Rohingya Muslim children stand in U Shey Kya village outside Maungdaw in Rakhine state, Burma, on Oct. 27, 2016 |Soe Zeya Tun—Reuters The 'conspiracy of outside forces' against Myanmar: the tale the Gov. is telling Myanmar public. With the help of Human Rights Watch, TIME, New York Times, Daily Telegraph (UK) and BBC, as well as Al Jazeera Enlish are all conspiring against Aung San Suu Kyi-headed Myanmar Government - to promote an agenda - which nobody knows what it is, or the government will not tell the public or the world what it is. This is also the same media and the same HRW that have sung the praise of ex-General Thein Sein's reforms. How is it possible that a Qatarese-funded Al Jazeera, BBC, New York Times, Human Rights Watch - and Rohingya "terrorists" are all collaborating against Myanmar?? Logical, empirical, plausible or not, this is the spin Myanmar Government is propagating amongst the 50-million domestic public. There are a lot of educated Burmese who would eat this monkey-shit straight out of Aung San Suu Kyi's office. This lie is prepared and served up by the Myanmar Tatmadaw propagandists and by the defenders of the old regime such as Kyaw Tint Swe and (Rakhine) Win Mra (former Burmese Ambassadors to UN), two-regime spokesperson ex-Major Zaw Htay, ex-Info Minister and ex-Colonel Ye Htut, Myanmar language media outlets, and the military's teams of mis-information agents. ===================== Something Shocking Is Happening to Burma's Rohingya People TIME ======================= Satellite Images Reveal Destruction in Rohingya Villages By The Associated Press, The New York Times ===================================== Rohingya villages 'destroyed' in Myanmar, images show ===================== 'Mass destruction' of ethnic Rohingya villages underway in Burma, human rights group warns ===================== Myanmar accused of new destruction of Rohingya villages ========================== VOA Burmese Reproducing Myanmar's Official Lies Verbatim Why is Ko Sithu Aung Myint reproducing verbatim Myanmar Government's version of its military operations? These operations are dubbed "something terrible", as TIME magazine has put it. Why did the 'news analyst" chose NOT to mention satellite images that show large scale destruction of Rohingya villages - and charred homes, over 1,000, at least? Interesting that the supposedly "fair-minded journalist" is simply echoing Myanmar's official temple fabricated by genocide-deniers. The entire story is based on the information provided by Myanmar Home Affairs, Myanmar official spokesperson Zaw Htay. The reporting template is also straight from the Myanmar Information Committe - a newly established body devoted to disseminating pro-government, anti-Rohingya propaganda. Why then is the US-tax-payer-funded VOA Burmese outlet running this un-fair, irresponsible and one-side report as "analysis", that covers up the genocidal nature of the operations, and the collective punishment the army has resorted to, in response to the desperate, violent response from the oppressed community, whose need for peace and humanity has not been on any "peace conference"? Read the article here.

A restructuring of geopolitical allegiances looks increasingly likely as Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte continues to express disillusionment with Western values A handout photo made available by the Presidential Photographers Division (PPD) on 20 November 2016 shows Filipino President Rodrigo Duterte (L) meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin (R) during a meeting on the sidelines of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Leaders’ Summit in Lima, Peru, 19 November 2016. Photo: EPA/ROBINSON NINAL JUNIOR Duterte’s threat to withdraw the Philippines from the International Criminal Court (ICC) should be seen as a rejection of the Western liberal democratic model of governance, according to Christine Schwöbel-Patel, a senior lecturer in law at the University of Liverpool. During a speech in Davao City on Thursday the Philippine president described the court as “useless” and said the institution suffered from prosecutorial selectivity, unfairly focusing on “small” states, such as the Philippines, and turning a blind eye to war crimes committed by Western nations. Schwöbel-Patel told Southeast Asia Globe on Friday: “The symbolic effect of a withdrawal is of great political significance during a time in which there is a notable shift in global power distribution, growing disenchantment with the neoliberal project and its institutions, and a connected rise in national populism.” On Saturday, Duterte further fanned the flames of his public yearning for a new world order when he lamented to Russian President Vladimir Putin during a private meeting that Western nations “are into so much hypocrisy”. The president’s threat to withdraw came just one month after the ICC’s chief prosecutor, Fatou Bensouda, released a statement affirming the court’s right to prosecute any individuals involved in alleged extra-judicial killings during the Philippines’ ongoing war on drugs, and a single day after Russia announced its intention to pull out of the court. “[Duterte] agrees with other states that withdrew from the ICC that the decisions of the court are usually prejudicial [when investigating] poorer countries and countries not allied with the United States,” said Ramon Beleno III, chair of Ateneo de Davao University’s Political Science and History Department. “A withdrawal from a strong and influential country like Russia is an affirmation that the ICC has lost its impartiality and has been influenced by some major powers. But I think [Duterte’s] decision to consider leaving the ICC was concretised by pronouncements of some members of said court,” explained Beleno. Making bold statements has become a key theme of Duterte’s short-lived presidency, but Beleno said it was not yet clear whether Duterte would follow through on his latest proclamation. “However, we can be certain that he will push through with this if agencies of the United Nations do not stop criticising him without conducting proper investigations into alleged extra-judicial killings in the Philippines,” he said. If the Philippines were to withdraw, Schwöbel-Patel believes it could add to the momentum for a switch to regional courts and domestic approaches to criminal justice. “Indeed, Southeast Asia has been involved in so-called hybrid criminal justice projects, which blend domestic and international elements, such as seen with the ECCC [Cambodia’s Khmer Rouge tribunal],” she said. “For better or worse, the international criminal justice project itself has much support, even if the ICC’s leading role in this project is increasingly questionable.” © Copyright 2016 Southeastern Globe Communications Co. Ltd.

