© Osvaldo Silva/AFP/Getty Images Genocide Watch: Angola August 2021 Angola gained independence from Portugal in 1975, and immediately plunged into a 27-year civil war. Conflict for control of the government and Angola’s enormous oil resources drove the civil war between the Soviet and Cuban-backed People’s Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) and the U.S. and apartheid South African-backed National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA). During the civil war, 500,000 people died, 1 out of 3 children became child soldiers, and 550,000 refugees fled to neighboring countries. By rigging state elections and without an independent judiciary, the MPLA has maintained political control since 1975. In 1975, Cabinda became part of Angola. Although Cabinda has half of Angola’s oil, Cabindans do not benefit from oil extraction. A separatist struggle ensued, led by the Front for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda (FLEC). A peace agreement was signed in 2006. Nevertheless, sporadic attacks continue. Angola has vast oil and mineral resources. It receives very little foreign aid. Corruption permeates state-owned oil firms and the government. Despite Angola’s oil wealth, its citizens are impoverished. The Angolan government owns all media and permits little criticism. Though protests against the government have increased since 2018, Angolan police violently suppress peaceful protests. Foreign workers are vulnerable to sex trafficking and forced labor. Religious minorities, notably Muslims, face obstructions to their freedom of expression because they have not been registered. Essential workers like police, prison guards and oil workers, are prohibited from legally striking. Unions unrecognized by the MPLA face interference, conflicting with their right to assemble. During the COVID-19 pandemic, the government imposed medical restrictions, and the National Police and Army used excessive violence to enforce them. Street markets, on which indigent Angolans depend, were closed. Herders lost many cattle due to a severe ongoing drought. The government did not provide adequate food to prevent widespread hunger and malnutrition. Lockdowns prohibited movement from peoples’ homes. When poor Angolans left their homes to search for food, they were arrested. Genocide Watch considers Angola to be at Stage 3: Discrimination and Stage 6: Polarization of the Ten Stages of Genocide. Genocide Watch recommends: · The Angolan government should stop targeting and arresting peaceful protesters. · Angola should promote preventive measures to stop Covid-19 without increased repression. · The African Union and United Nations should support efforts to hold free and fair elections.

By Claire Parker The Washington Post May 27, 2022 Genocide has a strict legal definition and has rarely been proved in court. How is it different from war crimes and crimes against humanity? (Video: Reuters) Russia is responsible for inciting genocide and perpetrating atrocities that show an “intent to destroy” the Ukrainian people, a new legal analysis signed by more than 30 independent experts concluded. The report, published Friday by the Washington-based New Lines Institute for Strategy and Policy and the Montreal-based Raoul Wallenberg Centre for Human Rights, also concludes that there is “serious risk of genocide in Ukraine,” and that states have a legal obligation to prevent genocide from occurring. It cited denials from high-level Russian officials and state media commentators of the existence of a distinct Ukrainian identity, and dehumanizing claims that Ukrainians are Nazis and “are therefore deserving of punishment.” The report also points to Russian authorities’ rewarding soldiers suspected of mass killings in Ukraine, among other evidence. “The purveyors of incitement propaganda are all highly influential political, religious and State-run media figures, including President Putin,” the report says. “There is mounting evidence that Russian soldiers have internalized and are responding to the State propaganda campaign by echoing its content while committing atrocities.” Genocide, often seen as the ultimate crime, has a precise legal definition: “acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group.” What is genocide, and is Russia carrying it out in Ukraine? The joint report Friday included input from about three dozen experts on genocide and international law, including several former ambassadors and others who were involved in the creation and proceedings of international criminal tribunals. Their analysis pointed to a genocidal pattern of Russian forces’ targeting of Ukrainian civilians, including evidence of mass executions and torture of civilians in areas that were occupied by Russian forces, such as the Kyiv suburb of Bucha, as well as deliberate attacks on shelters, evacuation routes and humanitarian corridors; sieges of Ukrainian cities; and indiscriminate bombing of residential areas. The report also cited sexual violence and reports of the forcible deportation of Ukrainians to Russia. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky has accused Russian forces of carrying out genocide in Ukraine, as have organizations such as Genocide Watch. President Biden first used the term last month to describe Russia’s actions in Ukraine. But some world leaders, including French President Emmanuel Macron, have been more wary of applying the label. Countries committed under the 1948 Genocide Convention to “prevent and punish” genocide. But that doesn’t necessarily oblige them to intervene militarily, experts told The Washington Post last month. Countries with “strong political links to Russia” have a greater responsibility to use their influence to stop genocide in Ukraine, the report said — and all countries should help protect Ukrainians by securing humanitarian corridors and access to medical care as well as helping to hold Russian soldiers accountable for atrocities. “We understand there is a reluctance to invoke the Genocide Convention,” Irwin Cotler, international chair of the Raoul Wallenberg Centre, wrote in an afterword. “But in this instance, the pervasive and systematic atrocities targeting Ukrainians mandate these determinations and the responsibility to act.” Copyright 2022 The Washington Post To download and read the New Lines / Wallenberg Centre Report click here.

