Bodies found in western town were handcuffed, including that of a 12-year-old girl, UN-recognised government says. Workers from the Libyan Red Crescent and the General Authority for Research and Identification of Missing Persons recovering bodies from a mass grave in Tarhouna on Tuesday (Twitter/@Burkanly) Forces allied to Libya’s Government of National Accord (GNA) say they have discovered a mass grave including handcuffed bodies in the town of Tarhuna, following the retreat of forces loyal to eastern commander Khalifa Haftar. On 5 June, the UN-recognised GNA captured Tarhuna, Haftar's last remaining stronghold in Tripoli's environs, after his 14-month offensive on the capital. The town's recapture, which had served as a launchpad for Haftar’s devastating assault, came as his Libyan National Army (LNA) and allied Russian mercenaries retreated south and east with the offensive falling apart. In Twitter and Facebook posts on Wednesday, the military wing of the GNA posted images and videos of the purported mass grave, which it said included the handcuffed body of a 12-year-old girl A report by Arabi21 website, citing GNA sources, said that at least four mass graves were found in the town. While the GNA is backed by Turkey and its ally Qatar, Haftar's LNA is supported by Russia, the UAE and Egypt. Tarhuna's capture prompted Egypt to call for a ceasefire on Monday. But Turkey dismissed the Egyptian proposal on Wednesday as an attempt to rescue the maligned commander, rather than secure a real truce. Last week, the UN said it was ready to assist the GNA to investigate the deaths of 106 civilians whose bodies were discovered at a hospital in the town. The UN secretary-general's spokesman, Stephane Dujarric, said on Monday that the bodies, which included women and children, "remind us of the high price paid by civilians and the desperate and urgent need for an immediate cessation of hostilities". Officials from the GNA said the bodies appeared to have been executed and also displayed signs of torture. Meanwhile, the GNA troops are accused of extrajudicial killings as well as carrying out a campaign of arrests, arson and looting across Tarhuna after seizing it. Battle for Sirte Following Tarhuna, the GNA has advanced towards Sirte, to which many of Haftar's forces have withdrawn. Sirte, the hometown of toppled autocrat Muammar Gaddafi, is the last major city before the traditional boundary between Libya's western Tripolitania and eastern Cyrenaica regions. The town was taken by Haftar's forces virtually without a fight in January after one of Libya's myriad local militias switched sides. Beyond Sirte lies the prize of Libya's main oil export ports, Haftar's most important strategic asset. Located about 450km east of Tripoli, the town was where Gaddafi held his last stand against Nato-backed rebel forces in 2011. Libya has endured years of violence since the 2011 uprising that toppled and killed Gaddafi, with rival administrations and scores of militias battling for power. The UN has urged outside powers to respect a deal reached at a January conference in Berlin, end foreign meddling and uphold a much-violated arms embargo. © Middle East Eye 2020

Anti-India protests after forces kill nine rebels in separate gun battles that started on Sunday in Shopian district. Police said 73 rebels have been killed in the Muslim-majority Kashmir region this year [Dar Yasin/AP] Anti-India protests have continued for a second day on Monday in Indian-administered Kashmir after the Indian forces killed at least nine rebels in the disputed region. The rebels, including three commanders, were killed in separate gunfights with the security forces in Shopian district, some 70km (43 miles) south of the capital, Srinagar. The fighting began on Sunday. Four rebels were killed in the Pinjora area on Monday morning after the government forces set up a cordon and search operation when they received intelligence about the presence of the fighters, who either want Kashmir's independence or a merger with Muslim-majority Pakistan. Five other rebels were killed in a gunfight with the forces in Shopian district's Reban area on Sunday afternoon. Police said three soldiers were wounded. "Nine militants of the Hizbul Mujahideen outfit, including its three top commanders, have been neutralized in less than 24 hours," state police chief Dilbagh Singh told reporters on Monday. Singh said the Indian security forces have eliminated 22 rebels, including six top commanders, during the past two weeks. Police said 73 rebels have been killed in the Muslim-majority region this year. In April alone, more than two dozen rebels and about a dozen Indian troops were killed, the most in any month since August 2019, when India revoked the region's semi-autonomous status and statehood, and imposed direct federal rule. The latest killings sparked protests and clashes as hundreds of residents tried to march to the site of the battle. Chanting slogans demanding an end to India's occupation of Kashmir, demonstrators threw stones at police and paramilitary soldiers, who fired shotgun pellets and tear gas. No casualties were immediately reported in the clashes. India has stepped up its operations across Kashmir in recent months, with almost daily fighting reported along the rugged and mountainous frontier that divides Kashmir between India and Pakistan. Since 1989, the conflict has resulted in nearly 70,000 deaths, most of them civilians. India accuses Pakistan of arming and training the anti-India rebels. Pakistan denies this, saying it offers only moral and diplomatic support to the rebels and to Kashmiri civilians who oppose Indian rule. © 2020 Al Jazeera Media Network

