La opositora nicaragüense Ana Margarita Vijil narra su encierro durante 606 días en el temido penal de El Chipote en Managua y aboga por los desaparecidos y los presos políticos que aún permanecen en las cárceles del país Cecilia Ballesteros, Madrid - 13 JUL 2024 Ana Margarita Vijil, opositora nicaragüense, en Madrid (Pablo Monge) “Estuve 606 días en la prisión de El Chipote en confinamiento solitario. Los primeros 80 como desaparecida, durante ese tiempo mi familia no supo nada de mí. Son celdas con vigilancia durante las 24 horas y la luz eléctrica encendida de día y de noche, con un baño oscuro que es el único lugar donde hay intimidad. Nos sacaban al patio cada 15 días y eso después de meses y gracias a las protestas de nuestras familias. Empezaron a salirnos manchas blancas por la falta de sol, a algunas presas les diagnosticaron una especie de vitiligo. Estaba prohibido leer y escribir. Hasta les quitaban las etiquetas a las botellas de agua. Luego mi único material de lectura fueron los componentes de los yogures. Me volví una experta en su composición”. Quien así habla, tragándose las lágrimas mientras recuerda su cautiverio durante una reciente visita que ha realizado a Madrid, es Ana Margarita Vijil (León, Nicaragua, 46 años), abogada y activista, expresidenta del Movimiento de Renovación Sandinista (ahora denominado Unamos) fundado entre otros por el escritor Sergio Ramírez, detenida en junio de 2021, durante la ola de represión que desató el régimen de Daniel Ortega en vísperas de las elecciones celebradas ese año, cuando decretó la ilegalización de los partidos políticos y apresó a los siete opositores precandidatos a la presidencia. Su delito: “Unos tuits, unos retuits y unas declaraciones públicas”. Lo que le valió una acusación de “conspiración y menoscabo de la soberanía nacional” y una condena a 10 años de cárcel. En la cacería desatada contra la disidencia cayeron al mismo tiempo la pareja de Vijil, la legendaria comandante sandinista, Dora María Téllez; su sobrina, Tamara Dávila, y Suyén Barahona, las dos últimas de Unamos y todas presas e incomunicadas en el ala de mujeres de El Chipote, la peor mazmorra del régimen —que está fuera del sistema penitenciario― en Managua, excepto Téllez, que fue destinada a la galería de aislamiento de los hombres. Vijil estuvo 80 días en prisión preventiva sin ningún contacto con el exterior ni asistencia de abogado alguno, lo que llaman periodo de investigación —que Ortega reformó ampliándolo de 48 horas a 90 días—, hasta que un día, a las tres de la madrugada fue llevada junto con otros presos a los juzgados para una audiencia preliminar. “Fue una pantomima, con un abogado de oficio. Eso fue en septiembre de 2021 y me quedé sin saber nada hasta el 2 de febrero del año siguiente cuando se celebró un juicio exprés en la misma prisión. Pude hablar con mi abogada tres minutos y me condenaron. Actualmente es peor. Ni siquiera llevan a los acusados a los juzgados. Los juicios son ahora con videollamadas. Llaman al preso y le leen la sentencia”. Su caso no es único. Durante la conversación van surgiendo nombres de otros compañeros de infortunio. En estos momentos, hay 141 presos políticos, 23 de ellos mujeres. “Víctor Ticai, periodista, está preso desde abril de 2023 por cubrir una procesión religiosa; Carlos Bojorge, cuyo único delito fue ir a misa en enero de este año con una bandera azul pidiendo la libertad para monseñor Álvarez, que seguía preso. Lo detuvieron en el camino de regreso a casa y sigue desaparecido. Eddy Meléndez, amigo mío, que tiene párkinson, está desde julio de 2021 en la cárcel de La Muela, acusado de un delito que materialmente era imposible que cometiera. Nancy Henríquez, líder indígena, que lleva más de 250 días en aislamiento; Brooklyn Rivera, presidente del partido político indígena Yatama, secuestrado el pasado 29 de septiembre y lleva más de 200 días desaparecido, el profesor Freddy Quezada también desaparecido…” La Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos (CIDH) asegura que más de 2.000 personas han pasado por las cárceles nicaragüenses desde 2018, si bien el monitoreo de la formación opositora Unidad Azul y Blanco afirma que la cifra real se acerca a los 5.000. Abundan las acusaciones de torturas físicas, violaciones y malos tratos por parte de la policía. Además, añade, Vijil, “todavía hay más de 355 familias esperando saber qué pasó con los asesinatos de sus parientes entre abril de 2018 y junio de 2019″. “La única fuente de poder de Ortega es el terror, la policía, el ejército y en este momento también el poder judicial. Apoyo popular no tiene, eso lo sabemos desde hace mucho tiempo. Lo que tiene es pánico a que se recomponga el tejido social. Según el Mecanismo de Seguimiento de Nicaragua (Meseni), 3.800 organizaciones de la sociedad civil han sido cerradas y confiscadas en los últimos años, y más de 30 universidades privadas han sido clausuradas también. A cualquier líder con proyección nacional, en cualquier área, solo le espera la cárcel o el exilio”, afirma Vijil. Ella formó parte del primer grupo de 222 nicaragüenses a los que el régimen desposeyó en 2023 de su nacionalidad, como los periodistas Carlos Fernando y Cristina María