Hazaras targeted in repeated attacks in Taliban-led Afghanistan share their deep concerns and dreams of a better future. By Nilly Kohzad People puts flowers outside a school after a deadly attack in Kabul, Afghanistan, Sunday, May 9, 2021. Credit: AP Photo/Mariam Zuhaib. In western Kabul’s Dasht-e-Barchi neighborhood, 21-year-old Zahra peeks out of the window of her small home to feel the cool breeze of the outside world on her cheeks. Stuck mostly at home, she spends her days reading novels and writing stories of her own, the only activities that have helped keep her sane since the Taliban takeover last August. “I come from Ghazni, and we are Hazaras, but I am away from my family right now because of my studies. I’m living with relatives here in Kabul,” she says. As an ethnic Hazara, Zahra says it’s difficult to see her people suffer endlessly. The Hazaras are one of Afghanistan’s many ethnic groups, but one that has faced generations of violence and persecution. To soothe herself, Zahra often expresses her pain by reciting poetry. “I am Hazara, my neck was cut off in Zabul my hand said goodbye to me in Deh Mazang my Quran was burnt to flames in Al Zahra my geography turned to ashes in Sayed Al-Shuhada my pen broke in Mawood, and I left my legs in Champions Club Yes, I am Hazara – I am a thousand pieces and every piece of me is buried in this land” Like Zahra, much of the younger generation of Afghan women find themselves stuck at home, confused as to how to continue their lives as the Taliban intensify gender-based restrictions, and scared for what the future means for society’s most vulnerable. For Hazaras, who have long been targeted, captured, and killed, this uncertainty and fear is twofold. Who are the Hazaras of Afghanistan? Hazaras are considered an ethnic minority in Afghanistan, although there has never been a thorough census of the country’s population. The last, incomplete, census was conducted in 1979. Their Asiatic features and Persian dialect distinguish them from other Afghans in the country. They belong to the Shia branch of Islam, whereas Afghanistan is a Sunni-majority nation. “They are the largest religious minority in Afghanistan, and an ethnic minority as well. Their history is one of persecution, with the latest attacks coming from ISIS-K [ISK, the Islamic State Khorasan]. The return of the Taliban has been a disaster for them,” Knox Thames, former special envoy on minority issues at the State Department, tells The Diplomat. “They are a long-suffering community, repeatedly repressed and attacked throughout their history,” he adds. For 26-year-old Sara, this couldn’t be more true. An ethnic Hazara also living in Kabul’s predominantly Shia Dasht-e-Barchi neighborhood, she and her family have personally witnessed targeted attacks and killings in the neighborhood. “These incidents happen a lot, and sometimes our family and friends are caught in the middle. One of my relatives died in the Dasht-e-Barchi hospital attack. Also, the last incident at Abdul Rahim Shaheed High School was very close to us. My brothers were studying there, and it shook us very much.” She is referring to last month’s targeted attack on school students that killed at least six people and injured 11 others. A Vulnerable Community Both under the previous Ashraf Ghani administration and now under Taliban rule, Shia Hazaras have mostly been left unprotected as back-to-back attacks rocked their community to the core. “We didn’t have security before the Taliban and we don’t now either,” says Zahra. “Since 2011 and 2012 many incidents and mass killings have targeted Hazaras and it’s hard to specify and identify which groups are behind these crimes. Unfortunately, these mass killings continue today,” Sara says. The month of Ramadan this year proved to be deadly as the Hazara community fell victim to explosions in Kabul, Mazar-i-Sharif, and Kunduz province. Many attacks have occurred in schools, hospitals, and the latest attacks have been directed toward Shia mosques, where Hazaras go to pray. “Most Hazaras are scared, they don’t feel safe in their own homes. People used to go to the mosque a lot, but no one has the courage to go anymore because there is a possibility of a terrorist attack there,” says Sara. Thames says it’s very unfortunate that a vulnerable community like the Hazaras have been left to fend for themselves. From his point of view, they are one of the world’s most vulnerable communities for potential mass atrocities. “Part of the tragedy for the Hazaras is that they fully invested in the vision of Afghanistan that the United States and the international community promoted for 20 years,” he says. During the last two decades, Hazaras have persevered despite the institutional, systematic, and social barriers and challenges they face. Success in education has enabled Hazaras to climb the social ladder and gain influence in a country that has often sidelined their voices. “They generally did not form militias, but instead took advantage of education and an open political process to advance their community. Now, they are at the mercy of the Taliban and ISIS-K, which is terrifying for them. Many are looking to flee if there is a place they can go. The future is uncertain and bleak,” says Thames. “No One to Support Us” Like Zahra and Sara, Khatera is another young Afghan Hazara woman living in constant worry. She keeps herself busy by sewing and designing traditional Afghan dresses, a skill she learned from her older sister. Although Khatera has a political science degree, she designs dresses to make extra cash during these uncertain times. “Things are strict these days, but I like to post my designs on social media. I like posting photos in front of old monuments or mosques, my friends tell me to be careful, but the Taliban have not caught-up on social media yet, they’re not quite there yet.” Khatera opens up about being part of the Shia Hazara community and argues that there is a lot of negligence on the part of the Taliban, and the repeated attacks in Dasht-e-Barchi stand as proof. “My mom is Hazara, and I am Shia on both sides. I really believe the Taliban are racist toward Hazaras because they want Hazaras to be under their control and they want to keep the status quo,” she says. “Dasht-e-Barch suffers a lot of insecurity. People protested and expressed their concerns about this, but no one supported them. People have always resisted but leaders are busy thinking of their own benefits, corruption, and money. Even the media downplays the Hazara issue, there is a big disparity in numbers.” Sara chimes in, saying, “It might be because the Hazara people do not have anyone lobbying for them or representing them. In the past government, there were a few Hazara representatives but unfortunately, we did not see any special assistance from them. I think the most important thing for us would be if the Hazara Genocide can be officially recognized. That we find the root problem of these attacks so that it can be prevented and so we don’t have to witness such attacks ever again.” Many Hazara activists and members of civil society are calling for the recognition of a Hazara Genocide. In August last year, the United States Holocaust Museum issued a statement warning of a serious risk of genocide and mass killings against the Hazaras. “I personally don’t think anyone supports Hazaras, it doesn’t matter if we get killed, stopping this doesn’t give anyone any sort of benefit,” says Sara. “Most people blame the Taliban for this situation, even if they are not behind the attacks today, they are responsible for protecting the people, but they do not do that either.” The Taliban have condemned attacks claimed by ISK but deny claims that they themselves are the perpetrators of similar crimes. But while Afghanistan grapples with how to deal with the marginalization of its Hazara population, it faces another major issue: the economy. These days, all Afghans are mostly concerned about is where to get their next meal as babies and children die from malnourishment, according to a United Nations report. Who Can Bring About a Change? Activists and human rights defenders believe there are many organizations that have the leverage to bring the Hazara issue to the forefront of minority issues and push the Taliban to undertake reforms. “There is an important role for the Organization of Islamic Cooperation to play in pressing the Taliban to protect Hazaras from violence. The Taliban will not listen to the United States or the West, but they might listen to OIC members,” says Thames. But until institutions like the OIC initiate a push for change, Hazaras in Afghanistan will continue to live in deeply insecure conditions. “I would like for the international community to force the Taliban to include other ethnic groups within their framework and allow Tajiks, Uzbeks, and Hazaras to be part of the government too,” says Khatera. Sara, on the other hand, hopes that the Taliban will collapse entirely. “I want a new government to take the place of the Taliban, one that is inclusive and cares about the wellness of the people,” she says. “I want my country to be safe.” Whether or not these pleas of hope and change make it to the desks of policymakers and international organizations is unknown. What is known is that life for the Hazara community will continue to be one punctuated by suffering. In the meantime, Zahra, Sara, and Khatera will continue to recite poetry, sew dresses, and live behind the shadows of fear and frustration. “I want these cages and chains to break open” says Zahra. “I want Hazaras to be saved from this bondage. I want us to have a good life.” © The Diplomat