An activist friend of mine Htin Kyaw with a large following in the social media re-posted my appeal to the Buddhists of Burma on 15 Nov. We have been monitoring Burmese language responses to it since. It generated over 3,000 comments, shared over 8,000 - and attracted over 94,000 hits - without a single dime spent to "promote it". Ko Htin Kyaw deleted about 1,000 comments which he thought extremely 'hurtful to me'. I have told him to stop deleting hate comments, because they are extremely rich data for discourse analysis on hate-speech. 99% of the comments fall under 3 categories: 1) kill all Muslims. Myanmar is a Buddhist nation. Muslims have no business living here. 2) kill this 'mother-fucker' who made the bullshit appeal. 3) let the Muslims rape his mother, sisters and daughters. 4) the appeal is paid for by the Muslims. Having spent the last 4-years trying to sensitize the mainstream Burmese, I have come to conclude that UNDENIABLE FACTS and ANALYSES do not change self-un-aware RACISTS - deeds or thoughts. I went ahead and made this appeal, anyway in hopes of picking up a handful of fellow Burmese as allies in the fight against the rising Genocidal Racism in my own country.

Daniel Lombroso / The Atlantic Video of an alt-right conference in Washington, D.C., where Trump’s victory was met with cheers and Nazi salutes. “Hail Trump, hail our people, hail victory!” That’s how Richard B. Spencer saluted more than 200 attendees on Saturday, gathered at the Ronald Reagan Building in Washington, D.C., for the annual conference of the National Policy Institute, which describes itself as “an independent organization dedicated to the heritage, identity, and future of people of European descent in the United States, and around the world.” Spencer has popularized the term “alt-right” to describe the movement he leads. Spencer has said his dream is “a new society, an ethno-state that would be a gathering point for all Europeans,” and has called for “peaceful ethnic cleansing.” For most of the day, a parade of speakers discussed their ideology in relatively anodyne terms, putting a presentable face on their agenda. But after dinner, when most journalists had already departed, Spencer rose and delivered a speech to his followers dripping with anti-Semitism, and leaving no doubt as to what he actually seeks. He referred to the mainstream media as “Lügenpresse,” a term he said he was borrowing from “the original German”; the Nazis used the word to attack their critics in the press. “America was until this past generation a white country designed for ourselves and our posterity,” Spencer said. “It is our creation, it is our inheritance, and it belongs to us.” The audience offered cheers, applause, and enthusiastic Nazi salutes. Here is the video, excerpted from an Atlantic documentary profile of Spencer that will premiere in December 2016. Leah Varjacques contributed reporting to this story. Copyright © 2016 by The Atlantic Monthly Group. All Rights Reserved.

PHNOM PENH, Cambodia (AP) — A top Cambodian court on Wednesday upheld the life sentences for the two most senior surviving members of the Khmer Rouge regime, which is responsible for the deaths of 1.7 million people, saying that the massive scale of the crimes showed the two men’s complete lack of consideration for the lives of the Cambodians. The Supreme Court Chamber said the 2014 verdict by a U.N.-assisted Khmer Rouge tribunal was “appropriate” given the gravity of the crimes and roles of the two defendants — Khieu Samphan, the 85-year-old Khmer Rouge head of state, and Nuon Chea, the 90-year-old right-hand man to the communist group’s late leader Pol Pot. The two men, who were sentenced to life imprisonment for crimes against humanity, sat impassively as the lengthy verdict was read out. They were detained in 2007 and started serving their sentences in 2014. Some 1.7 million people are estimated to have died from starvation, disease and execution due to the extremist policies of the communist Khmer Rouge when they held power from 1975 to 1979. “The gravity of the crimes should be reflected in the sentence … the crimes were not isolated events but occurred over an extended period of time,” said Kong Srim, president of the Supreme Court Chamber. Given the “significant role of the accused, the Supreme Court Chamber considers that the imposition of the life sentence for each of the accused is appropriate and therefore confirms the sentence imposed by the trial chamber,” he said, as he wrapped up a two-hour reading of the verdict. He added that the “massive scale of the crimes” showed a complete lack of consideration for the “ultimate fate of the Cambodian population, especially the most vulnerable group.” Lawyers for Khieu Samphan and Nuon Chea filed lengthy appeals against their verdicts by the Khmer Rouge tribunal — formally called the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia, which was set up in 2006. They had alleged a slew of legal and factual errors, as well as biases by the judges. They suggested that their clients were unfairly being singled out while the Cambodian government sought to block the tribunal from trying other suspects. The two defendants are also on trial in a second case where they are facing charges of genocide against ethnic minorities and foreigners, and implementing policies of rape and forced marriages. Originally all the charges were to have been part of one trial, but fears that they would die before proceedings could finish led to their case being broken into two parts, know as Case 002/01 and 002/02. Their two co-defendents, Ieng Sary, the third-ranking Khmer Rouge leader and its foreign minister, and his wife, Ieng Thirith, died during the first phase of their trial. Copyright © 2016 The Seattle Times Company

A recently formed armed group called “Return, Reclamation, Rehabilitation,” or 3R, has killed civilians, raped, and caused largescale displacement over the past year in northwest Central African Republic. The majority of these photos were taken in the town of De Gaulle, in the Koui sub-prefectures of theOuham Pendé province. A recently formed armed group called “Return, Reclamation, Rehabilitation,” or 3R, has killed civilians, raped, and caused largescale displacement over the past year in northwest Central African Republic. United Nations peacekeepers in the area have been unable to fully protect civilians. “The Central African Republic is on the international agenda, but its neglected northwest territory now presents an emerging crisis,” said Lewis Mudge, Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch. “The 3R armed group, which originally portrayed itself as a protector of the Peuhl, has used it increased strength to expand abusive attacks.” A recently formed armed group called “Return, Reclamation, Rehabilitation,” or 3R, has killed civilians, raped, and caused largescale displacement over the past year in northwest Central African Republic. Between November 21 and 27, 2016, Human Rights Watch documented the killing of at least 50 civilians in the Bocaranga and Koui sub-prefectures in Ouham Pendé province. Human Rights Watch interviewed 42 people, including 8 victims of 3R abuse, 9 relatives of victims, and 16 witnesses. They described how 3R members shot and killed civilians, raped women and girls, and pillaged and burned villages. The force’s actions have displaced at least 17,000 people: 14,000 around the town of Bocaranga and 3,000 on the border with Cameroon. The number of 3R’s victims is probably higher but Human Rights Watch was unable to confirm all reported killings and rapes due to limited access and security concerns. Human Rights Watch saw one village, Bogon III, that 3R had destroyed, and heard credible accounts of others, including seeing photographs of the destruction. Under the command of self-proclaimed General Sidiki Abass, 3R emerged in late 2015 to protect the minority Peuhl population in the region from attacks by