At least 81 people have been killed in an attack on a herding village in northeast Nigeria's Borno state, according to security sources and residents. Fighters drove into remote Felo village in Gubio district, about 80km (50 miles) from the regional capital of Maiduguri, on Tuesday afternoon, opening fire on residents. Al Jazeera's Ahmed Idris, reporting from Niferia's capital, Abuja, said those who tried to flee were run down. "As people were running, (the attackers) followed them with their cars and motorcycles and drove over them, resulting in these deaths," he said. "A lot of people are saying that several other people are missing in that community." A community leader who asked not to be named said the attack occurred as "men and children" watched over their cattle at a watering hole outside the village. "Our people were caught off guard by the gunmen who surrounded them," the leader said. "It is an open field with nowhere to hide," he said. "They couldn't escape, they couldn't outrun the vehicles." Residents told reporters on Wednesday the attack was thought to be retaliation for the earlier killing of members of an armed group by a local self-defence unit formed to protect against attacks and the theft of herd animals in the village and surrounding area. Nearly 1,200 cattle were stolen during the raid, according to Malam Bunu, the leader of the local defence group. He told The Associated Press news agency the fighters returned on Wednesday morning to kill a herdsman who had escaped the massacre. Nigeria violence: Widespread attacks by armed gangs "(They) then set the entire village ablaze before they left," Bunu said. "As I am talking to you now, the village is still smoking." State governor Babagana Zulum visited the community on Wednesday, saying that seven people, included the village head, had also been abducted in the violence. He called the attack "barbaric". No group has claimed responsibility for the bloodshed. Attacks by both Boko Haram, who have conducted a decade-long armed campaign in the country, and the splinter group, the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP), are common in the area. In a separate incident on Tuesday, some 200 attackers on motorcycles killed at least 20 people who tried to resist the looting of Kadisau village in the northwestern state of Katsina, according to police and residents. The attack had also not been claimed by any group as of Wednesday. Hundreds of people have been killed in the last year by criminal gangs carrying out robberies and kidnappings in the northwest Nigeria. In May, the United Nations said the violence had forced about 23,000 refugees across the border to the north into Niger. ©: Al Jazeera 2020

Statement by Genocide Watch to the US Commission on International Religious Freedom In 2018 Turkish armed forces invaded and took control of the northern Syrian region of Afrin, which was largely populated by Kurds, Yazidis, Christians, and other minority groups. The Turks and their allied militias drove hundreds of thousands of people out of Afrin, many of whom sought refuge in northeastern Syria, governed by the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANE). At the end of 2019, Turkey also invaded northeastern Syria after President Trump ordered most US forces out of Syria. In areas under Turkey’s control, civilians have been subjected to horrific crimes against humanity committed by Turkish forces and Turkish supported militias. Kurdish towns have been bombed and destroyed, some with white phosphorus, a war crime. Hundreds of civilians have been summarily executed. Kurdish and Yazidi women have been kidnapped and subjected to sexual slavery. Secret prisons hold hundreds of Kurds who are routinely tortured. Massive amounts of property have been expropriated and turned over to thousands of Syrian Arab refugees, resettled from Turkey. Many Christians and Yazidis have fled to Europe or Iraqi Kurdistan. Turkey is forcing the displacement of hundreds of thousands of civilians from their homes. Turkey is perpetrating the full ethnic, religious, and demographic destruction of northern Syria. Forced population transfers are war crimes under Articles 8 (2)(a)(vii)-1 and 8 (2)(b)(x)-1 of the Statute of the International Criminal Court. They are also crimes against humanity under Article 7 (1) (d) of the ICC Statute. They are crimes of universal jurisdiction in most of Western Europe. Torture and genocide are also crimes of universal jurisdiction in the US, Australia, New Zealand, and Senegal. Perpetrators of these crimes could be arrested and tried if they ever set foot in countries with universal jurisdiction. Russia has vetoed referral of the situation in Syria to the International Criminal Court. There are no independent courts where perpetrators could be tried in Turkish occupied Syria. There is, however, one venue where Turkey could be held accountable for its crimes: The European Court of Human Rights. Turkey is a State-Party to the European Convention for Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. Cyprus brought a complaint to the European Court of Human Rights following Turkey’s invasion of Northern Cyprus in 1974. The court held that its jurisdiction is not limited to the national territory of contracting states, but also arises “when as a consequence of military action – whether lawful or unlawful – it exercises effective control of an area outside its national territory.” (Cyprus v Turkey, para. 76) Syrians have a right to bring complaints against Turkey in the European Court of Human Rights. Since there are no venues for local remedies, the European Court could hear their cases. But would this do any good? It might embarrass Turkey, but it didn’t help northern Cypriots regain their land or their homes. Law is not effective unless it is enforced by legitimate power. The AANES and the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) in northern Syria have lost their power to end Turkey’s occupation and to prosecute crimes committed by Turkish-backed militias. They could only regain their authority in the occupied areas if the US demands Turkey’s withdrawal from Syria. The current US administration shows only weak support for the AANES. The US Special Envoy to the region even supports Turkish control over northern Syria. He must be replaced as soon as possible. The US is currently ignoring Turkey’s neo-Ottoman fascist ideology. It does not support federal solutions for the conflicts in Syria and Iraq. Federal structures supported by national governments and protected by regional and allied power are the only solutions that will end the conflicts in Syria and Iraq.