25 May 2022 | By Lela Gilbert A woman prays at the Holy Cross Cathedral in Lagos. PIUS UTOMI EKPEI/AFP VIA GETTY IMAGES The recent horrifying death of Deborah Emmanuel Yakubu, a Nigerian college student, focused international attention on Nigeria's Christians and their persistent abuse by radical Islamists. Thanks to social media, reports and videos of Deborah's vicious beating and burning in Sokoto were widely circulated for several days. Although the story was eventually eclipsed by other news, few observers will quickly forget Deborah's horrifying killing—especially her family. In fact, according to one account, her father witnessed her ruthless murder. After receiving an urgent phone call from his terrified daughter, Garba Emmanuel rushed to her school. Deborah had hurriedly explained that some Islamist students were outraged by a WhatsApp voice message she had posted the night before, defending her Christian faith. Garba arrived just in time to see a mob of hundreds of angry Muslim students yanking his daughter away from a terrified handful of defenders. Deborah's father later described the horrifying scene he witnessed, while utterly powerless to intervene: "As they were struggling with the security men, one of the mob hit her on the head with a huge iron rod, and she fell to the ground. That was how they began to stone her, hit her with rods and sticks, and she died. She was killed in the presence of all the security agents. After they killed her, the mob was jubilant ... students and people from the villages were all shouting Allah Akbar, Allahu Akbar." Deborah's killers then burned her body to ashes. Many questions arise: Did the police and State Security officers intervene? Did they attempt to stop the attack? Assorted local reports are contradictory and disturbing. And, of some 180 attackers, only two men have since been arrested. The sultan of Sokoto, Muhammadu Sa'adu Abubakar III—an authoritative Nigerian Muslim leader—condemned the attack. "The Sultunate Council has learnt with dismay the unfortunate happenings at the Shehu Shagari College of Education (SSCOE) Sokoto that led to the loss of life of a female student of the institution," the statement read. "The Sultunate Council condemned the incident in totality and has urged the security agencies to bring the perpetrators of the unjustifiable incident to justice." Even the sultan was rebuked for his comments. A mob gathered outside his house, chanting "Allahu Akbar," lighting fires and demanding the release of the two suspects. Police eventually used teargas to scatter the protestors. For well over a decade, Nigerians have suffered countless incidents of violence against local Christians imposed by Boko-Haram, Fulani radicals and the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP). Their need for protection has been largely ignored by both state and federal government authorities, while international religious freedom activists have futilely appealed for an end to the terrorism. In December 2020, then-Secretary of State of Mike Pompeo designated Nigeria a Country of Particular Concern (CPC), thus providing legal opportunities for specific measures against President Muhammadu Buhari and his government. Religious freedom advocates and some U.S. law makers applauded the designation with relief, gratitude and hope. However, less than a year later, in November 2021, with no explanation whatsoever, the Biden administration abruptly removed Nigeria's CPC designation. The delisting amounted to a license for ongoing violence and an outrageous betrayal of Nigeria's increasingly brutalized Christian community. In the months since, its removal has opened the way for multiplied death squads, murder, mutilation, torched villages and churches and devastated surviving refugees. In the wake of the State Department's decision, Open Doors International, a watchdog group monitoring global Christian persecution, reported in March that "in Nigeria, a Christian is killed for their faith every two hours; that's nearly 13 Christians a day and 372 Christians a month. ... Research for the 2022 World Watch List reveals that in 2021, more Christians were murdered for their faith in Nigeria than in any other country. Last year, Nigeria accounted for nearly 80% of Christian deaths worldwide, with more than 4,650 believers killed." The shocking killing of Deborah Emmanuel Yakubu once again raises questions about Secretary of State Antony Blinken's unexplained removal of Nigeria from the list of CPCs. Considering the widespread and wanton religious brutality in Nigeria, and President Buhari's refusal to address it, people are again demanding immediate action on the part of the U.S. State Department. Reacting to Deborah's death, John Eibner, president of Christian Solidarity International, wrote to Blinken about America's removal of Nigeria from the CPC designation, stating that it "conveys a message to perpetrators and victims alike, that crimes driven and legitimized by religious ideology, in particular the various strands of Muslim supremacism, remain of no particular concern to the State Department." Nigeria is Africa's most populous and financially significant nation. And the U.S. is its key trade and defense partner, with substantial influence over its leadership. In the wake of this latest tragedy and ongoing violence, re-designating Nigeria as a CPC should be an immediate U.S. policy objective. Until then, one troubling question will remain unanswered: Why is Nigeria no longer a Country of Particular Concern? © 2022 NEWSWEEK DIGITAL LLC

In its new briefing, the Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (BROUK) provides evidence that the genocidal act known as ‘slow death’ continues to be perpetrated against the Rohingya by the military regime. This act of genocide involves deliberately inflicting conditions of life calculated to bring about physical destruction in whole or in part of the Rohingya group. More than two years have passed since the International Court of Justice (ICJ) ordered Myanmar to ‘take all measures within its power’ to prevent irreparable harm against the Rohingya in its provisional measures order. The military regime is due to submit its new report to the ICJ on compliance with the provisional measures by Monday 23 May. June 2022 marks a decade since the State-orchestrated violence of 2012 that expelled tens of thousands of Rohingya from their homes in central Rakhine State, Myanmar. The violence against the Rohingya was planned and instigated by government officials and state security forces. It included indiscriminate extrajudicial killings, sexual violence, mass arbitrary arrests of Rohingya and torture at detention sites, the burning of homes, destruction of mosques, and looting of shops. Rohingya displaced by the violence in central Rakhine State were segregated and confined to camps, in violation of international law. More than 130,000 members of the Rohingya group, over half of whom are children, continue to be confined indefinitely in camps under squalid conditions. They have been subjected to the deliberate deprivation of resources indispensable for survival – namely adequate food, water, shelter, sanitation, and medical care - by the military authorities. They have endured a decade of such ‘slow death’ treatment and for a generation of Rohingya children, it is the only life they have ever known. “Instead of using bullets and machetes the military are using malnutrition, denial of access to healthcare, and other basic essentials of life to continue the genocide of the Rohingya,” said Tun Khin, President of Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK. “The military are ignoring the provisional measures order and the international community. Yet again the military are being allowed to get away with human rights violations against the Rohingya which amount to atrocity crimes. Countries which claim to support the genocide case are taking no practical