anti-balaka militia, one of the two major combatant groups in the country in recent years. In April and May 2016, 3R increased its attacks on villages in the Koui sub-prefecture, allegedly in retaliation for anti-balaka activity. On September 27, 3R attacked the town of De Gaulle, the sub-prefecture capital, with about 20,000 people, and other villages in the area. 3R deny they have committed any abuses. Anti-balaka, under the command of a self-proclaimed general, Abbas Rafal, have also killed Peuhl civilians and fighters in and around Bocaranga, where Human Rights Watch saw dozens of armed anti-balaka fighters moving freely in late November. Human Rights Watch also saw at least 100 armed 3R fighters in De Gaulle. On November 22, Sidiki told Human Rights Watch by telephone that all his men respect human rights and denied allegations of abuse. On November 25, Human Rights Watch met with a spokesman for 3R, who goes only by the name Bashir and refused to give his family name, and the group’s general secretary, Patrick Gombado. Both men admitted that 3R had attacked De Gaulle – because of the anti-balaka presence in the town, they said. Bashir told Human Rights Watch that some 3R fighters had stolen private property for personal use during the attack because: “It is combat,” he said. “But we do not pillage as a group.” Bashir claimed the group does “try to address this type of indiscipline” but did not specify how. Both men denied that 3R fighters had committed any unlawful killings or rapes. On November 26, Rafal told Human Rights Watch that his group executed Peuhl suspected of being spies “even if they are unarmed.” Human Rights Watch confirmed two such killings in November. Anti-balaka fighters also raped at least six women and girls in 2016, according to people providing services to survivors and monitoring sexual violence in the area. Witnesses told Human Rights Watch that Sidiki arrived in the area in 2015 and held meetings in several villages around Koui, saying 3R’s goal was to ensure that Peuhl could live in peace with other inhabitants of the area. But fighters associated with 3R soon began attacking these villages, they said, ostensibly provoked by anti-balaka attacks on Peuhl and cattle theft by both anti-balaka and local residents. The attacks increased in 2016. On September 27, 3R carried out its largest attack, on De Gaulle. Human Rights Watch documented 17 civilians who were killed during or just after the attack, and the total number is probably higher as many people remain missing. People monitoring sexual violence in the area, who did not want to be identified due to security concerns, said they received reports of rapes of 23 women and girls by 3R fighters during and after the De Gaulle attack. Human Rights Watch interviewed two women and one girl who gave accounts of Sidiki’s men raping them. Two of the survivors said that their children witnessed the rapes. “Blandine,” a 30-year-old woman from De Gaulle, told Human Rights Watch that 3R fighters broke into her home: One said, “Where is your husband?” I said that he was not there…One of them cocked his gun and pointed it at me and said, “We are going to have sex with you.” He threw me on the ground and [one of them] raped me. Another was waiting for his turn, but there was shooting outside while the first one was finishing, so when he was done they both left…. [M]y two younger children were right beside me, crying. As of December 13, groups that provide services to rape victims had limited access to the area because of security concerns. The UN peacekeeping force in the country, the Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA), has 12,870 forces in the country, including about 100 combat ready soldiers in Bocaranga and 100 in De Gaulle. UN officers in Bocaranga told Human Rights Watch on November 26 that they are trying to conduct as many patrols as possible with the combat-ready men they have, but admit that both the 3R and anti-balaka are emboldened to circulate freely with their guns. They said that all information is sent to Bangui, the capital, but no troop increase to the region was expected. Consistent with the mission’s mandate, MINUSCA should take steps to protect civilians, including older people, women, and girls, and including by use of force. MINUSCA should also take steps to ensure access to life-saving services, including comprehensive post-rape medical and mental health care. The crimes committed in the area fall under the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court (ICC), whose prosecutor opened investigations into crimes in the country in September 2014, as well as the Special Criminal Court (SCC), a new judicial body with national and international judges and prosecutors that has a mandate to investigate and prosecute grave human rights violations in the country since 2003. The SCC offers a meaningful opportunity to hold accountable commanders from all parties to the conflict responsible for war crimes, and needs sustained international support, Human Rights Watch said. Extrajudicial killings, targeted killings of civilians, rape, and other forms of sexual violence all violate international humanitarian law and may be prosecuted as war crimes. International humanitarian law also strictly prohibits parties to non-international armed conflicts from resorting to acts of revenge or any countermeasures against civilians or fighters who have ceased to take a direct part in hostilities. The 3R attacks come at a time of increasing unrest and violence in the center of the country, particularly in Kaga-Bandoro, Bria, and Bambari. “The national government and MINUSCA face immense problems, but they need to help stop the violence in the northwest and reassert some degree of the rule of law,” Mudge said. “Sidiki and Rafal should be warned that they are being watched and will be judged for their actions.” Central African Republic in Crisis The Central African Republic has been in crisis since late 2012, when mostly Muslim Seleka rebels began a military campaign against the government of Francois Bozizé. The Seleka took control of Bangui in March 2013. Their rule was marked by widespread human rights abuses, including the wanton killing of civilians. In mid-2013, Christian and animist anti-balaka militia organized to fight the Seleka. Associating all Muslims with the Seleka, the anti-balaka carried out large scale reprisal attacks against Muslim civilians in Bangui and western parts of the country. Since 2013, Human Rights Watch has documented numerous cases in which anti-balaka militias, civilians and Seleka groups have targeted the Peuhl. 3R (Return, Reclamation, Rehabilitation) The 3R spokesman, Bashir, and its general secretary, Gombado, assert that 3R is not a rebel group but a resistance movement to defend Peuhl from violence that is expanding into the Nana-Mambéré, Ouham Pendé, and Mambéré-Kadéï provinces. They said 3R wants national authorities to return to De Gaulle, which they left after the September 27 attack, but that 3R will keep its guns until anti-balaka are disarmed and Peuhl are protected. Local leaders said that relations with Sidiki and 3R were amicable at first but then anti-balaka increased their activity in the area and 3R started attacking villages. One local official who did not wish to be named explained: Sidiki said he was there to protect herders who had been attacked and, in order to do so, he had to form a group. He said he was not a rebel but was there to protect Peuhl and he wanted the authorities to be aware of his presence. He also said he was ready to go into DDR [Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration, a joint disarmament program of the national government and MINUSCA] if the anti-balaka were not a threat. But then he changed his position and started to attack villages. He attacked Boumari in 2015 and then the attacks just increased. Now he has destroyed the sub-prefecture. Another local official