words, the rest of India may end up looking a lot like Kashmir. In 2019, Mr. Modi’s government abruptly revoked Kashmir’s autonomous status without public input from the territory’s people, sent in thousands of troops and shut down internet access. The shutdown lasted nearly six months, forcing hundreds of journalists to line up for hours to file their stories via a single designated site that had internet access. Each had 15 minutes to do so. Internet speeds have been excruciatingly slow since. The next year new rules were introduced that empowered officials to label media content in Kashmir as “fake news, plagiarism and unethical or anti-national” and to punish journalists and publications. The rules stated — ironically — that the goal was to “promote the highest standard of journalism.” Journalists are routinely summoned by the police, interrogated and threatened with charges such as income tax violations or terrorism or separatism. Several prominent journalists have been detained or sentenced to jail terms. We work under a cloud of fear. In late 2021, I spoke to a young journalist, Sajad Gul, who was being harassed for his reporting. Fearing arrest, he told me that he slept fully dressed each night and kept his shoes at his bedside — unusual in Kashmir, where shoes are customarily removed before entering a home — in case he had to make a quick getaway. He was arrested in January of last year and remains in custody. Many journalists self-censor or have simply quit. Fearing arrest, some have fled into exile overseas. The Indian government has put at least 20 others on no-fly lists to prevent them from leaving the country. Journalism has always been hazardous in Kashmir. India and Pakistan both claim the mountainous region, which has been plagued by war and a separatist insurgency for decades. Journalists have been caught in the middle, threatened and intimidated by Indian security forces and militants, both of whom have wanted to control how the story is being told. At least 19 journalists were killed in Kashmir between 1990 and 2018. A protest against the continuous detention of a local journalist in Srinagar, in Indian-administered Kashmir, in 2018.Credit...Saqib Majeed/SOPA Images — LightRocket, via Getty Images Still, Kashmiri journalism flowered. Newspapers and news websites proliferated, and a new generation of talented young investigative journalists brought a fresh eye to Kashmir’s problems with well-researched public-interest reporting that often boldly took on the government. All of that has disappeared under Mr. Modi, whose government aims to silence any separatist voices or those advocating conciliation or a negotiated settlement in Kashmir. Kashmiri newspapers are heavily reliant on government advertising and media subsidies, and the government uses that leverage to ensure that those newspapers tell the officially approved version of the truth. Today, few Kashmir news outlets dare to question official policy, and many have become blatant government mouthpieces just to stay in business. My own newspaper is barely surviving. In 2019, I filed a lawsuit challenging the internet shutdown. In apparent retaliation, the government sealed our Srinagar office. Many of our journalists have left and our operations have been crippled. Today, when I suggest that we report aggressively on public issues, I encounter resistance from my wary, skeletal staff. An information vacuum hangs over Kashmir, with the public under-informed — or misinformed — about what’s going on in the region. Important news is suppressed, downplayed or twisted to suit government ends. When Syed Ali Shah Geelani, a towering figure in the separatist movement, died in 2021, the news was either blacked out in Kashmir or mentioned only briefly. Last month, the government began a drive to bulldoze thousands of homes that authorities said were illegally built on state land. A leading Kashmir outlet portrayed it as a bold stroke against unnamed “influential land-grabbers.” There was no word about the poor Kashmiris suddenly left homeless or residents who claim to have valid documents proving ownership. An ignorant public and a government free of scrutiny and accountability are threats to democracy. But Mr. Modi appears intent on replicating this across India. The proposed amendments to national guidelines for digital media that were unveiled in January are strikingly similar to those imposed on Kashmir, empowering government fact-checkers to label online content as “fake or false.” Days after those changes were announced, the government ordered online platforms to block links to “India: The Modi Question,” a BBC documentary critical of the prime minister. Indian tax agents later raided the British broadcaster’s offices in India. Such raids have been used repeatedly to pressure critical voices in the media. Since he took power in 2014, Mr. Modi has systematically debased India’s democratic ideals, bending courts and other government machinery to his will. The media stands as one of the last remaining institutions capable of preventing India’s descent into authoritarianism. But if Mr. Modi succeeds in introducing the Kashmir model of information control to the rest of the country, it won’t just be press freedom that is at risk, but Indian democracy itself. Anuradha Bhasin (@AnuradhaBhasin_) is the executive editor of the Kashmir Times and author of “A Dismantled State: The Untold Story of Kashmir After 370.” A version of this article appears in print on March 13, 2023, Section A, Page 17 of the New York edition with the headline: Modi’s Final Assault on India’s Press Freedom. © 2023 The New York Times Company