action to ensure the provisional measures are followed and the genocide of the Rohingya is stopped.” As documented by BROUK, such conditions of life have led to the preventable deaths of women and children in the past two years since the provisional measures were ordered. Rohingya continue to be subject to many other severe human rights violations including deaths, beatings, torture, arbitrary arrests, restrictions on movement, and more. The ICJ has ignored requests from the Rohingya community to make public reports submitted to the Court by the former democratic government and now the military junta on compliance with the provisional measures. “We are being denied the right to know what the military regime – the perpetrators of genocide against us - are telling the Court. The international community seems to be sitting back and watching the ICJ case waiting for the outcome, but the court-ordered provisional measures because the genocide is ongoing and needs action to prevent it now,” said Tun Khin. “There is no question that the military are ignoring the provisional measures. The question is whether the UN Security Council and countries like the USA, UK, and France are going to do anything about it, or sit back and do nothing like they did in the run-up to the military offensives in 2016 and 2017 which led to the mass killings of our people.” The full briefing is available here: https://www.brouk.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/ICJ-Briefing-May-2022.pdf (c) 2022 Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK

New report sheds light on how Erdogan gov't weaponizes mechanisms to prevent terrorist financing to target his opponents The Stockholm Center for Freedom (SCF) on Friday released its latest report, “Turkey's Transnational Repression: Abuse of asset freezing mechanisms under the pretext of prevention of terrorist financing,” a study that focuses on how Turkish government’s decisions to freeze assets based on the pretext of preventing the financing of terrorism have been weaponized to suppress critics abroad as a further means of Turkey’s transnational repression. President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s long arm has reached tens of thousands of Turkish citizens abroad while Turkey has been experiencing a deepening human rights crisis since a coup attempt on July 15, 2016. The Turkish government has been carrying out an extraordinary campaign of transnational repression against its critics overseas since the failed coup. The methods used in the government’s continuing transnational repression against dissidents have been well documented by SCF. “The real intention behind the publication of the asset freezing lists is to target and suppress dissent rather than to prevent the financing of terrorism,” said Dr. Merve R. Kayıkcı, research director at SCF. “Most of individuals are not aware that their personal data as an alleged terrorism financer have been compiled and shared with other private and financial institutions.” People whose names appear on the published lists have faced various repercussions including the freezing or closure of their accounts, negative credit scores and various other personal and financial difficulties in Western countries. The individuals living in the West are labelled as “terrorists” and “persons financing terrorism” by the financial risk intelligence databases that provide financial intelligence services to banks and financial institutions merely because their names appear on an arbitrary list published by their own government, even without going through judicial process. The report discusses the legal framework of asset freezing under the guise of the prevention of financing terrorism and demonstrates how this legal framework has been abused by Turkey. The report further explores the rights violations caused by the publication of the asset freezing decisions and their impact on Turkish individuals living abroad. Finally, the report concludes with a brief account of legal and practical remedies available to those affected by the publication of the asset freezing decisions. Turkey’s efforts at transnational repression against critics abroad do not seem to be winding down. On the contrary, Erdoğan’s government is inventing new tools and methods with a view to intimidating opponents and suppressing dissent. The most recent innovation was the publication of lists of Turkish citizens whose assets have been frozen under the pretext of the prevention of financing terrorism. The asset freezing decisions are administrative actions and are taken by the relevant ministries. About the Stockholm Center for Freedom SCF is a non-profit advocacy organization that promotes the rule of law, democracy and human rights with a special focus on Turkey. Committed to serving as a reference source by providing a broad perspective on rights violations in Turkey, SCF monitors daily developments, documents individual cases of the infringement of fundamental rights and publishes comprehensive reports on human rights issues. SCF is a member of the Alliance Against Genocide, an international coalition working to exert pressure on the UN, regional organizations and national governments to act on early warning signs and take action to prevent genocide. Copyright © 2020 Stockholm Center for Freedom, All rights reserved. For comments, questions or suggestions: communications@stockholmcf.org

May 12, 2022 By Nina Shea, Director, Hudson Institute’s Center for Religious Freedom It signifies the end of religious freedom in Hong Kong, the last of the fundamental freedoms to be extinguished there. Cardinal Joseph Zen, bishop emeritus of Hong Kong, was arrested yesterday evening under the vaguely worded National Security Law, formally charged, and released on bail several hours later. He likely faces a three-year prison term, according to a Hong Kong lawyer I spoke with, raising the prospect that the 90-year-old cleric would spend his last years behind bars. The arrest of this world-renowned champion of religious freedom, human rights, and democracy goes beyond the personal. It signifies the end of religious freedom in Hong Kong, the last of the fundamental freedoms to be extinguished there. It is a moment of truth for both Pope Francis and President Biden. Collusion with foreign powers, the specific charge against the cardinal, could apply to every Catholic bishop and priest, who pledge fidelity to the pope in Rome. These charges, though, were based on Zen’s role as a trustee of the now-defunct 612 Humanitarian Relief Fund, set up for the legal and medical aid of pro-democracy protesters. Three other trustees were arrested at the same time. Irrespective of the pretext, the Cardinal’s arrest was expected. In February, in a report in the pro-Beijing newspaper Ta Kung Pao in Hong Kong, Zen was likened to Falun Gong, which, for the past 20 years, the Chinese Communist Party has been savagely targeting for “elimination” in the mainland. He was blamed for “inciting” in 2019 pro-democracy protesters who had been educated in Christian schools. Such hatchet pieces typically presage roundups. President Xi Jinping, who brooks no dissent, as we were reminded in the Shanghai Covid lockdown, is undoubtedly angered by many of Zen’s other stances as well. In the hierarchy of China’s Catholic Church, the cardinal has been the only remaining voice of dissent against the CCP. On the world stage, he has courageously condemned CCP encroachment on religious freedom and warned against the Vatican policy, under the Sino–Vatican agreement, to give the CCP power in appointing Catholic bishops in the mainland. His arrest is designed to cow the Hong Kong church into submission to the CCP. Churches and Christian schools may still stand, but they will be teaching the commandments of the CCP and preaching Xi’s sayings, including “show no mercy,” his directive toward the Uyghurs, as was learned from government documents leaked to the New York Times. No independent voice and no conscience objection will be permitted, as the church and state meld together under the CCP. Already, self-censorship has taken a firm hold in Hong Kong, even within Zen’s own Catholic Church, as seen in the restrained reaction to this latest injustice. In a statement, the Hong Kong diocese timidly only requests that authorities handle his case “in accordance with justice.” They make an oblique allusion to leniency given his advanced age. Chief executive–elect John Lee will start his term with one system, one government firmly in place, 25 years before the date stipulated in the agreement with Britain. While the cardinal’s arrest has been in the works for a while, its timing is worth noting. It follows a Mother’s Day weekend when American Catholic churches were under attack by pro-abortion protesters, as