said that the violence worsened in April, when the anti-balaka started to attack Sidiki’s men. “Sidiki sent his men to burn villages and to kill under the pretext that the people were hiding anti-balaka and stealing cows,” he said. Bashir and Gombado said they sell cattle to procure weapons from the black market but they denied allegations of murder and rape. “Not one civilian has been killed by our men,” Bashir told Human Rights Watch. “Not one woman has been raped. There has been no violence committed by our men in De Gaulle or in Koui.” Attacks on Koui Villages According to local authorities, residents, and others monitoring conditions in the area, 3R has attacked at l east 13 villages in Koui sub-prefecture since November 2015. Anti-balaka were present in some of these villages but, local residents said, they quickly fled, leaving civilians to bear the brunt of the attacks. Human Rights Watch spoke with residents of nine villages who described these attacks. In November 2015, days after Sidiki had assured the villagers that his men would not target civilians, 3R fighters attacked Boumari, about 40 kilometers from De Gaulle, and killed the village chief, 75-year-old Abel Ndombe. “The chief did not run when he saw the fighters because he thought it was safe to talk to them,” a witness said. “He approached them and they shot him in the throat.” On January 23, 3R fighters attacked Sangodoro, a village 22 kilometers south of De Gaulle. A witness said: It was around 5:30 a.m. and I heard shooting in the village. I ran like everyone else into the woods. From the woods we watched the attackers burn the village. It was Sidiki’s men; we could tell by their uniforms. I saw the bodies of two people [both civilians] from the village, Desa Amado and Anicet. Another resident said: I ran outside and found my neighbor, Anicet, and we ran for the woods. He was shot in the head as we ran – he fell right away. I ran and hid where I found others from the village. After a few hours, a man named Mado decided he was going to go back to the village to look for some money that he had buried in the ground near his house. We soon heard a shot. A little while later we heard his daughter screaming. He had been shot by the 3R but was still alive and we found him in the woods. But it was not good. He was shot in the chest and he knew he was going to die. He was saying, “I am going to die, who is going to care of my kids?” He died a short while later. In mid-September, 3R fighters attacked the village of Bouzou, 50 kilometers from De Gaulle, killing two people. The attack forced residents to flee to De Gaulle, which was attacked a few days later. A 40-year-old woman from Bouzou said: “When the attack started I ran into the bush. By the afternoon I returned to the village and saw that everything had been burned, even the church. I then decided to walk to De Gaulle. I had to manage the journey with six children so it took two days.” Ousmanou Alain Doui, 63, died after his family fled to De Gaulle. His son said: “The voyage was just too much for him.” Attack on De Gaulle Residents of De Gaulle told Human Rights Watch that they noticed an increase in attacks by 3R on the outskirts of the town in the days leading up to the main attack on September 27. “Emmanuel,” 56, who like others asked not to be identified by name for fear of reprisal, said: On September 26 I was at the place outside of town where I keep my cows and sheep. A group of Sidiki’s men arrived – I recognized two of them. They surrounded me and saw a bow and some arrows that I use to protect the animals. One of the fighters said that proved I was an anti-balaka. He said, “We are going to kill you and take your animals.” I said, “Take the animals but let me live.” But he said, “No, we are going to kill you anyway.” I said, “Do what you want, God will decide my fate.” They tied me up with my feet tied to my hands behind my back and started to kick me in the sides. One took at a knife and started to cut my throat. When I started to bleed I thought that I was dead. But when they left I was still alive. My son soon arrived and found me. It hurt to speak and I had to turn my head and put a hand over my throat to keep the blood from spilling out, but I was alive. “Emmanuel” said he hid for four days with his son before being transported to Bocaranga, where he received medical treatment. Human Rights Watch saw what appeared to be knife scars on his neck. As 3R took the town, its fighters began targeting civilians. “When I heard the shooting I went outside and started to run,” a 50-year-old man said. “I saw one of Sidiki’s fighters and he shot me in the knee. He kept shooting at me, but I ran to the bush where I hid for four days. I was unarmed – he just shot at me like I was an animal.” Human Rights Watch saw what looked like a bullet wound scar on the man’s knee. One resident described the killing of his father, Alain-Josue Yapele, who was between 65 and 75 years old: He said to leave him in the house as they wouldn’t kill an old man. We hid behind the house and from there we saw Sidiki’s men enter. We heard shots. The attackers left the house shortly after and we ran to see my father. He told us, “They broke down the door and just started to kick me and beat me with their guns before they shot me.” He said he knew one of the attackers, a Mbororo (Peuhl) from De Gaulle. [He] was one of Sidiki’s men. My father was shot in the arm and in the face. The son said that they were unable to get him help because of the dangerous conditions, and that his father lost blood and died. They buried him and fled and have not returned to De Gaulle. After the attack, 3R fighters chased residents into the surrounding woods, targeting civilians. A 35-year-old woman, “Isabelle,” who was eight When De Gaulle was attacked I ran with my husband and nine kids into the bush. We hid there with about 30 other people from the town. The next morning, we were having breakfast but Sidiki’s men found our hiding place. They came quietly and surprised us. There were at least 10 of them and they started to shoot at us straight away. I saw four people killed: Noui Njacko, Andre, Elizar, and Korin Nzako. Korin was pregnant. She was shot in the stomach while trying to run away. Korin Nzako, a 16-year-old mother of one, was four months pregnant at the time of her death. Rape by 3R People monitoring sexual violence in the area, who did not want to be identified due to security concerns, told Human Rights Watch they had recorded 43 cases in which women and girls said they had been raped by 3R fighters, 23 of them during or just after the attack on De Gaulle. While some of these cases may be recorded by more than one person or agency, the total number of cases is likely to be much higher due to underreporting of sexual violence. Human Rights Watch interviewed three survivors. A 33-year-old woman, “Agnes,” said she ran with her husband and their 7-year-old son into the woods when the 3R attacked. As they fled, her husband was shot in the leg and she and her son became separated from him: [My son and I were] walking when we came upon a group of 10 fighters from Sidiki’s group. Two of them raped me… One of them pointed his gun and said, “If you don’t have sex with me, I’ll kill you.”