Today, 9 June 2020, Ali Muhammad Ali Abd–Al-Rahman ("Ali Kushayb") is in the custody of the International Criminal Court (ICC) after surrendering himself voluntarily in the Central African Republic on account of an ICC arrest warrant issued on 27 April 2007. Mr Kushayb is suspected of war crimes and crimes against humanity allegedly committed in Darfur (Sudan). The initial appearance of Mr Kushayb before the ICC Pre-Trial Chamber II will take place in due course. ICC Registrar Mr Peter Lewis thanked the Minister of Justice Flavien M'Bata and the authorities of the Central African Republic, the French Republic, the Republic of Chad, as well as the leaders of the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA) and the authorities of the host State, the Netherlands, for their support to the Court and cooperation in the arrest, surrender and transfer of Mr. Kushayb to the Court. Mr Kushayb, Sudanese national born approximately in 1957, was allegedly one of the most senior leaders in the tribal hierarchy in the Wadi Salih locality and member of the Popular Defence Forces (PDF) and allegedly commanded thousands of Janjaweed militia from on or about August 2003 until on or about March 2004. He is alleged to have implemented the counter-insurgency strategy of the Government of Sudan that also resulted in the commission of war crimes and crimes against humanity in Darfur, Sudan. Mr Kushayb is perceived to be the mediator between the leaders of the Janjaweed militia in Wadi Salih and the Government of Sudan. He is also alleged to have enlisted fighters, armed, funded and provided food and other supplies to the Janjaweed militia under his command, thereby intentionally contributing to the above-mentioned crimes. Ali Kushayb is alleged to have personally participated in some of the attacks against civilians namely in the towns of Kodoom, Bindist, Mukjar and Arawala between August 2003 and March 2004, where the killing of civilians, rape, torture and other cruel treatments occurred, therefore he allegedly committed, jointly with others, the above-mentioned crimes. On 27 April 2007, ICC Pre-Trial Chamber I issued two warrants of arrest, against Ali Kushayb and Ahmad Harun (not in ICC custody). Pre-Trial Chamber I considered that there are reasonable grounds to believe that, (i) from about August 2002, an armed conflict took place between the Government of Sudan including combatants from the Sudan People's Armed Forces (the Sudanese Armed Forces) and the Popular Defence Force (PDF) along with the Janjaweed militia against organised rebel groups, including the Sudanese Liberation Movement/Army (SLM/A) and the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) in Darfur, Sudan; (ii) in 2003 and 2004, that the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Janjaweed militia, acting together as part of the counter-insurgency campaign, carried out several attacks, of a systematic or widespread nature, on the towns of Kodoom, Bindisi, Mukjar, Arawala and surrounding areas. In the above mentioned towns criminal acts were allegedly committed against civilians primarily from the Fur, Zaghawa and Masalit populations, such as murders of civilians, rapes and outrages upon the personal dignity of women and girls, persecution , forcible transfers, imprisonment or severe deprivation of liberty, and attacks intentionally directed against the above-mentioned populations. The warrant of arrest delivered on 27 April 2007 against Ali Kushayb lists 50 counts on the basis of his individual criminal responsibility including: - Twenty-two counts of crimes against humanity (murder; deportation or forcible transfer of population; imprisonment or other severe deprivation of physical liberty in violation of fundamental rules of international law; torture ; persecution; rape; inhumane acts of inflicting serious bodily injury and suffering ); and - Twenty-eight counts of war crimes (murder, violence to life and person; outrage upon personal dignity in particular humiliating and degrading treatment; intentionally directing an attack against a civilian population; pillaging; rape; destroying or seizing the property). Background: Using its authority under the Rome Statute, the United Nations Security Council referred the situation in Darfur since 1 July 2002 to the ICC Prosecutor in resolution 1593 on 31 March 2005. Following the referral from the United Nations Security Council, the Prosecutor received the conclusion of the International Commission of Inquiry on Darfur. In addition, the Office of the Prosecutor requested information from a variety of sources, leading to the collection of thousands of documents. The Prosecutor concluded that the statutory requirements for initiating an investigation were satisfied and decided to open the investigation on 6 June 2005. Five ICC warrants of arrest are still pending in the context of this situation against MM Harun, Al Bashir, Banda, and Hussein. Source: ICC

Fear, panic grips residents in the heavily militarised zone on both sides of the de facto Kashmir border. Fear, panic grips residents in the heavily militarised zone on both sides of the de facto Kashmir border. Thousands of villagers living along the heavily militarised Line of Control (LoC) dividing Pakistan- and Indian-administered Kashmir have migrated to safer places in fear of artillery fire exchanges across the border. Earlier this month, Pakistan accused India of using cluster munitions that killed a four-year-old boy and a woman. Tensions spiked earlier this week when the Indian government revoked the special status of Indian-administered Kashmir in its constitution. A presidential decree issued on Monday revoked Article 370 of India's constitution, which guaranteed special rights to the Muslim-majority state, including the right to its own constitution and autonomy to make laws on all matters, except defence, communications and foreign affairs. Authorities said an estimated 20,000 people left their homes over the past week when Indian artillery