President Biden stayed mute. The CCP is known to cynically employ American political memes to justify its persecution of Uyghur Muslims (China’s wolf-warrior ambassador to Washington tweeted that forced abortions were needed to “liberate” Uyghur women from being “baby-making machines”) and Falun Gong (whom, in recent years, the CCP suddenly began calling “racist” and falsely accused of opposing interracial marriage). The CCP may have seen this as a favorable moment to make its long-intended move against Hong Kong’s popular Catholic leader. Cardinal Zen left the police jail in silence, and his passport has been confiscated. For now, he has returned home, uncertain which month or year the trial is to begin. He certainly wouldn’t be the only Chinese Catholic bishop incarcerated. At least six bishops in the mainland are now in secret “black” jails, under house arrest, or otherwise confined. But he is the first one in years to be ordered to face a trial. In the Mao era, numerous faithful Christian leaders suffered martyrdom and stunningly long punishments. Cardinal Ignatius Kung of Shanghai was imprisoned for 33 years, after being convicted at a show trial in the 1950s. A young Joseph Zen, born in Shanghai, no doubt drew inspiration from that Catholic hero. The CCP could be making Zen himself a martyr who will inspire a new Catholic underground in Hong Kong. Pope Francis, silent so far on Zen’s arrest, faces a moral dilemma, not simply a diplomatic one. Will he demand that these political charges be dropped in the case? Will he proceed to renew the agreement to collaborate with the CCP in the appointment of Catholic bishops next October? The Vatican Secretariate of State should stop denying that the Chinese Church suffers “persecution,” and it should refrain from derisory assertions about a “psychological” problem in the case of those who, like Cardinal Zen, criticize Rome’s agreement with the CCP. The Secretariate of State should both acknowledge that the mission of the Catholic Church in China is not compatible with that of the CCP United Front Work Department and allow that agreement to expire. President Biden, too, must break his silence. He must unequivocally condemn the unjust arrest of this Catholic cardinal and press China to respect the religious freedom of Catholics and all others and uphold the last vestige of Hong Kong democracy. (c) 2022, Hudson Institute’s Center for Religious Freedom

A solemn ceremony for Deborah Emmanuel near the family home in northeast Niger state on May 14. (Courtesy of Emmanuel family) Nigerian Police Stand By as Christian Student Is Stoned to Death By Douglas Burton May 20, 2022 A so-called blasphemy murder of a Christian student in Sokoto, Nigeria, on May 12 was attended by scores of armed, uniformed policemen who did not intervene, according to eyewitnesses. One eyewitness, who asked for anonymity to escape government retaliation, said that at least 50 uniformed policemen, including six officers of the Department of State Security, were on the scene of the stoning of 22-year-old Deborah Emmanuel, but none acted to defend her. Emmanuel’s father, Garba Emmanuel, was in Sokoto that day but did not see his daughter being killed by the crowd, according to Dr. Bola Adewara, a veteran journalist who interviewed the father for Elifeonline. Another eyewitness was one of three uniformed members of the Department of State Security (DSS), which is often compared to the U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation, who attempted to help the victim escape but were pushed back by the crowd. “The police were nearby, but they utterly failed to rescue the girl,” the official said. Commissioner of Police Kamaldeen Okunlola disputed the figure of 50 policemen at the scene but said there were “about 15 uniformed police there” and acknowledged that many had assault rifles, in a telephone interview. Videos of the mob scene on the campus show more than 100 young men carrying sticks and shouting. Okunlola said the policemen did not fire their weapons. Deborah Emmanuel, who was accused by fellow students of blasphemy in a WhatsApp message on May 11, was swarmed by 180 protestors calling for her death for the crime of blasphemy. The account of all media follows the narrative of Sokoto police who said, according to the Washington Post, “the school authorities quickly deployed security personnel to protect Emmanuel, but they were overpowered by angry youths.” A far different account has been given by eyewitnesses. The DSS source said that the school authorities were monitoring internet chatter by students who were planning to attack Emmanuel on the evening of May 11 but failed because she was not in her student hostel. They say that she called her father for help from her classroom on May 12 at 9:00 a.m. local time and told him people were trying to kill her. Two classmates attempted to help her escape to a waiting taxi but were pursued by a mob. She was locked by college security employees in a gatehouse for her own protection with a fellow student near the entrance of Shehu Shagari College of Education. “Finally, the man with the key to the gatehouse arrived and let Deborah and her friend out where four or five policemen met her,” according to a relative who stood 60 feet away from the locked gate of the college. “However, the mob took her from the policemen and dragged her to the rear of the gatehouse where they beat her with sticks and then threw stones until she stopped moving,” the relative said. “No policemen tried to stop the crowd,” he said. Emmanuel’s family members stood with about 1,000 other observers outside the fence of the college and watched the events. “Some police outside the fence fired tear gas grenades to scatter the crowd,” one witness said. Inside the fence, he saw no fewer than 7 police trucks near the gatehouse. There were about 100 police inside the campus, but 50 went to the main block, while 50 were standing near the site of the killing, he said. Human rights advocates in the United States denounced the atrocity and the complicity of the Nigerian police. “The police must have clear orders to intervene to stop any violence, including mob lynching such as this,” Nina Shea, a religious liberty specialist at The Hudson Institute, said. “They either lack such orders or even are instructed to stand down when violent Muslims attack defenseless Christians. This incident also underscores that Islamist extremism is rapidly spreading across northern Nigeria, despite the US State Department’s refusal to acknowledge this danger,” Shea said. According to multiple media reports, Emmanuel had gotten into a dispute with fellow students on a WhatsApp messaging channel created by the college to share topics related to courses. When asked how she passed last semester’s examination, she replied “Jesus O.” She also used the phrase “nonsense prophets,” and some students interpreted this to be a slight on the prophet Mohammed. Two Muslim students demanded that she apologize, but she refused and replied, “Holy Ghost fire! Nothing will happen to me.” Shortly after 9:00 a.m. Thursday two students brought some nonstudents to the college to threaten her. She called her father for help. “Deborah was going to graduate in November with a degree in Home Economics. She was engaged to a young man and planned to marry, then start a catering business,” according to the relative who watched helplessly as she was beaten to death at the back of the gatehouse. “Until now, even after four days, the family has received no message of apology from the college administration or from police who didn’t protect her and no offer of reimbursement for burial expenses or medical bills for her relatives who were injured,” the relative said. “We believe the family cannot sue for damages. We decided to leave everything to God.” Both the governor of Sokoto state and the national Muslim religious leader, the Sultan of Sokoto, quickly denounced the killing on May 12 and called for full prosecution of the criminals. Two young men were arrested on May 14, one of which is a student and one who is not, according to the eyewitnesses. “The horrible murder of Deborah Emmanuel over her beliefs is tragic and infuriating,” human rights activist Tina Ramirez said in a message. “That this murder coincides with the birthday of Leah Sharibu, kidnapped by Boko Haram four years ago, is a sober reminder of how far we still have to help local leaders learn to push back against the culture of violence and impunity,” Ramirez added. “But horrendous cases such as these demonstrate the deep-seated and entrenched hatred we are up against.” Copyright 2022 Douglas Burton Douglas Burton is a former U.S. State Department official who was stationed in Kirkuk, Iraq. He writes news and commentary from Washington, D.C.