…They raped me one by one. My son was right there throughout it all. They forced me to just put him to the side. He was crying. A 14-year-old girl, “Delphine” said that she and her father fled their village after a 3R attack. They were approaching De Gaulle at dawn when a 3R fighter armed with a rifle came up behind them: He grabbed me and when my father attempted to react [he] grabbed my father’s throat. I screamed because I thought he was going to kill my father. He let my father go and instead grabbed me by the throat. He threw me on the ground and hit me on the side with his rifle. He pointed his gun at me and said, “If you don’t sleep with me I’ll kill you.” He then pointed the gun at my father and said, “If I don’t sleep with your daughter I will kill you.” My father had to stay under a tree some distance away. Then he forced himself on me… When he finished the act he left without saying a word… Sometimes I dream that I am being raped by this man and that he is going to kill me after he is done. While some survivors of sexual violence have been able to access psychological and medical care, service providers told Human Rights Watch that only a small number of woman and girls were able to access services due to lack of security. A service provider told Human Rights Watch that most survivors of sexual violence have not received essential post-rape care, including post-exposure prophylaxis (PEP) to prevent HIV transmission. Organizations that provide assistance to rape survivors were forced to evacuate Bocaranga on September 27 due to lack of security and did not restart services until October 11. Anti-balaka forces have no Torture by 3R They kept asking for the gun and I said I did not have one. One man said, “Okay, because you will not show us the gun, we will torture you until you give it to us.” They tied me up with my feet tied to my hands behind my back for two days. During those two days they beat me severely with a metal cord. At one point they tied me up by my neck, again, with my feet tied to my hands behind my back, and then suspended me in the air for a few hours. After two days the MINUSCA soldiers came and saved me. The 3R fighters said I could leave with MINUSCA because they had done their own investigation and they found no gun… The pain I felt is difficult to describe. Even now, almost two months later, I vomit and it still hurts to eat. Human Rights Watch saw the man’s scars, which showed clear traces of beating. __________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ (c) Human Rights Watch

An Analysis from a local on the ground: Observations: According to our network, security force come to house to house and check phones of rohingya guys in Buthidaung city. Zadibyin village Rethedaung Township, Mosque door was broke and fired by rakhine guys few days ago There was a rally of Rakhine Women Network, they invited burma military to attack more on rohingya few weeks ago, i think Rakhine can go to buthidaung and maung daw by bus , but not rohingya Mg daw Market, Rakhine shops are open, but Rohingya shops are still closed The whole Mg daw township, people are not allowed to travel cross village to village Buthidaung Market is open and people can go around. We heard many Rohingya civilians were killed by air raid, we can not verify how many people died Kofi Annan commission are visiting to Sittwe currently Kofi Annan commision met with UN and INGO in sittwe hotel today Analysis more attack against each other could occur in future, it is like cycle Rohingya guys attacked on security force seem rebellion or insurgent , they did not attack civilians at all. it is NOT terrorist attack Rohingya insurgent has aim and objective as other ethnic arm groups do Humanitarian aid to Rohingya community in NRS after fighting stops, Rakhine and Burmese Army could accuse of INGO are supporting terrorist groups. ANP could facilitate the event of attack on the INGO office again like 2014 Peace building and education activities in NRS would be challenge Tension is high in sittwe and central Rakhine, community conflict could happen any time soon. NLD has less controlled Burmese army in NRS so NLD relies on NGO by getting information on ground NLD rakhine govt is not exist, Border affair guy ( Htin Lin) and State GAD head ( Khine Mg shwe) have more power than any NLD guys n sittwe Embassies did not response the mg daw issues strongly because they fall in love with Daw Suu however,they responded strongly to Thein Sein govt time ================================ http://yangon.sites.unicnetwork.org/ Myanmar: UN expert warns of worsening rights situation after “lockdown” in Rakhine State Myanmar: UN expert warns of worsening rights situation after “lockdown” in Rakhine State GENEVA (18 November 2016) – A United Nations expert has called on the Government of Myanmar to take immediate action to tackle the deteriorating human rights situation in northern Rakhine State. The Special Rapporteur on the human rights situation in Myanmar, Yanghee Lee, criticized the authorities for placing the region on “lockdown” for six weeks. She said a Government-led two-day visit to the area in early November by a UN official and nine ambassadors had produced only limited results in terms of addressing the humanitarian crisis. Ms. Lee expressed particular concern at reports from the area that the security operation had been stepped up since the international delegation conducted its visit. “The Government has now admitted using helicopter gunships in support of ground troops, and there are unverified claims of reprisals against villagers who had shared their grievances with the delegation,” said Ms. Lee. “The security forces must not be given carte blanche to step up their operations under the smokescreen of having allowed access to an international delegation. Urgent action is needed to bring resolution to the situation.” Tens of thousands of people have fled their homes amid a security operation triggered by armed attacks on border posts in October. Residents, including members of the Rohingya minority and other Muslim communities, are reported to have suffered serious human rights violations including torture, rape and sexual assault, summary executions, and the destruction of mosques and homes. Humanitarian programmes providing health, food, education and nutrition assistance have been suspended and civilians are reported to be caught up in military action including attacks by helicopter gunships. Ms. Lee said allegations of human rights abuses, including the alleged rape and sexual assault of women and girls, needed to be investigated. “State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi has recently stated that the Government is responding to the situation based on the principle of the rule of law. Yet I am unaware of any efforts on the part of the Government to look into the allegations of human rights violations,” said Ms. Lee. “It would appear, on the contrary, that the Government has mostly responded with a blanket denial. This begs the question as to whether relevant evidence is being preserved to enable perpetrators to be held to account for their wrongdoings. Pointing fingers without definitive answers should be avoided. However, it is crucial to recognize the issue at hand – as objectively as possible – and immediately embark on a transparent, non-partial, independent investigation.” “It is not acceptable that for six weeks there was a complete lockdown, with no access to the affected areas,” she added. Ms. Lee echoed a statement by the Chair of the Rakhine Advisory Commission, Kofi Annan, for all communities to renounce violence and for security services to act in full compliance with the rule of law. She expressed hope that even before the Commission publishes a report next year, the Government would start taking interim measures in line with past recommendations to prevent further restrictions and violations of human rights suffered by the Rohingya population as well as other religious and ethnic minorities. A group of UN human rights experts* has already urged the Government to address the growing reports of violations emerging from Rakhine, calling on the authorities to allow access for humanitarian groups; to conduct thorough and impartial investigations of killings; and to implement concerted efforts to fight and prevent acts of incitement to discrimination, hostility and violence against minorities. Ms. Lee stressed that the need for urgent action was undiminished. “In my address to the General Assembly last month, I reiterated the need for humanitarian access to resume as soon as possible so that the needs of those