Chamorro, entre otros, y tuvieron que emprender el camino del exilio. Inhabilitada como abogada y robados los negocios de su familia, Vijil —que se acogió a la nacionalidad española con el ofrecimiento del Gobierno de Pedro Sánchez a los opositores que el régimen quería convertir en apátridas—, reside en Nueva Orleans con Dora María Téllez, con la que se casó ya en EE UU, y que está dedicada a escribir sus memorias tras romper con el Frente Sandinista por la deriva autoritaria de Ortega. “Nos reencontramos en el vuelo chárter a Washington. Fue como una película”. Vijil no sufrió torturas físicas, pero sí psicológicas. Recuerda que lo más duro de su encierro fue la enfermedad de su madre, que murió tras un largo cáncer y a la que nunca volvió a ver, y el fallecimiento del general retirado Hugo Torres, que dirigió el asalto al palacio presidencial de Somoza en 1978, junto a Téllez, tras pasar por El Chipote. “Al menos mi mamá murió cuando yo ya estaba libre. No la pude abrazar, pero hablábamos todos los días. Y sé que aguantó por eso”. Pero ni el régimen ni el cautiverio la quebraron. Su fortaleza interior, pese a su aspecto frágil, ha convertido la experiencia de la cárcel y la del destierro en una fuente de aprendizaje. “Estaba convencida de que iba a ganar, podía estar aislada, pero mi mente se mantuvo firme. Aprendí a apreciar las cosas lindas como ver amanecer o cuando un guardia me sonreía. Cada día aún en situaciones extremas tienes algo que agradecer. Uno nunca es tan pobre como para no poder ayudar a otro ni tan rico como para no necesitar ayuda”. Esa esperanza lleva a Ana Margarita Vijil a afirmar que cada día que pasa el fin del régimen está más cerca después de más de una década de impunidad, de tanta muerte, de tanto desangrarse por dentro y por fuera. “Estoy convencida de que está en su etapa final y que después de concentrar todo el poder, ha comenzado a perderlo. Nicaragua necesita unas elecciones con garantías, un Gobierno de transición que restaure el orden democrático para un país en el que quepan todos, y para que esto no se vuelva a repetir necesita justicia y verdad”. Translation by Genocide Watch: Nicaraguan opposition activist Ana Margarita Vijil recounts her 606-day imprisonment in the dreaded El Chipote prison in Managua and advocates for the disappeared and political prisoners still held in the country's jails. "I spent 606 days in solitary confinement in El Chipote prison. For the first 80 days, I was considered disappeared, with my family having no information about my whereabouts. The cells had 24-hour surveillance with electric lights on day and night. The only place with any privacy was a dark bathroom. We were allowed into the yard every 15 days, but only after months of protests by our families. We developed white spots on our skin due to the lack of sunlight; some prisoners were diagnosed with a form of vitiligo. Reading and writing were forbidden. They even removed labels from water bottles, so my only reading material was the ingredients on yogurt containers. I became an expert in their composition." Ana Margarita Vijil, a 46-year-old lawyer and activist from León, Nicaragua, and former president of the Sandinista Renovation Movement (now called Unamos), founded by writer Sergio Ramírez, speaks with emotion, holding back tears as she recalls her captivity. During a recent visit to Madrid, she recounted her arrest in June 2021 amid the wave of repression by Daniel Ortega's regime ahead of that year's elections. The regime had decreed the illegalization of political parties and imprisoned seven opposition presidential candidates. Her crime: "Some tweets, some retweets and some public statements". This led to her being charged with "conspiracy and undermining national sovereignty" and receiving a 10-year prison sentence. During the crackdown on dissidents, Vijil's partner, the legendary Sandinista comandante Dora María Téllez, her niece Tamara Dávila, and Suyén Barahona, both from Unamos, were also arrested. They were held incommunicado in the women's wing of El Chipote, the regime's notorious dungeon outside the official prison system in Managua. Téllez, however, was placed in the men's isolation gallery. All were detained simultaneously. Vijil spent 80 days in pre-trial detention without any contact with the outside world or legal assistance, during what they call the investigation period. Ortega extended this period from 48 hours to 90 days. One day, at three in the morning, she was taken along with other prisoners to the courts for a preliminary hearing. "It was a farce, with a court-appointed lawyer," she recalls. "That was in September 2021. I was kept in the dark until February 2 of the following year, when an express trial was held in the same prison. I spoke to my lawyer for three minutes before being convicted. Nowadays, it’s even worse. Defendants aren't even brought to court; trials are conducted by video call. They call the prisoner and read the sentence." Her case is not unique. During our conversation, she mentions other companions in misfortune. Currently, there are 141 political prisoners, 23 of whom are women. "Victor Ticai, a journalist, has been imprisoned since April 2023 for covering a religious