“I am dismayed at the reported decision of the Taliban to dissolve the country’s Independent Human Rights Commission,” said U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet, shown on Feb. 28, 2022 delivering opening remarks in Geneva. The Taliban’s decision to dissolve Afghanistan’s Independent Human Rights Commission is a major setback for the country, say human rights groups and defenders. Criticism came swiftly after Taliban authorities on Tuesday said the AIHRC and four other “unnecessary” departments had been axed in the face of a $500 million annual budget shortfall. "Because these departments were not deemed necessary and were not included in the budget, they have been dissolved," Innamullah Samangani, the Taliban government's deputy spokesman, told Reuters. “Nothing more than that can be expected” from the Taliban, which has a poor human rights record, said Mohammad Naim Nazari, former deputy head of the AIHRC. “The Taliban do not recognize the rights of women, who constitute half of the population," he told VOA's Pashto Service. "They do not believe in freedom of speech and have imposed restrictions on media. … The Taliban do not recognize the rights of minorities.” Calling Afghanistan's ruling Taliban “afraid” of human rights groups, Nazari described their style of governance as incompatible with formal humanitarian oversight. The Taliban, however, defended Tuesday's decision, calling the department closures in keeping with a national budget "based on objective facts" and intended only for departments that had been active and productive. Samangani, the Taliban spokesperson, also said the departments could be reactivated in the future "if needed." But human rights advocates aren't optimistic. Many of them view Tuesday's announcement as a tragic reversal after 20 years of key improvements for human rights in the country. “I am dismayed at the reported decision of the Taliban to dissolve the country’s Independent Human Rights Commission,” said U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet in a prepared statement. Calling it “a massive setback,” Richard Bennett, U.N. special rapporteur on human rights in Afghanistan, described the commission's role as an independent, domestic mechanism for documenting and monitoring complaints "critical for human rights protection in #Afghanistan.” Andreas Von Brandt, the EU ambassador for Afghanistan, called the Taliban’s decision “a step in the wrong direction” for national institutions that serve as vital points of connectivity with the outside world. "Those bridges are being increasingly destroyed,” he tweeted. Their dissolution, he said, “excludes #Afghanistan from universally agreed rights and principles and is also strange for a country which relies heavily on international #foodaid and support.” Also dissolved was the High Council for National Reconciliation (HCNR), the once high-powered National Security Council, and the commission for overseeing the implementation of the Afghan constitution. The HCNR was last headed by the country’s one-time second-ranking government official Abdullah Abdullah, and was working to negotiate a peace between the U.S.-backed government of former President Ashraf Ghani and the then-insurgent Taliban. Dissolving the institutions mean that thousands of professional Afghans have lost their jobs, said Abdul Qadir Zazai, a former member of the Afghan parliament, adding that “these people were trained for their jobs over the last 20 years.” Founded in 2002 to document and report on human rights abuses throughout the country, the AIHRC lost seven of its employees “to violence and terrorism [most directly attributed to the Taliban] since its establishment,” tweeted former AIHRC chairperson Shaharzad Akbar. The commission halted its activities after the Taliban regained power in 2021, and all its nine commissioners escaped the country fearing Taliban reprisals. Former AIHRC commissioner Shabnam Salihi told VOA that although human rights violations continue to be reported via foreign groups such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, the dissolution of Afghanistan’s only independent rights commission means many more violations are now expected to be overlooked. “We hear people are tortured and killed. We hear about war crimes. At such a time, there is no organization to watch on the [Taliban] government,” Salihi told VOA. Although AIHRC was unable to work under the Taliban, “it was an important institution for Afghanistan,” Heather Barr of Human Rights Watch told VOA. “The Taliban, by abolishing this office, are saying very openly that they don't intend to comply with human rights," she added. "They're not interested in respecting Afghanistan's obligations under international law. And they don't care if people whose rights are violated have nowhere to go for help.” The Taliban ruled Afghanistan from 1996 to 2001 with an iron fist and implemented a harsh version of Islamic rule, including banning women from education and work. After taking over last year, the Taliban assured the world they would be more moderate. However, they have yet to allow girls to restart secondary school education and have also introduced rules that mandate that women and girls wear veils and require them to have male relatives accompany them in public places. © VOA

Position open at Genocide Watch: Alliance Against Genocide and Advocacy Manager Genocide Watch is searching for an Alliance and Advocacy Manager with excellent networking and advocacy skills to lead its Alliance Against Genocide coalition. The Alliance Against Genocide is a network of over 100 organizations worldwide working to build the political will to prevent genocide. Formed in 1999, the Alliance has four main activities: education, early warning, advocacy for prevention, and support for institutions to punish genocide. Genocide Watch is the chair of the Alliance. Genocide Watch is an international volunteer anti-genocide organization. The Alliance Manager oversees Genocide Watch staff and programs for the Alliance Against Genocide. The Manager attends Genocide Watch weekly Management Team meetings, weekly Genocide Watch all-staff meetings, and weekly Alliance and Advocacy Team meetings. Oversight of Alliance and Advocacy Team staff includes managing work with Alliance member organizations, new member recruitment, building coalitions for advocacy, writing monthly Alliance reports, improving functionality of the Alliance website, and supervising staff. Alliance Team members work with Alliance member organizations to host Alliance events including Alliance Against Genocide conferences. This work may include organizing working groups to address situations in countries at risk of genocide. Applicants should familiarize themselves with Genocide Watch and the Alliance Against Genocide and Dr. Stanton’s Ten Stages of Genocide before applying for this position. The Manager position is currently a virtual, unpaid volunteer position. The Manager will assist Genocide Watch in raising funds so this can become a full-time paid position. Alliance Manager Responsibilities: Recruiting potential new Alliance member organizations; Organizing Alliance Against Genocide virtual conferences; Coordinating with Alliance Against Genocide members for advocacy campaigns; Writing, publishing, and distributing Alliance reports and press releases; Attending events sponsored by Alliance member organizations; Managing the Alliance’s website and social media; Job Requirements: Bachelor's degree or equivalent managerial experience Excellent written and spoken English Fluency in a second language is preferred Knowledge about genocide and passion for genocide prevention Submit resume, cover letter, and writing sample in combined PDF file to Dr. Gregory Stanton at president@genocidewatch.org with subject: [Your Name] – Alliance Manager