affected and displaced are met, particularly the most vulnerable,” she said. “Also of vital importance is for impartial and independent investigations to be undertaken to address the allegations of serious human rights violations, with their perpetrators held to account.” This statement has been endorsed by the Special Rapporteur on minority issues, Rita Izsak-Ndiaye. *Read the previous statement from the group of UN experts: http://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=20742&LangID=E The UN Special Rapporteurs are part of what is known as the Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council. Special Procedures, the largest body of independent experts in the UN Human Rights, is the general name of the independent fact-finding and monitoring mechanisms of the Human Rights Council that address either specific country situations or thematic issues in all parts of the world. Special Procedures’ experts work on a voluntary basis; they are not UN staff and do not receive a salary for their work. They are independent from any government or organization and serve in their individual capacity. For more information, log on to: http://www.ohchr.org/EN/HRBodies/SP/Pages/Welcomepage.aspx UN Human Rights, country page – Myanmar: http://www.ohchr.org/EN/countries/AsiaRegion/Pages/MMIndex.aspx For more information and media requests, please contact Azwa Petra (+41 22 928 9103 / apetra@ohchr.org) For your news websites and social media: Multimedia content & key messages relating to our news releases are available on UN Human Rights social media channels, listed below. Please tag us using the proper handles: Twitter: @UNHumanRights Facebook: unitednationshumanrights Instagram: unitednationshumanrights Google+: unitednationshumanrights Youtube: unohchr

Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters Rohingya Blogger and Activist, Nay San Lwin said on Al Jazeera that as many as 400 Rohingya civilians have been killed. At least 2000 houses were burnt down and 150 women were raped by Myanmar military and Border Guard Police.

The targeting of rohingya by Myanmar security forces in the name of cracking down on extremists is unacceptable Photo: AlJazeera The October 9 killing of nine Myanmar police officers in Rakhine State has jolted that country and its security apparatus is doing all it can to hunt down the culprits behind the attack, seemingly by just about any means possible. But the massive security sweep in Rakhine is tainted by allegations of rape, execution, torture and arson attacks on the homes of Rohingya Muslims in the conflict-affected region bordering Bangladesh. According to the United Nations, so far, about 30,000 Rohingya have been displaced by this operation. The October attack posed a serious challenge to the government of Aung San Suu Kyi which came to power just six months ago and undermined the country’s military that is constitutionally in charge of national security. The famous pro-democracy icon is facing serious criticism for failing to deal with the abuse of the Rohingya – who the Myanmar government consider as stateless people – and other Muslims in the country amid a vicious campaign of Islamophobia by radical Buddhist monks and Myanmar nationalists to devastate their livelihood. What’s disturbing about this blind security operation is the kind of reports coming out from the area. This is not the first time Myanmar’s security forces have been accused of using rape as part of their strategy to crush ethnic groups they consider enemies of the state. Just days ago, Reuters interviewed eight Rohingya women who told the news agency they had been raped by soldiers dispatched to their U Shey Kya village on October 19 to conduct a clearance operation. The Myanmar government wants to paint itself as a victim of international terrorists since the October attack but it seems to forget the decades of persecution the Rohingya have been subject to, including some 125,000 people forced to flee their homes several years ago. Some of those people ended up fleeing to foreign shores, including Thailand. “I have urged that there has to be complete access to this area and an impartial investigation needs to be conducted to verify, to explore the scope and nature and the cause of this recent attack,” the UN’s human rights envoy on Myanmar, Yanghee Lee, told reporters in New York. To make matters worse, the government is planning to arm and train non-Muslim residents in the state as part of their security measures to curb any possible insurgency activities. The International Commission of Jurists (ICJ), a leading international rights watchdog, warned that the plan is likely to “aggravate an already dire human rights situation”. “Establishing an armed, untrained, unaccountable force drawn from only one community in the midst of serious ethnic tensions and violence is a recipe for disaster,” Sam Zarifi, ICJ’s Asia director, said in a statement on Friday. A senior police official was quoted as saying there will be no problem with these local civilian “police”, as they will be operating under the watch of the national police. But that’s hardly reassuring, given the decades of abuse and atrocities in that part of the world. Numerous investigations over previous years have pointed to security forces and officials tacitly supporting what some organisations described as ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya. In other parts of the country, such as Shan State, government security forces have been accused of using rape as a weapon to demoralise ethnic minorities who they accuse of supporting the rebels. Most of these armed rebel groups have entered into peace negotiations with the government. But from the look of it, the Myanmar military is determined not to let the Rohingya evolve into any meaningful outfit in spite of having accused foreign jihadist groups of “invading” the country and supporting the October 9 attack. To make their point, Myanmar government troops last week fired from a helicopter, killing 30 people who they said were armed with guns, knives and spears. But human rights groups say many Rohingya civilians were among the casualties. Needless to say, the preconditions for a genocide are already in place. The world can continue to turn a blind eye to this atrocity at its own peril. There will come a day when future generations will ask what did we do to end these atrocities. © The Nation 2016

"With the global human rights spotlight now on Myanmar, state counselor and 1991 Nobel Peace Prize recipient Aung San Suu Kyi might now know how to spend some of that ¥800 billion (about US$7.73 billion) aid package that the Japanese government just gave her… or perhaps the donor itself can direct where the money should be spent. However, before any aid can be disbursed the killing, raping, abduction, and burning of Rohingya villages will have to stop. For that to happen Aung San Suu Kyi would have to prove that the civilian government has any control at all over the Myanmar army, or whether the concept of a ruling civilian government is one that has not yet been realised in Myanmar. Given her silence on the Myanmar army’s rampage in Rahkine State on this and other occasions, it is not surprising that an online petition has been launched seeking to have her Nobel Peace Prize withdrawn." Read more: My Life I Don’t Want: Award Winning Animation on a Myanmar's Girl's Life http://aecnewstoday.com/2016/my-life-i-dont-want-award-winning-animation-on-a-myanmar-girls-life/#ixzz4QY9zZhNo Please copy and share within the spirit of fair use. We protect our copyrights. Citation link required back to source material. Follow us: @aecnewstoday on Twitter