spread panic in the Neelum Valley on the Pakistan side of the LoC. In Chakothi, a town near the LoC, people said most did not have the resources to build bunkers or move to safer places. Muhammad Mukhtar, a 38-year-old vet, told Al Jazeera how scared the residents were due to the situation in Indian-administered Kashmir. "There is fear in the area and residents are preparing to leave their homes if a cross-border exchange of fire takes place. The LoC is just three kilometres from where we are," said Mukhtar. Muhammad Sheraz, 30, is resident of Khalana Kalan village at the LoC. He said residents of the village are staying indoors due to fear of shelling and shooting across the LoC. "We don't have the money to build bunkers or to shift our children elsewhere," Muhammad Lateef, 45, said. Muhammad Khalid, a resident of Durian village, about 90km north of Muzaffarabad, the capital of Pakistan-administered Kashmir, said almost one-fifth of the residents of areas where there was an exchange of fire on July 30 have moved. "Residents become frightened when they hear any sound of fire around the LoC," said Muhammad Shahzad, a 40-year-old paramedic residing in Lowat village in upper Neelum Valley. The Kashmir conflict has separated families for years. Al Jazeera's Osama bin Javaid, reporting from a refugee camp in Pakistan-administered Kashmir, said more than 35,000 people were living in the camp; almost everyone has a relative across the border. "It's been three days since we heard from my sister and her family across the border," said Bibi Safina, a displaced Kashmiri on Pakistan's side of the LoC. "We don't know anything. Even the internet has been shut down." © 2019 Al Jazeera Media Network

The so-called honor killing of a 14-year-old girl in Iran has shaken the country and forced an examination of its failure to protect women and children. Before he beheaded his 14-year-old daughter with a farming sickle, Reza Ashrafi called a lawyer. His daughter, Romina, was going to dishonor the family by running off with her 29-year-old boyfriend, he said. What kind of punishment, he asked the lawyer, would he get for killing her? The lawyer assured him that as the girl’s guardian he would not face capital punishment but at most 3 to 10 years in jail, Mr. Ashrafi’s relatives told an Iranian newspaper. Three weeks later, Mr. Ashrafi, a 37-year-old farmer, marched into the bedroom where the girl was sleeping and decapitated her. The so-called honor killing last month, in a small village in the rolling green hills of northern Iran, has shaken the country and set off a nationwide debate over the rights of women and children and the failure of the country’s social, religious and legal systems to protect them. Romina Ashrafi It has also prompted a me-too moment on social media of women pouring out their own stories of abuse at the hands of male relatives in hopes of shedding light on a problem that is usually kept quiet. Minoo, a 49-year-old mother of two in Tehran, said her husband had beaten their 17-year-old daughter when he spotted her with a male friend in the street. Hanieh Rajabi, a Ph.D. student in philosophy, tweeted that her father had lashed her with a belt and kept her out of school for a week because she had walked home from class to buy ice cream instead of taking the school bus. Others shared stories of rape, physical and emotional abuse and running away from home in search of safety. "There are thousands of Rominas who have no protection in this country," tweeted Kimia Abodlazadeh. In many ways, women in Iran are better off than those in many other Middle Eastern countries. Iranian women work as lawyers, doctors, pilots, film directors and truck drivers. They hold 60 percent of university seats and constitute 50 percent of the work force. They can run for office, and they hold seats in the Parliament and cabinet. But there are restrictions. Women must cover their hair, arms and curves in public, and they need the permission of a male relative to leave the country, ask for a divorce or work outside the home. In many ways, women in Iran are better off than those in many other Middle Eastern countries, but they need a man’s permission to work outside the home.Credit...Arash Khamooshi for The New York Times Honor killings are thought to be rare but that may be because they are usually hushed up. A 2019 report by a research center affiliated with Iran’s armed forces found that nearly 30 percent of all murder cases in Iran were honor killings of women and girls. The number is unknown, however, as Iran does not publicly release crime statistics. Horror over the killing of Romina Ashrafi, a round-faced high school student with a bright smile, was nearly universal, condemned by liberals and conservatives alike. Her father is in jail awaiting trial. Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, called for “harsh punishment” for any man who abuses women in what appeared to be a reference to Romina’s case. But the question of what to do about it broke along familiar lines. “Everyone is infuriated and shocked because it’s a reminder that these laws are abnormal, these laws need to change,” said Shadi Sadr, a prominent women’s rights lawyer living in exile in London. “These laws were not meant for a woman or a child to be killed.” Conservatives defended the existing laws and blamed Romina for promiscuity and disobeying religious and cultural strictures. “The laws for violence against women are enough,” Mousa Ghazanfarabadi, a conservative cleric and lawmaker, told local media. “We cannot execute Romina’s father because it’s against Islamic law.” President Hassan Rouhani asked Parliament last week to fast-track legislation to protect women. The bill, which has been pending in Parliament for eight years, would criminalize emotional, sexual and physical abuse and impose jail time for violators. A separate bill that would criminalize the abuse and abandonment of children has stalled for 11 years. President Hassan Rouhani asked Parliament last