procession; Carlos Bojorge, whose only crime was attending mass in January with a blue flag asking for freedom for Monsignor Alvarez, who was still imprisoned. He was arrested on his way home and is still missing. My friend Eddy Meléndez, who has Parkinson's, has been in La Muela prison since July 2021, accused of a crime he couldn't possibly have committed. Nancy Henríquez, an indigenous leader, has been in isolation for over 250 days; Brooklyn Rivera, president of the indigenous political party Yatama, was kidnapped on September 29 and has been missing for more than 200 days. Professor Freddy Quezada is also among the disappeared..." The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) reports that over 2,000 people have been imprisoned in Nicaragua since 2018, although the opposition group Unidad Azul y Blanco estimates the actual number to be closer to 5,000. Allegations of physical torture, rape, and mistreatment by the police are widespread. Additionally, Vijil points out, "there are still more than 355 families waiting to learn the fate of their murdered relatives from between April 2018 and June 2019." "Ortega's sole source of power is terror, wielded through the police, the army, and now the judiciary. He lacks popular support, which has been evident for a long time. His greatest fear is the rebuilding of the social fabric. According to the Nicaraguan Follow-up Mechanism (Meseni), 3,800 civil society organizations have been shut down and confiscated in recent years, and more than 30 private universities have been closed. For any leader with national influence, only imprisonment or exile awaits," says Vijil. She was part of the first group of 222 Nicaraguans stripped of their nationality by the regime in 2023, along with journalists Carlos Fernando and Cristina María Chamorro, among others, and was forced into exile. Disbarred as a lawyer and deprived of her family's business, Vijil accepted Spanish nationality through an offer from Pedro Sanchez's government to opponents the regime aimed to render stateless. She now lives in New Orleans with Dora María Téllez, whom she married in the U.S. Téllez is dedicated to writing her memoirs after breaking with the Sandinista Front due to Ortega's authoritarianism. "We reunited on the charter flight to Washington. It was like a movie," Vijil recalls. Vijil did not endure physical torture, but she did suffer psychological torment. She recalls that the hardest part of her confinement was her mother's illness; she died after a long battle with cancer, and she never saw her again. She also mourns the death of retired general Hugo Torres, who, alongside Téllez, led the 1978 assault on Somoza's presidential palace after passing through El Chipote. "At least my mom died when I was already free. I couldn't hug her, but we talked every day. I know she endured because of that." Despite the regime's attempts, neither her captivity nor the repression broke her spirit. Her inner strength, despite her fragile appearance, turned the experience of prison and exile into a source of learning. "I was convinced I was going to prevail. I could be isolated, but my mind held firm. I learned to appreciate the simple things, like seeing the sunrise or a guard's smile. Every day, even in extreme situations, there's something to be thankful for. You're never so poor that you can't help someone else, nor so rich that you don't need help." That hope leads Ana Margarita Vijil to assert that each passing day brings the regime closer to its end, after more than a decade of impunity, death, and suffering. "I am convinced it is in its final stage. After concentrating all the power, it has begun to lose its grip. Nicaragua needs guaranteed elections and a transitional government to restore democratic order, ensuring everyone has a place in the country. To prevent this from happening again, we need justice and truth." © 2024 EDICIONES EL PAÍS

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2018/03/rohingya-refugees-risk-deadly-monsoon-rains-180305184650873.html (C) 2018 Al Jeezera

The Central African Republic needs to go through a thorough process of reconciliation. Published by Al Jazeera on January 17, 2021. Anti-balaka militias in Gamba in south-east CAR in 2017. (AFP/Alexis Huguet) Since hundreds of rioters stormed the Capitol building in Washington DC to overturn the results of the 2020 presidential election, much of the international community’s focus has been on the United States and its democratic shortcomings. The US, however, is not the only country that started the new year with a deadly episode of electoral violence. Thousands of kilometres away in Africa, the result of another fiercely contested presidential election also led to violent clashes and raised questions about the democratic future of a deeply-divided nation. Protests are underway in the Central African Republic (CAR) in response to the December 27 presidential polls that saw the re-election of President Faustin-Archange Touadéra with some 53 percent of the votes. The election was marred by violence and reports of voter-intimidation, which resulted in an influential opposition coalition calling for its annulment. International observers