Civil society remains dead on genocide. Photo: UN Photo/David Ohana Myanmar's Srebenica Moment has arrived. The entire Burmese society has remained indifferent. Myanmar's "civil society" apparently exists only in grant applications for the 'donors' in the face of a genocide in its midst. It is spiritually and intellectually dead as far as the unfolding new phase of genocidal acts. https://twitter.com/Aliyeskii/status/797688436228521984 Here is a collection of videos of innocent Rohingya families fleeing attacks by the Tatmadaw THIS MORNING - 13 Nov 2016 (local time in Burma). For Myanmar Tatmadaw (military) is carrying out genocidal attacks this morning. Thank you for Jamila Hanan for compiling these links - and thank you, ultimately, to the Rohingya activists who risk their lives recording the genocide for the world to witness. https://twitter.com/nslwin/status/797614287774683136 https://twitter.com/nslwin/status/797617868812730368 https://twitter.com/Rafiquerhg/status/797623932442578944 https://twitter.com/Rafiquerhg/status/797626040961089536 https://twitter.com/nslwin/status/797633653593571328 https://twitter.com/nslwin/status/797634457389797376 https://twitter.com/Aungaungsittwe/status/797662575680815105 https://twitter.com/j_arkani/status/797675324746113024 https://twitter.com/Aungaungsittwe/status/797686339017654272 ============================= Here are satellite images from Human Rights Watch, from the last week's genocidal atatcks: Click the link to see the images of burned villages and their locations. https://www.hrw.org/news/2016/11/12/burma-massive-destruction-rohingya-villages November 12, 2016 9:25PM EST Burma: Massive Destruction in Rohingya Villages Satellite Images Show 430 Burned Buildings; UN-Aided Inquiry Needed (New York) – High-definition satellite imagery shows widespread fire-related destruction in ethnic Rohingya villages in Burma's Rakhine State, Human Rights Watch said today. The Burmese government should immediately invite the United Nations to assist in investigating reported destruction of villages in the area. Human Rights Watch identified a total of 430 destroyed buildings in three villages of Maungdaw District from an analysis of very high resolution satellite imagery recorded on the mornings of October 22, November 3, and November 10, 2016. © 2016 Human Rights Watch “New satellite images not only confirm the widespread destruction of Rohingya villages but show that it was even greater than we first thought,” said Brad Adams, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “Burmese authorities should promptly establish a UN-assisted investigation as a first step toward ensuring justice and security for the victims.” Human Rights Watch identified a total of 430 destroyed buildings in three villages of northern Maungdaw district from an analysis of very high resolution satellite imagery recorded on the mornings of October 22, November 3, and November 10, 2016. Of this total, 85 buildings were destroyed in the village of Pyaung Pyit (Ngar Sar Kyu), 245 in Kyet Yoe Pyin, and 100 in Wa Peik (Kyee Kan Pyin). Damage signatures in each of the assessed villages were consistent with fire, including the presence of large burn scars and destroyed tree cover. Because of dense tree cover it is possible that the actual number of destroyed buildings is higher. Human Rights Watch identified a total of 430 destroyed buildings in three villages of Maungdaw District from an analysis of very high resolution satellite imagery recorded on the mornings of October 22, November 3, and November 10, 2016. Of this total, 85 buildings were destroyed in the village of Pyaung Pyit (Ngar Sar Kyu); 245 buildings were destroyed in the village of Kyet Yoe Pyin; and 100 buildings were destroyed in the village of Wa Peik (Kyee Kan Pyin). Damage signatures in each of the assessed villages were consistent with fire, including the presence of large burn scars and destroyed tree cover. In addition to satellite imagery reviewed by Human Rights Watch, reports by human rights organizations, the media, and members of a delegation of nine foreign ambassadors who visited some impacted areas on November 2-3 confirm that the damage was substantial. The delegation conducted no formal investigation or assessment but confirmed that they saw burned structures in several towns. The crisis follows violence on October 9 in which gunmen attacked three police outposts in Maungdaw township in northern Rakhine State near the Bangladesh border, leaving nine police officers dead. The government said that the attackers made off with dozens of weapons and thousands of rounds of ammunition. The Burmese government asserts the attack was carried out by a Rohingya group, but actual responsibility remains unclear. HRW Burma Destruction Assessment Immediately after the attacks, government forces declared Maungdaw an “operation zone” and began sweeps of the area to find the attackers and lost weapons. They severely restricted the freedom of movement of local populations and imposed extended curfews, which remain in place. A UN-assisted investigation needs to examine the deadly attacks on border guard posts on October 9, and allegations by the media and local groups that government security forces subsequently committed summary killings, sexual violence, torture, arbitrary arrests, arson, and other abuses against Rohingya villagers in Maungdaw district, Human Rights Watch said. On October 28, Reuters published interviews with Rohingya women who allege that Burmese soldiers raped them. The government also allegedly pressured the Myanmar Times to fire one of its editors who reported allegations of rape by Burmese army soldiers. Government-imposed restrictions on access to the area by journalists and human rights monitors continue to hinder impartial information gathering. A second attack on a border guard post in Maungdaw was reported to have occurred on November 3. The attack reportedly resulted in the death of one police officer. Burma is obligated under international law to conduct thorough, prompt, and impartial investigations of alleged human rights violations, prosecute those responsible, and provide adequate redress for victims of violations. Standards for such investigations can be found, for example, in the UN Principles on the Effective Prevention and Investigation of Extra-legal, Arbitrary and Summary Executions, and the UN Guidance on Commissions of Inquiry and Fact-Finding Missions. Burma’s failure to conduct such investigations in the past underscores the need for UN assistance, Human Rights Watch said. Reuters has reported that the military has ignored the civilian government’s request for more information about the situation. “The Burmese armed forces are not only keeping independent observers out of affected Rohingya areas, they apparently aren’t even telling their own government what happened,” Adams said. “The authorities need to allow the UN, the media, and rights monitors unfettered access into the area to determine what happened and what needs to be done.” The government recently granted the World Food Programme (WFP) access to four villages for a one-time food delivery. However, humanitarian aid groups continue to be denied full access, placing tens of thousands of already vulnerable people at greater risk. The vast majority of villages are not receiving any assistance, and the area remains sealed to humanitarian assessment teams and human rights groups. A statement by the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) on November 8 noted that the children in northern Rakhine State already suffer from high levels of deprivation and malnutrition. “Their futures depend on help from doctors, nurses, teachers and others who can provide them with nutrition, health and education services,” the statement said. The Burmese government should immediately deliver on its assurances to resume humanitarian aid to all impacted areas, Human Rights Watch said. “The Burmese government and military should immediately allow humanitarian access to vulnerable populations,” Adams said. “The UN and concerned governments need to dial up the pressure on the authorities to ensure aid reaches all affected areas as this crisis enters its second month.”