week to fast-track legislation to protect women but it is unclear if it will pass or, if it did, whether it would stanch honor killings. Credit: EPA, via Shutterstock Domestic violence is thought to be widespread, and the chief of Iran’s family protection agency said in November that it had increased by at least 20 percent over the previous year, the IRNA official news agency reported. The agency said in April that reports of domestic violence had tripled during the coronavirus lockdown, and its hotline was receiving 4,000 calls a day. Some women’s rights advocates see the current bill as an important step, but it is unclear whether the new conservative Parliament — elected in February after the majority of critics and reformers were disqualified — will pass it. Conservatives dismiss any effort to change the law as succumbing to Western feminism. But even if the bills passed, they would not change the punishment for a father killing his child. Murder in Iran is subject to the death penalty under the Shariah mandate of “an eye for an eye.” But the penal code, based on Islamic law, exempts a guardian from capital punishment for killing his child. A child’s father and paternal grandfather are considered legal guardians. However, a mother who kills her child would face execution. Under the Islamic patriarchy that has governed Iran for the past 40 years, changing Shariah is not an option. But some Islamic legal scholars and activists argue that the guardianship exception is based on tradition and interpretations, and is not found in the words of the Quran or sacred texts. “How is it possible that a father kills and he is not held accountable and he does not face capital punishment?” Faezeh Hashemi, a prominent women’s rights activist and former lawmaker, told local media. “If we want to approach this issue with logic, wisdom and justice, the father needs to face retaliation punishment multiple times over.” She said that passing the bill without changing the punishment amounted to window dressing and would offer no meaningful protection for women and children. Other critics of the current law oppose capital punishment — a minority view on a penalty prescribed by the Quran — but argue that, regardless, a father should not receive a lighter sentence for the murder of a child. “How is it possible that a father kills and he is not held accountable?” asked Faezeh Hashemi, a women’s rights activist.Credit: Vahid Salemi/Associated Press. Romina’s father had threatened her many times before he killed her. The two had frequently argued. She pushed against the rules by letting her hair poke out from her scarf when outside and posted pictures of herself on Instagram without hijab dressed in jeans and T-shirts, her black hair flowing to her waist. When he discovered that she had a boyfriend, he flew into a rage, according to her mother, Rana Dashti, and other relatives. The details of Romina’s story were pieced together based on accounts provided to Iranian media by her family members, her boyfriend, his family and security officials. The boyfriend, a farmer’s son who rode a motorcycle and sported a buzz cut and a tattoo, said he had been courting Romina since she was 12 and had proposed marriage. Iran has no law prohibiting an adult from having a romantic relationship with a child, and girls can marry with their father’s permission at age 13. Mr. Ashrafi rejected the proposal not because of the age difference, Ms. Dashti said, but because he didn’t like the man’s family. He confiscated Romina’s phone, kept her at home and began to threaten and terrorize her, Ms. Dashti told an Iranian magazine. One evening he came home with rat poison and rope, she said, encouraging Romina to commit suicide so he wouldn’t have to kill her. Romina ran away, leaving a note. “Baba you wanted to kill me,” it said, addressing her father. “If anyone asks you where Romina is, tell them I am dead.” The struggle for women’s rights has a long history in Iran but has suffered setbacks since the 1979 Islamic revolution. The women’s movement was finally dismantled as an organized effort in 2009, criminalized on grounds that it threatened national security. Today its most prominent faces, including the Nobel Peace laureate Shirin Ebadi and the feminist lawyer Nasrin Sotoudeh, are either in exile or in jail. Even Ms. Hashemi, whose father was president and a founding father of the revolution, was jailed. “Women’s rights are politicized and criminalized making it very hard to channel this outrage on the ground into tangible action,” said Sussan Tahmasebi a women’s rights activist based in Tehran and Washington. Iran’s most prominent women’s rights activists, including the Nobel Peace laureate Shirin Ebadi, are either in jail or in exile. Credit: Carlos Alvarez/Getty Images The advocates said they held little hope of changing the laws and culture that led to Romina’s killing. Three days after she ran away, Mr. Ashrafi discovered her hide-out and called the police, accusing the boyfriend of kidnapping. An investigator from the prosecutor’s office dismissed the kidnapping charge after Romina said she went with him voluntarily. Romina pleaded not to be sent home with her father, telling the investigator of his threats on her life. But Mr. Ashrafi assured him of her safety and she was released to her father’s care. By the next night she was dead. After the killing made headlines across the country, the prosecutor said that the investigation and trial would be expedited and that he would seek the maximum 10-year sentence for Mr. Ashraf. In Romina’s village of Lamir, population 600, her school girlfriends still trek up the hill to the cemetery on most days. They lay yellow and purple wildflowers on her grave, and whisper a prayer that this will not be their fate. © 2020 The New York Times Company