noted the vote in the capital, Bangui, went well, but admitted that violence prevented many from voting in other parts of the country, despite the presence of peacekeeping soldiers and reinforcements sent in by Russia and Rwanda after pre-election attacks. On January 13, rebel forces launched a coordinated attack on Bangui, presumably to invalidate the election result and assume control of the country. They were eventually pushed back by a coalition of UN peacekeepers and Central African forces. Today, in their attempts to make sense of the ongoing violence and divisions in CAR, most observers are focusing on the factors that led many to question the fairness and legitimacy of the election. Many hoped that if all players in CAR’s political scene can agree to participate in and respect the results of a free and fair election, this would be a major step towards peace. But, in fact, the disputed election is not the source but merely a symptom of CAR’s myriad deep-rooted problems. A deeper problem Free and fair elections are undoubtedly an important tool for democracy, but they do not single-handedly hold the key to security and stability in any given country. The real source of unrest in CAR is the profound disconnect between rural populations and the government in Bangui. CAR has faced deadly intercommunal fighting since 2013, when predominantly Muslim Seleka rebels seized power from President François Bozizé, who had assumed power in a 2003 coup, after long claiming marginalisation. Despite Bozizé’s ousting, fighting resumed between the Seleka and militias called “Anti-balaka”, often seen as Christians, resulting in hundreds of thousands of internally displaced persons and warnings about a looming “genocide”. After being led by a UN-backed transitional government for two years, the country eventually held presidential elections in 2016, as a result of which Touadéra came to power. In February 2019, Touadéra’s government singed a comprehensive peace deal with 14 armed groups, officially bringing an end to CAR’s protracted civil war. Two years after the signing of the landmark agreement, however, communities across the country are still enduring the consequences of the conflict. The government failed to gain the trust of rural communities, convince them that it will take constructive action to address their many day-to-day grievances, and deliver justice for past and present crimes. As a result, many young Central Africans, disillusioned with the democratic system, joined armed groups to take matters into their own hands. Last year, researchers from the peace-building NGO I work for, Conciliation Resources, spoke to young members of the Anti-balaka, in the city of Bossangoa. Nearly all fighters told the researchers that they joined the armed group either to defend their community against attacks from the Seleka, or seek revenge for past crimes against their families and communities. Until these youths can be convinced that the government can keep them and their communities safe, and it can provide justice for the past crimes against them, no election can bring sustainable peace to CAR. The 2019 peace agreement was very comprehensive and it provided the government with a clear road-map to determine and address the needs and wishes of communities. But the government now needs to commit to implementing the conditions of the deal in full and turning words into actions. The agreement, for example, foresaw the formation of implementation committees in each province to help resolve issues that are essential to the peace process, such as safe return of internally displaced persons. While the establishment of these committees was a much welcome development and an important step towards peace, as the government failed to allocate the necessary resources to support them, they have been unable to make much progress. Working for peace Reconciliation takes time and more often than not, it cannot be secured by the government alone. To bring peace to CAR, regional bodies such as the Economic Community of Central African States and the African Union, as well as the United Nations Mission MINUSCA and international and national NGOs, will need to support and actively work with the new Touadéra government. With the help of its regional partners, the CAR government needs to bring different groups and communities together and find ways to address their shared concerns such as security, accountability and fair management of natural resources. It should also hold provincial-level consultations with communities and armed groups to better understand their specific needs and desires. Only if the new government succeeds in gaining the trust of these diverse communities and supports open dialogue across conflict divides, can the country move away from conflict and towards sustainable peace. Until then, no election, however fair and free, will guarantee Central Africans come together and start building a common future. The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance. Caesar Poblicks Head of Conciliation Resources NGO in CAR Caesar Poblicks leads peacebuilding NGO Conciliation Resources' work in the Central African Republic. © 2021 Al Jazeera Media Network.