Fundraising and Development Manager Genocide Watch and the Alliance Against Genocide were founded in 1999 and were the world's first international anti-genocide coalition. Genocide Watch has a dedicated international volunteer staff. In the coming year, we plan to hire paid employees to carry us into the future. Genocide Watch is searching for an experienced fundraising manager with excellent leadership skills and networking abilities. The fundraising manager will be responsible for researching potential sources of grants, building good relationships with prospective donors, applying for grants, and communicating with the Genocide Watch President and fundraising team. The applicant should have compelling writing and speaking skills. Prior fundraising experience is highly desirable. The applicant must be passionately committed to genocide prevention. Applicants should familiarize themselves with Genocide Watch, the Alliance Against Genocide and Dr. Stanton’s Ten Stages of Genocide before applying for this position. While this position will mainly focus on raising funds and managing budgets, the opportunity to write reports, blog articles and contribute to Genocide Watch’s advocacy efforts is also open. This is a virtual, unpaid volunteer position. When funds are raised, it will become a paid job. Fundraising Manager Responsibilities: Conducting research on funding sources for human rights. Coordinating with Alliance Against Genocide members for joint fundraising. Writing funding proposals and submitting these to potential donors. Preparing annual budgets, accounting, and filing annual reports and tax returns. Establishing regular communications with foundation, corporate and private donors. Planning and implementing marketing strategies and promotional campaigns. Organizing and attending non-profit events and networking with donors. Establishing good relationships with staff, members of the public, and the media. Fundraising Manager Requirements: Bachelor's degree or equivalent experience. Passion for prevention of genocide. Experience applying for grants and fundraising in the non-profit sector. Experience using fundraising tools such as Candid and Foundation Directory Online. Excellent written, verbal, and donor relations skills. Please submit a resume, cover letter, writing sample and contact info for two references in a combined PDF file to Dr. Gregory Stanton at president@genocidewatch.org with the heading: [Your Name] – Fundraising Manager

In 2021: 5,191 Hacked To Death 5 April 2021 | Released by Intersociety 6006 killed in fifteen months (Jan 2021-March 2022) and 45,644 died in 13 years or since July 2009 Boko Haram uprising 30, 000 moderate and defenseless Muslim lives lost Nigeria: The World’s Greatest Enemy of Christianity The Federal Republic of Nigeria ended the year 2021 with the ignominious distinction of being the country most hostile to Freedom of Worship. Nigeria also became “the Greatest Enemy of Christian Faith in the World” and “a country with the world’s largest Christian Deaths for the Year 2021.” No fewer than 5,191 of the victims were unarmed citizens hacked to death or shot by Islamic radicals or hostile members of the country’s security forces According to the Open Doors’ 2022 World Watch index on global killing of Christians: “4,650 Christians were killed in Nigeria between Nov 2020 and Oct 2021, higher than 3,530 deaths recorded in the previous year (Oct 2019-Nov 2020) and 2500 Christians were abducted between Nov 2020 and Oct 2021 as against 900 abducted in the previous year”. For the fifteen months from January 2021 to March 2022, Nigeria saw a total 6006 Christian deaths. 45,644 Christian and 30,000 Muslim Lives Lost In 13 Years From July 2009 (year of the Boko Haram Uprising) to March 2022, the Christian death tolls rose to 45,644. Approximately 30,000 moderate Muslims were also killed during the period by the country’s Jihadists, who are chiefly indigenous Fulani Herdsmen, Fulani Bandits and other jihadist pastoralists or mercenaries. Trends associated with killing of moderate and defenseless Muslims in the country especially in the last five years have been centered on ‘Muslim Fulani-Muslim Hausa rivalries in the Muslim dominant Northern States of Zamfara, Sokoto, Katsina, Kebbi and North and Central Kaduna while patterns and trends associated with their fractional killings dating back to 2009 are centered on ‘collateral and revenge killings’. In all, 75,644 Nigerians have been killed in the previous 13 years – among them 45,644 Christian deaths and 30,000 deaths of moderate Muslims. 5,191 Christians Killed In 2021 The year 2021 ended disastrously for Christians and their sacred places of worship with the killing or abduction of at least 25 Christian clerics and attack or destruction of between 400 and 420 Churches. Also, not less than 3,800 Christians were abducted, and of these, scores were killed in captivity by jihadists. That is to say, that while 4,400 Christians were killed between January and September 2021, an additional 700 others were killed between October and December 2021. The latter group included 231 Christian deaths perpetrated by Jihadist Fulani Herdsmen or Fulani Bandits as opposed to 70 killed by Boko Haram and ISWAP in Niger. No fewer than 400 defenseless Igbo civilian Christians were killed by security forces in “open” (street shootings and killings) and “closed” (custodial killings) quarters in Old Eastern Nigeria. The Jihadist Fulani Herdsmen/Bandits’ killings from October to December 2021 included “the Nasarawa Tiv Christian massacre of Dec 20, 2021” during which no fewer than 52 Christians were hacked to death. 6006 Christians Killed In 15 Months No fewer than 6006 Christians were hacked to death in the last 15 months or from January 2021 to March 2022. In the first three months of 2022, not less than 915 have been killed. The breakdown drawn from our recent investigation/review clearly indicates that the Christian parts of Niger State -- including Shiroro, Munya and Rafi Local Government Areas -- are the worst hit with 213 Christian deaths. The second most lethal region is Southern Kaduna with 143 deaths, followed by these states: Taraba 130 deaths, Benue 72 deaths, Plateau 62 deaths, Ondo/Ogun 40 deaths, Kebbi 20 deaths, Enugu 20 deaths, Edo/Delta 15 deaths and Nasarawa, Kogi, Abia and Imo with 10 deaths each. Boko Haram and ISWAP, on their part, are believed to have killed no fewer than 60 Christians in the past three months or Jan to March 2022. The Nigerian security forces in the past three months killed not less than 70 Igbo civilians. A “dark figure” of 70 Christian deaths was added to represent undetected others which grandly brings the total number of Christians killed for their faith in the country in the past three months of 2022 to no fewer than 915. At least six Christian clerics were abducted or killed and not less than 20 Christian places of worship attacked or destroyed. 