The number of victims has soared in recent weeks amid massacres and attacks in three eastern provinces. About 1,300 civilians have been killed in separate conflicts involving armed groups and government forces in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) over the past eight months, with the violence forcing more than half a million people from their homes, the United Nations has said. UN rights chief Michelle Bachelet warned on Friday some of the killings and displacement "may amount to crimes against humanity and war crimes". The number of victims has soared in recent weeks as conflicts have spreadin three eastern provinces - Ituri, North Kivu and South Kivu - "with disastrous repercussions" for the civilian population, according to the UN. "I am appalled by the increase in brutal attacks on innocent civilians by armed groups, and by the reaction of the military and security forces who have also committed grave violations, including killings and sexual violence," Bachelet said in a statement. "These are not only reprehensible and criminal acts, but they also break the trust between people and the state representatives, both security and political," she added. "In the absence of effective protection by state security forces, there is a serious risk that these communities will feel compelled to form self-defence groups, which would most likely exacerbate an already dire situation," Bachelet said. Violence in Ituri According to the UN Joint Human Rights Office in the DRC (UNJHRO), between October 1, 2019 and May 31, 2020, at least 531 civilians have been killed by armed groups in Ituri, 375 of them since March. Congolese Armed Forces (FARDC) and police (PNC) also allegedly killed 17 civilians during the same period. In Ituri, violence spread into new areas after the main armed group, CODECO, splintered following the killing of its leader, Ngudjolo Duduko Justin, on March 25. A UN human rights report published in January and updated last week stated that since 2017, CODECO and other Lendu fighters have pursued a strategy of slaughtering local residents - mainly the Hema, but also the Alur - in order to control the natural resources in the region. Other groups, including the Ndo Okebo, Nyali and the Mambisa, have been involved in the violence more recently. Bachelet, who visited Ituri in January and met people maimed and displaced during the attacks by CODECO, said that the targeted communities have so far refrained from retaliating, however this could change. Surge in violence in Ituri region: Congolese army fights militias (2:35) In North Kivu, military operations by the government forces in November 2019 led to retaliatory attacks against civilians by the main armed group, the ADF, which by May 31 had killed at least 514 civilians using machetes, axes and heavy weapons, according to the UN. State defence forces such as the FARDC are reported to have killed 59 civilians and the PNC to have killed 24. More than 400,000 people have been displaced in North Kivu. FARDC operations have resulted in the ADF moving into areas previously unaffected by armed conflict, the UN warned. Like Ituri, there is a risk that self-defence groups will form, with civilians being caught in the middle. Bachelet called on the Congolese authorities to establish authority in both conflict areas, including by introducing security forces and ensuring that they "protect civilians rather than prey on them". "Protection of civilians is the responsibility of the state, and when the state leaves a vacuum, others tend to fill it. In DRC, past experience shows this can have catastrophic results. The generalised and systematic nature of some of the attacks on civilians in both Ituri and North Kivu may amount to crimes against humanity and war crimes," she said. 'Clearly disproportionate' In South Kivu, at least 74 people have been killed since October and at least 36 women and children raped in a resurgence of ethnic-based violence between the Banyamulenge and the Bafuliro, Babembe, and Banyindu communities, the UN said. More than 110,000 people, most of them women and children, have been displaced by the violence, which is being fuelled by hate speech disseminated through the media, social media and in public discourse, it added. FARDC soldiers have killed at least 15 people and have committed sexual violence against 13 women. Violence and killings have also been taking place in Kongo Central and Kinshasa. Between March 30 and April 24, at least 62 civilians were killed and 74 injured during seven operations conducted by the PNC and the FARDC against members of the politico-religious group Bundu Dia Kongo (BDK). BDK followers have threated to expel foreigners from Kongo Central, and reportedly physically attacked some of them. They also reacted violently against the security forces, killing one police officer and wounding nine others. The UN noted, however, the response of the security forces was "clearly disproportionate", with police officers systematically using live ammunition to disperse unarmed crowds. © 2020 Al Jazeera Media Network

Document about steps Myanmar took for protecting Rohingya from genocide is with ICJ, official says as critics cry foul. Myanmar has submitted its first report to the International Court of Justice (ICJ), detailing what it has done to protect the minority Rohingya from genocide. The Hague-based court issued a provisional order in January, asking Myanmar to safeguard the mostly Muslim group in western Rakhine state as part of "provisional measures" at the start of a trial expected to take years. e top UN court agreed last year to consider a case brought by The Gambia alleging that Myanmar committed genocide against the Rohingya, an accusation vigorously denied by the government. Myanmar's military in August 2017 launched what it called a "clearance operation" in Rakhine state in response to an attack by a Rohingya armed group. The crackdown forced more than 730,000 Rohingya to flee to neighboring Bangladesh and led to widespread accusations that security forces committed mass murder, gang rape, torture and arson. A foreign ministry official told Turkey's Anadolu news agency the report submitted on Saturday was based on three directives issued by President Win Myint's office in April. It is unclear if the court will make the report public. Speaking on condition of anonymity as he was not authorised to speak to the media, the official said the president ordered the regional government and military not to remove or destroy evidence of a genocide. He also instructed them to prevent genocidal acts as well as incitement and hate speech against the Rohingya. "What I know is that the report was based on what we have done and what we are doing regarding these three directives," said the official. 