'No consent, no pipeline' was the message carried by protesters [Cajsa Wikstrom/Al Jazeera] Washington, DC - Thousands of Native Americans have rallied in the US capital to protest against the construction of the Dakota Access pipeline and raise awareness of indigenous rights. With snow falling on Friday morning, demonstrators marched to the White House, stopping on the way at the Trump International Hotel to erect a tepee. The Standing Rock Sioux Tribe, which has been involved in a long-standing dispute with authorities over the pipeline in North Dakota, led the Native Nations Rise march along with advocacy groups. The tribe has argued in court that the pipeline crosses sacred land, was approved by the government without adequate consultation, and would contaminate its water supply. "Water is life," chanted Jobeth Brownotter, a Standing Rock member who had travelled for 32 hours by bus from South Dakota. "We came here to stand up for our people, for water, for our rights, for future generations," she told Al Jazeera. Betsy Richards of the Cherokee Nation, living in New Jersey, marched under a huge pipeline-shaped puppet with the text "No consent, no pipeline". "When things are happening on native lands, we need to not just be informed of what the government is doing to us, but to have consent as native nations," she said. Others carried banners reading "Native Lives Matter", referring to the disproportionate rate at which Native Americans are killed by police. The march comes days after a federal judge ruled against a request by the Standing Rock Sioux and Cheyenne River Sioux tribes to stop construction of the last section of the Dakota pipeline, which would cross under Lake Oahe near the Standing Rock Sioux reservation reservoir. The pipeline is due to be complete and ready for oil by April 1. Legal battle Last November, the US Army Corps of Engineers halted the construction of the $3.8bn pipeline. But in January, President Donald Trump signed an executive order instructing the agency to "review and approve" the project "in an expedited manner". He also cleared the way for the controversial Keystone XL project. The Standing Rock Sioux tribe has fought the pipeline project for years. Until recently, they maintained a protest camp near the construction zone for nearly a year that drew Native Americans from hundreds of tribes, bringing attention to the indigenous rights movement. Kristina Elote said Native Americans are tired of companies profiting from their resources [Cajsa Wikstrom/Al Jazeera] The march was the culmination of four days of workshops and cultural activities organised in the capital to raise awareness of Native American issues. Taking a jab at Trump, Kristina Elote from the Jicarilla Apache Nation in New Mexico wore an oversized "Make America Great Again" hat, with a Native American twist. "I saw the hat everywhere and I hated it. I wanted to do something about it so I put an arrow through it," she said. "We need to keep our sovereignty, to keep our land safe. We're tired of companies taking advantage of our resources." Teepees were erected at the Washington Monument during four days of events [Cajsa Wikstrom/Al Jazeera] __________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ (c) 2017 Al Jazeera Media Network

Thousands of people are marching in cities and towns across Sudan, demanding greater political reforms. Civil society groups say the protest is intended to make sure the goals of last year’s revolution, which deposed Omar al-Bashir as president, are achieved. Security forces have been deployed in the capital, Khartoum, and neighbouring towns as well as on major roads leading to the army headquarters. Crowds have gathered singing and chanting, blaring car horns and carrying placards. These are scenes similar to the ones during months of protests which ended Bashir’s decades-long rule and led to the formation of a joint civilian and military government. But there is growing concern that the country’s hopes for political reform and true civilian rule will not be met. A BBC colleague has shared a screen grab of the protests from as local TV station: Tuesday's protesters want corruption stamped out, justice for those killed under Bashir's rule and after him, as well as for a promised parliament to be set up. On the eve of the demonstrations Sudan’s civilian Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok addressed the nation and promised that key reforms would be announced in the coming days. He and other leaders are under pressure to deliver, especially as the country battles with rising food and fuel prices and a coronavirus outbreak which has killed more than 500 people and stifled economic activity. Source: BBC NEWS

A bus has been attacked in eastern Syria, killing at least 28 people, reportedly soldiers. Syrian state media said the bus was targeted on Wednesday in the restive Deir al-Zour province, saying it was "citizens" killed. But other sources including a monitoring group said soldiers were on board, giving a higher death toll. There was no immediate claim of responsibility for the attack. The UK-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights (SOHR) attributed the attack to the Islamic State (IS) jihadist group, saying 37 soldiers died. Citing sources, the SOHR said the attack was a "well-planned ambush by Islamic State members, targeting three buses carrying pro-regime militiamen and soldiers". Other sources cited by Reuters also said the buses carried Syrian state troops. IS fighters and Syrian forces loyal to the government of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad often clash in the area, near the ancient city of Palmyra. In 2014, IS imposed its brutal rule on millions of people, at one stage controlling 88,000 sq km (34,000 sq miles) of territory stretching from western Syria to eastern Iraq. After five years of fighting, local forces backed by the US and its allies managed to wrest back all the territory controlled by IS. IS was declared territorially defeated in Syria and Iraq in March 2019. But its presence has endured in parts of Syria, which has been racked by a civil war since 2011 and IS cells continue to launch attacks. If confirmed the latest attack would be the deadliest this year carried out by the group, the SOHR said. © 2021 BBC