Myanmar: UN expert warns of worsening rights situation after “lockdown” in Rakhine State GENEVA (18 November 2016) – A United Nations expert has called on the Government of Myanmar to take immediate action to tackle the deteriorating human rights situation in northern Rakhine State. The Special Rapporteur on the human rights situation in Myanmar, Yanghee Lee, criticized the authorities for placing the region on “lockdown” for six weeks. She said a Government-led two-day visit to the area in early November by a UN official and nine ambassadors had produced only limited results in terms of addressing the humanitarian crisis. Ms. Lee expressed particular concern at reports from the area that the security operation had been stepped up since the international delegation conducted its visit. “The Government has now admitted using helicopter gunships in support of ground troops, and there are unverified claims of reprisals against villagers who had shared their grievances with the delegation,” said Ms. Lee. “The security forces must not be given carte blanche to step up their operations under the smokescreen of having allowed access to an international delegation. Urgent action is needed to bring resolution to the situation.” Tens of thousands of people have fled their homes amid a security operation triggered by armed attacks on border posts in October. Residents, including members of the Rohingya minority and other Muslim communities, are reported to have suffered serious human rights violations including torture, rape and sexual assault, summary executions, and the destruction of mosques and homes. Humanitarian programmes providing health, food, education and nutrition assistance have been suspended and civilians are reported to be caught up in military action including attacks by helicopter gunships. Ms. Lee said allegations of human rights abuses, including the alleged rape and sexual assault of women and girls, needed to be investigated. “State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi has recently stated that the Government is responding to the situation based on the principle of the rule of law. Yet I am unaware of any efforts on the part of the Government to look into the allegations of human rights violations,” said Ms. Lee. “It would appear, on the contrary, that the Government has mostly responded with a blanket denial. This begs the question as to whether relevant evidence is being preserved to enable perpetrators to be held to account for their wrongdoings. Pointing fingers without definitive answers should be avoided. However, it is crucial to recognize the issue at hand – as objectively as possible – and immediately embark on a transparent, non-partial, independent investigation.” “It is not acceptable that for six weeks there was a complete lockdown, with no access to the affected areas,” she added. Ms. Lee echoed a statement by the Chair of the Rakhine Advisory Commission, Kofi Annan, for all communities to renounce violence and for security services to act in full compliance with the rule of law. She expressed hope that even before the Commission publishes a report next year, the Government would start taking interim measures in line with past recommendations to prevent further restrictions and violations of human rights suffered by the Rohingya population as well as other religious and ethnic minorities. A group of UN human rights experts* has already urged the Government to address the growing reports of violations emerging from Rakhine, calling on the authorities to allow access for humanitarian groups; to conduct thorough and impartial investigations of killings; and to implement concerted efforts to fight and prevent acts of incitement to discrimination, hostility and violence against minorities. Ms. Lee stressed that the need for urgent action was undiminished. “In my address to the General Assembly last month, I reiterated the need for humanitarian access to resume as soon as possible so that the needs of those affected and displaced are met, particularly the most vulnerable,” she said. “Also of vital importance is for impartial and independent investigations to be undertaken to address the allegations of serious human rights violations, with their perpetrators held to account.” This statement has been endorsed by the Special Rapporteur on minority issues, Rita Izsak-Ndiaye. © United Nations 2016 _______________________________________________________________________________________ *Read the previous statement from the group of UN experts: http://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=20742&LangID=E The UN Special Rapporteurs are part of what is known as the Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council. Special Procedures, the largest body of independent experts in the UN Human Rights, is the general name of the independent fact-finding and monitoring mechanisms of the Human Rights Council that address either specific country situations or thematic issues in all parts of the world. Special Procedures’ experts work on a voluntary basis; they are not UN staff and do not receive a salary for their work. They are independent from any government or organization and serve in their individual capacity. For more information, log on to: http://www.ohchr.org/EN/HRBodies/SP/Pages/Welcomepage.aspx UN Human Rights, country page – Myanmar: http://www.ohchr.org/EN/countries/AsiaRegion/Pages/MMIndex.aspx For more information and media requests, please contact Azwa Petra (+41 22 928 9103 / apetra@ohchr.org) For your news websites and social media: Multimedia content & key messages relating to our news releases are available on UN Human Rights social media channels, listed below. Please tag us using the proper handles: Twitter: @UNHumanRights Facebook: unitednationshumanrights Instagram: unitednationshumanrights Google+: unitednationshumanrights Youtube: unohchr