'Milestone' David Scheffer, US ambassador-at-large for war crimes, said before Myanmar filed the report that it was "an important milestone". "The world should learn whether Myanmar not only is complying with an international order, but whether it has done so truthfully and without deception or obfuscation," he said. Scheffer made the remarks in a foreword to a report titled No Place for Optimism: Anticipating Myanmar's First Report to the International Court of Justice. Rohingya groups say Myanmar has ignored the ICJ's orders and the military is still committing atrocities in Rakhine state, where it is fighting ethnic Rakhine rebels. "Myanmar has not taken any serious action to protect the Rohingya," said Muhammed Nowkhim, a Rohingya activist based in Bangladesh who fled the 2017 violence. Nowkhim told DPA news agency that refugee groups in Bangladesh have documented dozens of cases of Rohingya being killed or injured in Rakhine since the ICJ order, often by military shelling. Stella Naw, a Myanmar-based human rights activist, said the government's directives were disingenuous and aimed at shifting responsibility away from the military. "They're always playing the same old game," she told DPA. Most persecuted The Rohingya, described by the United Nations as the world's most persecuted people, have faced heightened fears of attack since dozens were killed in communal violence in 2012. According to Amnesty International, more than 750,000 Rohingya refugees, mostly women and children, fled Myanmar and crossed into Bangladesh after Myanmar forces launched a crackdown on the community in August 2017. Since then, nearly 24,000 Rohingya have been killed by Myanmar's state forces, according to a report by the Ontario International Development Agency (OIDA). More than 34,000 Rohingya were also thrown into fires, while more than 114,000 others were beaten, said the OIDA report, titled Forced Migration of Rohingya: The Untold Experience. As many as 18,000 Rohingya women and girls were raped by Myanmar's army and police and more than 115,000 Rohingya homes burned down while 113,000 others were vandalised, it added. © 2020 Al Jazeera Media Network

Violence in Sudan’s Darfur forces thousands to flee. From late December 2019 to January 2020, clashes between rival communities in El Geneina, in Sudan’s West Darfur State, forced over 16,000 refugees to cross into neighboring Chad. The majority of them are women and children. They arrived exhausted, traumatized and often with signs of malnutrition. Following an alert by authorities in eastern Chad, a joint mission comprising UNHCR, the World Food Programme (WFP), the Chadian national asylum authority CNARR (Commission Nationale pour l'Accueil et la Réinsertion des Réfugiés et des Rapatriés) and the Governor of the Ouaddai province was conducted along the border area to monitor the situation and meet the new arrivals. A rapid assessment of the refugee population revealed that it was composed mainly of women, children and elderly persons in acute need of assistance, including health services, water and sanitation, shelter and core relief items. Accordingly, UNHCR, together with the local authorities and partners, identified a new site in Kouchaguine-Moura, and works started immediately to prepare it to receive the refugees. As of 18 May 2020, 14,938 individuals (4,337 households) have been pre-registered. The situation in Sudan remains volatile and unpredictable. UNHCR maintains close cross-border and protection monitoring. On 17 May 2020, reports were received of the arrival in Chad of some 1,600 individuals following an incident in West Darfur, in which three villages were burnt by Janjaweed militia on 16 May. The situation is being assessed at the border for urgent support. Measures in connection with the COVID-19 Pandemic The Government of Chad has put in place several risk-mitigation measures to prevent the spread of COVID-19. Among other measures, Chad’s borders with Sudan and the Central African Republic (CAR) were closed. Similarly, the international airport in N’Djamena remains closed for commercial flights. The same measures are extended to the main border entry points in all of Chad’s provinces. Although the suspension of flights is limited to commercial flights and does not extend to cargo, it is feared that global movement restrictions may affect the flow of supplies into Chad. Schools, universities, restaurants, cafes, and many other public placed remain closed and meetings or mass gatherings of more than 50 people remain prohibited. Source: Relief Web