World Central Kitchen (WCK) founder José Andrés has accused Israeli forces in Gaza of targeting his aid workers "systematically, car by car". Monday's strike which killed seven members of his staff was not a mistake, he said, repeating that Israeli forces had been told of their movements. WCK workers from Australia, Canada, Poland, the UK and the US were killed as well as their Palestinian colleague. Israel says the strike was a "grave mistake" and has apologised. It has also promised an independent investigation. According to the charity, the aid convoy was hit while leaving the Deir al-Balah warehouse, "where the team had unloaded more than 100 tonnes of humanitarian food aid brought to Gaza on the maritime route". The convoy was made up of three vehicles, including two that were armoured, which clearly displayed the charity's logo. All three were hit during the strike. Speaking to Reuters news agency on Wednesday, the Spanish-American celebrity chef said this was not a "bad luck situation where, 'oops,' we dropped the bomb in the wrong place". In a separate interview with Israel's Channel 12 news, Mr Andrés said "it was really a direct attack on clearly marked vehicles whose movements were known by everybody at the IDF [Israel Defense Forces]". WCK released pictures of the victims...Source: World Central Kitchen The bodies of six of the dead WCK workers have since been taken from Gaza into Egypt to be repatriated. Their Palestinian colleague was buried in his hometown in Rafah, southern Gaza, on Tuesday. Humanitarian aid to the Gaza Strip is in doubt after WCK - a key provider of aid to the territory - suspended operations. The UN announced it was pausing movements at night for at least 48 hours to evaluate the security situation. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has described the strike as unintentional. "It happens in war, we check it to the end, we are in contact with the governments, and we will do everything so that this thing does not happen again," Mr Netanyahu said on Tuesday. IDF Chief of General Staff Herzi Halevi called the incident a "grave mistake" and said "it shouldn't have happened," blaming the strike on misidentification. US President Joe Biden has condemned the strike, accusing Israel of not doing enough to protect aid workers. "The United States has repeatedly urged Israel to deconflict their military operations against Hamas with humanitarian operations, in order to avoid civilian casualties," Mr Biden said. Three of the killed aid workers were British nationals. A Polish national, an Australian, a Palestinian and a dual US-Canadian citizen were also killed. UK Prime Minister Rishi Sunak spoke to Mr Netanyahu on Tuesday. On the call, he described the situation in Gaza as "increasingly intolerable" and "demanded a thorough and transparent independent investigation" into the killing of the aid workers. Mr Sunak added that Israel needed to end restrictions on humanitarian aid and protect civilians, according to a Downing Street statement. In other reaction: Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese said he had "expressed Australia's anger and concern" in a long phone call with Mr Netanyahu, and that he expected a "full and proper explanation for how this has occurred" Polish Foreign Minister Radoslaw Sikorski said he had demanded an independent investigation from Israel Katz, his Israeli counterpart Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau said "full accountability" was needed, adding that it was "absolutely unacceptable for aid workers to be killed" by the IDF Four days ago, WCK said that it had distributed 42 million meals in the Gaza Strip - dispatching more than 1,700 food trucks and also sending close to 435,000 meals by sea. According to Cogat, the Israeli defence ministry body in charge of civilian policy in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, WCK is responsible for 60% of the non-governmental aid getting into the territory. A second charity, the American Near East Refugee Aid (Anera), which was working closely with WCK, told the BBC it was also freezing its operations in Gaza. More than 196 aid workers have been killed in Gaza since October, according to the US-funded Aid Worker Security Database, which records major incidents of violence against aid personnel. Not all have been killed in the line of duty. Much of the Gaza Strip has been devastated during the Israeli military operations that began after Hamas gunmen attacked southern Israel on 7 October, killing about 1,200 people and seizing 253 hostages. About 130 of the hostages remain in captivity, at least 34 of whom are presumed dead. More than 32,916 people have been killed in Gaza since then, the Hamas-run health ministry says. Copyright 2024 BBC. All rights reserved.