17 March 2023 Children are increasingly caught up in armed conflict in the climate-affected, food insecure central Sahel region, the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) said on Friday. © UNICEF/Tiécoura N’Daou, Children in a displaced persons camp in Mali are receiving support to recover from trauma. “Brutal” armed conflict has left 10 million children in Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger in need of humanitarian assistance – more than double the number in 2020, UNICEF warned in a new report. And hostilities spilling over into neighbouring countries, are putting an extra four million children at risk. Tweet URL “The conflict may not have clear boundaries, there may not be headline-grabbing battles, but slowly and surely things have been getting worse for children, and millions of them are now caught up in the centre of this crisis,” said UNICEF spokesperson John James. Children living on the frontlines of hostilities between armed groups and national security forces are increasingly in the line of fire, too. In Burkina Faso, for instance, the number of children killed during the first nine months of 2022 tripled compared to the same period in 2021. Children are also being recruited by armed groups and forced to fight or support militants in backup role, UNICEF said. School attacks In addition, armed groups in Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger have been directly targeting schools, in an “accelerating attack on education”. According to the UNICEF report, more than a fifth of schools in Burkina Faso have closed as a result of attacks. “More than 8,300 schools in those three countries – Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger – are now closed due to violence and insecurity”, said Mr. James. That’s teachers who fled the schools, children who are too scared to go to the schools, families who are displaced - that’s buildings that have been attacked and caught up in the violence”, UNICEF’s Mr. James told journalists in Geneva. Spillover effect Hostilities have already spilled over from the central Sahel into the northern border regions of Benin, Cote d’Ivoire, Ghana and Togo where, UNICEF notes, “children have extremely limited access to essential services and protection”. At least 172 violent incidents, including attacks by armed groups, were reported in the northern border areas of the four countries in 2022. Climate crisis and food insecurity UNICEF explained that the central Sahel suffers from severe food and water scarcity, and that armed groups make survival for civilians even harder by blockading towns and villages and contaminating water points. Fifty-eight water points were attacked in Burkina Faso alone in 2022, close to a threefold increase from the previous year. Overall, more than 20,000 people in the border area between Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger face ‘catastrophe-level’ food insecurity by June 2023, according to humanitarian assessments. Climate change shocks Climate shocks are a key factor affecting crops, with temperatures in the Sahel rising “1.5 times faster than the global average”, and “erratic” rainfall which leads to flooding, UNICEF said. The impacts of extreme weather events are an important driver of displacement, with over 2.7 million displaced across the three countries. The crisis in the Sahel is increasingly mirrored globally: in 2022, over 8,000 children worldwide were killed and maimed by armed forces and groups, more than 7,000 children recruited and over 4,000 abducted, the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict, Virginia Gamba, told the Human Rights Council on Thursday. Chronic underfunding The UN Children’s Fund underscored that the crisis in the central Sahel remains “chronically and critically underfunded”, with only one third of the required funding received by UNICEF in 2022. This year, the UN agency has appealed for $473.8 million to support its humanitarian response in the central Sahel and in neighbouring coastal countries. UNICEF has also called for “long-term flexible investment” in essential social services, and stressed the need to work with communities and young people in the region to ensure a better future for them. Copyright © United Nations