3800 Christians Abducted In 2021 And 700 In Jan-March 2022 From findings made by Intersociety, not less than 3,800 Christians were abducted in Nigeria in 2021. Those were more than half of the 6,000 total religious and tribal abductions and in the last three months of 2022. In Niger State, more than 700 anti-Christian abductions had taken place. Jihadist Fulani Herdsmen have also abducted no fewer than 30 defenseless Igbo Christians from January to March 2022 in Enugu, Abia and Imo States and killed not less than 20 in Isi-Uzo and Uzo-Uwani parts of Enugu State. How Our Findings Are Made The Int’l Society for Civil Liberties and Rule of Law (Intersociety) has been monitoring, documenting and exposing the killing of Christians and burning or destruction of their sacred places of worship in Nigeria since 2010, two years after we were founded. Armed with corporate integrity, global respectability and statistics intellectualism and led by graduate experts in the fields of criminology, security studies, law, peace studies, conflict resolution, journalism and so on, our reports have been built on research and investigation, verified eyewitness and survived victims’ accounts, church bodies, victimized ethnic entities, verified media reports and those from local and international rights and research institutions, such as the Weekly Security Tracker of the Council on Foreign Relations. Others are Christian persecution watchdogs and minority Muslim groups, etc. Group Identities of Those Killing Christians on The Ground Of Faith And Ethnic Belief The anti-Christian butcheries in Nigeria have been investigated and found to be perpetrated mainly by Jihadist Fulani herdsmen and their mercenaries. Other than the indigenous Jihadist Fulani Herdsmen and their pastoralist counterparts recruited from some African countries, the “Zamfara Bandits” -- now called “Fulani Bandits” -- are also responsible for butchering of defenseless Christians. Other bad actors include Boko Haram, ISWAP, Ansaru and their foreign counterparts. The Muslim-dominated Nigerian security forces were also responsible for multiple hundreds of civilian Christian deaths in Igbo parts of the Old Eastern Nigeria in 2021 which have continued in the first three months of 2022. Muslim Fulani-Muslim Hausa Rivalries Fueling Killings In Zamfara, Sokoto, Kebbi, Katsina, Etc The ethno-religious jihadists responsible for hacking moderate and defenseless Muslims to death in the Northern Muslim States of Zamfara, Sokoto, Kebbi, Katsina and Birnin-Gwari and Igabi parts of Kaduna State are drawn from Fulani Bandits formed in Maradun part of Zamfara State in 2011 and who came into the limelight in 2013. They were primarily raised against the indigenous Hausa communities and their Vigilante Group, known as “Yankasai. Several investigations by Intersociety have further revealed that many Muslim victims in Zamfara, Sokoto, Katsina, Kebbi and northern Kaduna belong to indigenous Hausa Muslim communities. For economic, political and radical religious reasons (i.e., alliance for Jihad), the perpetrators of this type of violence have extended their mayhem to other parts of the North including targeting members of other ethno-religious nationalities such as northern and non-northern Christians and members of non-Fulani Muslim Faith. The violence has since 2017 escalated and extended to Niger, Federal Capital Territory (Abuja), Adamawa, Taraba, Nasarawa, Kogi, Gombe and Bauchi States. The Fulani Bandits have also allied with Jihadist Fulani Herdsmen in occupying and terrorizing forests, bushes and farmlands and their owners in the Southern States of Edo, Ondo, Ogun, Delta and the North Central State of Benue. Intersociety previously reported 3rd Oct 2021 that Muslim Jihadists, including state-actor and non-state actor radical Islamists, had between January and September 2021, hacked to death no fewer than 4,400 defenseless and unprotected Christians, in addition to killing or abducting 20 Christian clerics and burning down or destroying between 350 and 400 churches or Christian schools as well as abducting 3500 Christians. On average, 490 Christians were killed monthly and 16 on daily basis. The killing of Christians was further broken down to 2,540 killed by Jihadist Fulani Herdsmen and 1,963 killed by others. Regional murders were aggregated as follows: 600 killed by Jihadist Fulani Bandits chiefly in Niger, Kebbi, Taraba, Adamawa and Southern Kaduna: about 680 killed by Boko Haram and ISWAP in Taraba, Adamawa, Niger, Kebbi, Yobe and Chibok and other Christian areas of Borno State. The Northern Muslim-dominated and controlled security forces killed at least 680 civilian Christians, chiefly in the Igbo parts of the Old Eastern Nigeria. The Southern Kaduna had topped the list with 608 deaths, followed by Benue State with 550 deaths, Plateau State ,400 deaths, Christian parts of Niger State 300 deaths, Taraba State 270 deaths, Igbo States of Ebonyi/Enugu/Anambra/Abia 240 deaths, Ogun/Ondo/Oyo/Ekiti/Osun 180 deaths, Kebbi 120 deaths, Nasarawa 60 deaths, Kogi or Kwara states 30 deaths, Igbo part of Delta 35 deaths, Edo State 40 deaths, nonIgbo part of Delta 25 deaths, Gombe/Bauchi 40 deaths, Christian part of Geidam in Yobe State 25 deaths, Kogi/Kawara State 30 deaths and Katsina ten deaths including a Reverend Father. Borno State also topped the list of Christians hacked to death by Boko Haram/ISWAP/Ansaru with 450 deaths while Adamawa, Taraba and Yobe States accounted for 240 others. Killing Of 43,000 Christians in 12 Years (July 2009-August 2021) Intersociety had in its special int’l report of 4th August 2021 revealed that 43,000 Christians were hacked to death by jihadists and their collaborators in Nigeria in the 12 years from July 2009 to August 2021. An estimated 17,500 Churches and more 2000 Christian schools were attacked, 10 million northern Christians uprooted and six million forced to flee their homes to avoid being hacked to death by the jihadists. The Report further found that out of 72,000 total deaths perpetrated on ethno-religious grounds during this 12-year period, as many as 29,000 moderate and defenseless Muslims lost their lives. More than 500 Christian communities in Northern Nigeria were also sacked and taken over by the Jihadists. Signed For: International Society for Civil Liberties and Rule of Law · Emeka Umeagbalasi (Criminologist & Graduate of Security Studies) Board Chair/Lead-Investigator · Obianuju Joy Igboeli Esquire, LLB, BL Head, Civil Liberties and Rule of Law · Ndidiamaka Bernard Esquire, LLB, BL Head, Int’l Justice and Human Rights · Chidimma Evangeline Udegbunam Esquire, LLB, BL Head, Campaign and Publicity · Samuel Kamanyaoku (HND) Head, Field Data Documentation Contacts: Phone/WhatsApp: +2348174090052 Email: info@intersociety-ng.org Website: https://intersociety-ng.org Copyright © 2021 InterSociety