When soldiers went searching for militants in Myanmar's Rakhine state last October, the result for members of the Rohingya minority was disastrous. Villages were burned, men were killed, women were sexually abused. And when one woman complained of rape, she was accused of lying by the office of the country's leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, and hounded by vengeful soldiers. Sitting cross-legged on the floor, 25-year-old Jamalida Begum tells me what happened in the days after her husband was shot dead in the village of Pyaung Pyaik, north-western Myanmar. Jamalida fled with her two children and watched from a distance as the army set houses in the village on fire. Satellite images confirm that at least 85 buildings were destroyed. Five days later she returned with some of her neighbours to find her belongings and home destroyed. They sheltered together in one of the few homes that had survived - but at dawn the next day the soldiers came back. "They chose 30 women. Half were young girls aged between 12 and 15," says Jamalida. The soldiers took them to the village school. "Then they chose four from among the 30," Jamalida says. "It was me and three teenage girls. Then we were separated. The army took me to the east of the school near the pond. Another seven soldiers took the other three girls to the hill to the south of the school. "They shouted at me to open my shirt and my thami (wrap-around skirt). When I refused they started beating me, grabbed my clothes and pushed me to the ground. Three soldiers raped and tortured me for an hour. Blood came out of my lower part and my legs got cramped. They punched me into the eyes saying I was staring at them. It turned my eyes red like fire coal. They left me bleeding and drove away in their Jeeps." The soldiers were sent into northern Rakhine state to conduct "clearance operations" after militants from Jamalida's ethnic group, the Rohingya, launched an attack on three Burmese police posts on 9 October last year - killing nine officers and seizing guns and ammunition. Media captionMyanmar: Who are the Rohingya? A wave of reports of human rights abuses followed, including scores of allegations of rape. For weeks Myanmar's human rights icon turned leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, denied the allegations, insisting soldiers were adhering to the law, while at the same time refusing to allow independent journalists or observers to access the area. (c) BBC News,

The UN has said the latest restrictions imposed on Indian-administered Kashmir are deeply concerning and "will exacerbate the human rights situation". A UN spokesperson highlighted a telecommunications ban, the arbitrary detention of leaders and a ban on political assembly. The region has been on lockdown since Sunday with communication cut off. It came as India made the controversial decision to remove its special constitutional status. Article 370 - as the constitutional provision guaranteeing special status is known - gave the state of Jammu and Kashmir special dispensation to make its own laws on everything apart from matters of foreign affairs, defence and communications. This formed the basis of its complex relationship with India for some 70 years. The Himalayan region is claimed in its entirety by both India and Pakistan, but each country controls only part of it. Kashmiris express anger at loss of special status What happened in Kashmir and why it matters By revoking it, Delhi has irrevocably changed its relationship with the region. The move came as a shock, and has been met with harsh criticism from some opposition lawmakers, constitutional experts and even ordinary citizens. But it has also been welcomed by many, including Supreme Court lawyers who have argued that it is not unconstitutional. What is happening in Kashmir? In the days leading up to the parliamentary announcement on Monday, India's federal government led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) had moved tens of thousands of troops into Kashmir. On Sunday evening, the internet, mobile phone networks and landlines in the region were cut off; and political leaders, including two former chief ministers, were put under house arrest. They are reportedly still detained. The region remains under lockdown, with Kashmiris in other parts of the country saying that they are unable to get through to their families. The government has justified the lockdown, saying it was a precaution to prevent unrest or violence over its controversial move. But the BBC has spoken to people inside the region, and has seen some protests which have involved people throwing stones at security forces. There has been an armed insurgency against Indian rule in the region since 1989, and security forces have repeatedly clashed with stone-throwing protesters, leading to thousands of deaths over the years. But many say the lockdown this time is unprecedented in its scale. What does the UN say? In the video statement posted on Twitter, UN spokesperson Rupert Colville reiterated the organisation's previous concerns over the human rights situation in Kashmir saying a previous report had "documented how authorities have repeatedly blocked communications networks to muzzle dissent, used arbitrary detention to punish political dissidents and employed excessive force while dealing with protests leading to extra judicial killings and serious injuries". But he said the new restrictions had taken the situation to "a new level". The UN was now "seeing again blanket telecommunications restrictions, perhaps more blanket than we have seen before", he said. He warned the bans would prevent people from "participating fully in democratic debate about the future status of Jammu and Kashmir". Why is Kashmir considered a disputed territory? India and Pakistan have fought two wars and a limited conflict over the region. India's decision revoking Article 370 drew a swift reaction from Pakistan's prime minister, Imran Khan who said the move was in breach of international law. Pakistan has also announced plans to expel India's top diplomat and suspend trade relations with its neighbour, deepening the row between the countries over Kashmir. India has responded saying they "regret" Pakistan's statement, adding that Article 370 was an internal matter. © August 2019 BBC. All Rights Reserved.