On the first day of Colombia's quarantine, Carlota Isabel Salinas was shot dead outside her home. Ms Salinas played a leading role in a women's organization in Bolívar province in northern Colombia. The region had already seen an increase in violence carried out by right-wing paramilitaries in the months before the coronavirus pandemic. Since the start of the lockdown in late March, 28 activists and human rights defenders across Colombia have been murdered. The killings are not a new phenomenon: more than 800 activists have been murdered in Colombia since 2016, according to the think tank Indepaz. But community activists from different parts of Colombia have told the BBC that restrictions on movement imposed to curb the spread of virus mean that they have become even easier targets. Stuck at home for most of the day and only venturing out to address emerging humanitarian needs in their community has turned them into sitting ducks. 'Scared for my family' Dolores (whose real name has been withheld for her safety) is one of the leaders of a group of hundreds of mothers who promote women's economic empowerment in Catatumbo, a region in Norte de Santander province - along Colombia's border with Venezuela - which has borne witness to years of extreme violence. Since the Colombian government signed a peace deal with the left-wing rebel group Farc in 2016, activists like Dolores have been under heightened threats across the country. While the majority of the Farc rebels laid down their arms, other guerrilla groups, Farc dissidents and paramilitaries continue to clash in zones like Catatumbo. Now, those groups are exploiting the quarantine to further consolidate power. In this rural part of Colombia, rival armed groups clash for control of lucrative coca crops and drug transit routes while systematically eliminating activists who challenge their authority. "I am scared that they might kill my compañeros (comrades), I'm scared for my family," Dolores says. She and activists like her have received an increasing number of threats from armed groups in recent weeks. And it does not always stop at threats, either. Last week, one of her activist friends was killed by unidentified armed men in Catatumbo. 'We are the only support they have' During the quarantine, rights defenders like Dolores have had more work than ever. The women in her community - many of whom are heads of household - have not been able to go out to work and are struggling to feed their families. Rates of domestic violence have increased and the absence of state institutions in this rural area is now even more keenly felt. "We know the risks that we run, but right now with this pandemic, [people's needs] have increased," Dolores explains. "For many of them, we are the only support they have left." She has written letters and posted videos on social media asking the Colombian government for aid for those families but says her pleas have been met with silence and inaction. 'Trapped in the middle' On the other side of the country, in the mountainous Cauca region, Clemencia Carabalí faces similar threats. Community activists are being killed here almost weekly, and Cauca - where Ms Carabalí campaigns for the rights of women and Afro-Colombians - has been the heart of the killings committed during the lockdown. Ten activists have been murdered here since it began. "They fight for this territory, it's a bloodbath, and we - as communities and women - are stuck in the middle of it all," Ms Carabalí says. "We're trapped in the middle but during this quarantine, we have to keep working to protect our people." Ms Carabalí has received nine death threats since 2016. Dolores, too, has been under constant threat for her work and survived an assassination attempt late last year. 'Very intimidating' "It's very intimidating, and all we want to do is work as human rights defenders," Ms Carabalí says. "We're at home, and they can follow us much more easily." Irina Cuesta, a researcher at the Ideas for Peace Foundation (Fundación Ideas para la Paz) says the pandemic has had a disproportionate impact on women rights activists, who now have "triple or quadruple the work" as they struggle to protect not only themselves but also their families and communities. Their activities expose them to violence at the hands of armed groups who impose their rule in regions where the activists are already "seen as women who shouldn't be participating in the public space". While overall the number of male activists being killed in Colombia is greater than that of women activists, Ms Cuesta argues that "when you lose a woman leader, you also lose an entire process of political empowerment that was able to break stereotypes to get her to that role". "It's much more difficult for women to get to these positions of leadership." Ms Carabalí worries that if people like her stand down, it would be a major setback for their fight for basic rights. Despite the fear of deadly consequences for her and her family, she says her work is more crucial now than ever before. "Someone has to do it," she said. "Someone has to raise their voice."

Genocide Watch summer interns in the Genocide Watch office, 2016 Genocide Watch will begin accepting applications for its 2020 Virtual Fall Internship Program on July 1, 2020. Applications are due August 1, 2020. Genocide Watch offers the following virtual internships: 1. Legal Associates (2) 2. Webmaster and Early Warning Analysts (4) ​3. ​Alliance Against Genocide and Communications Coordinators (2) 4. Educational Research and Timestream Creators (4) To apply, please submit the following by the deadline. ○ Cover letter ○ Short writing sample (2-3 pages – an excerpt from a longer paper is fine) ○ Resumé, including foreign language skills ○ Transcripts (may be unofficial) Applications should be emailed to Dr. Gregory Stanton at president@genocidewatch.org ,and to interns@genocidewatch.org. In your subject line please put your name as well as “Webmaster and Early Warning Analyst ” or “​Legal Associate” ​or “Alliance Against Genocide Coordinator” ​or "Education and Timestream Creator" or simply “Internship” if you are interested in ​any open internship. Questions may be directed to president@genocidewatch.org. ​ Interns are selected based on language and computer skills, work experience, academic performance and enthusiasm for promoting Genocide Watch’s mission. Interns may apply for one of the accredited internship programs that give academic credit for their work, or Genocide Watch will cooperate with colleges, universities, or professional schools for graded academic credit. Genocide Watch will contact applicants to schedule interviews, if possible by Skype, Zoom, or Google Hangouts. For more information, please go to the Internships page on this website. Genocide Watch Summer Interns with Professor Stanton at Great Falls, 2013