The Central African Republic (CAR) has declared a state of emergency as the army and UN forces try to repel advancing rebel groups who want to overthrow the government. Published by BBC News on January 22, 2021. Rwandan troops are among a contingent of peacekeepers deployed to support the government (AFP) The anti-government fighters, who now control two-thirds of the country, have surrounded the capital, Bangui. The UN envoy to CAR has warned the country was "at grave risk." The rebels dispute the validity of President Faustin Archange Touadéra's re-election in last month's poll. The authorities have accused former President François Bozizé, who was blocked from running in the 27 December election, for the escalating violence. "The perpetrators... of these unforgettable crimes against the people of CAR will be found, arrested and brought before the competent courts," President Touadéra said on Monday, while also calling for national reconciliation. Mr Bozizé, who came to power in 2003 before he was overthrown in 2013, had denied the allegations. At least 60,00 civilians have fled the country due to recent fighting. Call for more UN peacekeepers The state of emergency declared on Thursday evening will last for 15 days, the government spokesman Albert Yaloke Mokpeme said on national radio. He said soldiers will be allowed to make arrests without going through prosecutors. CAR "is at serious risk of a security and peacebuilding setback," said Mankeur Ndiaye, the UN envoy to the country. He urged the UN Security Council to increase the number of peacekeepers with a flexible mandate, that allows them to respond to the escalating security challenges in the country. Mr Ndiaye did not specify the security resources he wanted to be deployed but the Reuters news agency, quoting a source close to the UN mission, Minusca, reported that CAR needed 3,000 extra peacekeepers, attack helicopters and even special forces. According to Mr Ndiaye, large numbers of government troops have deserted due to insufficient training and resources. At least 12,000 peacekeepers are already on the ground in CAR. Ahead of the December election, Rwanda and Russia sent in reinforcements to help the government. France has also sent in military resources to back President Touadéra's government. © 2021 BBC.

Several people are dead in northeast Nigeria after Boko Haram militants raided a mostly Christian village and burnt down a church on Christmas Eve. Local sources said at least 11 people had been killed, according to AFP news. Fighters rode into Pemi, in Borno state, on trucks and motorbikes shooting indiscriminately, a local leader told the news agency. Pemi is close to Chibok where 200 schoolgirls were kidnapped in 2014. Boko Haram have carried out a number of attacks in northern Nigeria where they are fighting to overthrow the government and create an Islamic state. They promote a version of Islam that forbids Muslims from taking part in activity not derived from Islamic tradition. Boko Haram loosely translates to mean "western education is forbidden". The group's most infamous attack targeted schoolgirls in Chibok in 2014 and held many captive for years. On Thursday, fighters stormed Pemi as security officials had warned an attack on the Christian holiday was likely. Villagers fled into the bush and some are still said to be missing. "The terrorists killed seven people, burnt 10 homes and looted food supplies that were meant to be distributed to residents to celebrate Christmas," militia leader Abwaku Kabu said. The attackers burnt a church, abducted a priest and stole medical supplies from a hospital, before setting it on fire. The Boko Haram conflict, which has lasted for decades, has killed at least 36,000 people and displaced two million from their homes, according to the United Nations. To protect themselves, communities in northern Nigeria have resorted to armed vigilantes and militia groups that work alongside the army. In December, the group claimed responsibility for the abduction of more than 300 schoolboys in Katsina state, although the Nigerian authorities said it was local gangs connected to the Islamist group. Last month, Boko Haram fighters also said they killed dozens of farm workers. © BBC News 2020

Gunmen opened fire on activists from El Salvador's main opposition party, killing two people, a rare political attack that has shocked one of Latin America's most violent countries. The Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN) supporters were returning from a campaign rally when their lorry came under fire by suspects in a car. The attack on the left-wing party came four weeks before legislative and municipal elections are due to be held. Three people have been arrested. The attack happened in the centre of the capital, San Salvador, on Sunday afternoon local time in front of one of the offices of the FMLN party. Five other people were injured. Party activists had attended a rally launching the campaign for mayor of FMLN's candidate Rogelio Canales. Nidia Díaz, a FMLN lawmaker, said she saw the car with the attackers block the path of an open-backed lorry carrying party supporters. "A man got out with a gun in his hand and started shooting," she tweeted. El Salvador's Attorney General, Raúl Melara, called the attack "serious", saying: "The electoral battle cannot become a bloodbath". In a reference to the country's civil war, San Salvador's mayor, Neto Muyshondt, also condemned the attack, calling it a "step back" in El Salvador's history. According to a 1993 United Nations Truth Commission report, 80,000 people were killed in the conflict, which lasted from 1979 until a peace deal was signed in 1992. The FMLN party was formed by left-wing rebels as part of the peace deal and quickly became an influential force. It won the 2014 presidential election and its candidate, Salvador Sánchez Ceren, served as president until 2019. In the most recent presidential election, however, the FMLN's candidate lost out to Nayib Bukele of the centre-right Gana party. Some FMLN politicians have accused President Bukele of inciting violence against their party and of "threatening anyone who doesn't agree with him". Mr Bukele tweeted that all those responsible for the attack would "pay for their acts". © 2021 BBC