Special Report: Ceasefire Violations in Gaza April 2026 By Aiden Carlton, Leonardo Monopoli and Karolina Bonde Eyad Baba/AFP/Getty Images In October 2025, Israel and Hamas signed a ceasefire agreement brokered by the United States, Egypt, and Qatar, in a renewed attempt to end nearly two years of the war in Gaza. The "Comprehensive End of Gaza War" built on a collapsed January 2025 ceasefire and set out binding obligations for both sides. The conditions included an end to hostilities, the immediate resumption of humanitarian aid, the release of all remaining hostages held in Gaza, and the freeing of around 2,000 Palestinian prisoners from Israeli jails. Yet, within days of its entry into force, both parties were trading accusations of non-compliance, with new violations reported daily. The signing of the 20 Point Peace Plan strengthened the ceasefire deal and can be seen as an extension of the deal reached on October 9, 2025. Context  A ceasefire is a formal agreement between warring parties to stop fighting, either temporarily or permanently. A ceasefire is not the same as an armistice, which is a formal agreement to permanently end all military operations in a conflict. A ceasefire is instead intended to create conditions for humanitarian relief, negotiations, and the protection of civilians. On the other hand, a peace plan function as a comprehensive guide that outlines steps for ending hostilities allowing for the transition to a stable society. The conflict that made the October 2025 agreement necessary has deep historical roots. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict stretches back nearly a century, to Britain's World War I pledge to establish a national home for the Jewish people in Palestine and the subsequent displacement of an estimated 750,000 Palestinians from their homes, known locally as the Nakba. This formed the basis for decades of settler colonial rule and the formation of an apartheid state. The current phase of the conflict began on October 7, 2023, when Hamas launched an attack on Israel in which 1,139 people were killed and around 250 were taken captive. As Genocide Watch has stated, this attack enacted long-established genocidal intent by Hamas against the people of Israel. We note Israel’s asymmetrical warfare in Gaza. Israel has committed multiple war crimes, crimes against humanity, andgenocide, with databases documenting expressions of genocidal intent against the people of Palestine. Genocide Watch first identified a Genocide Emergency Alert in October 2023, continuing to monitor escalating atrocities with further reports. Following the Independent International Commission of Inquiry’s report on the Occupied Palestinian Territories, Genocide Watch recognizes the situation in Gaza to amount to genocide under the under the United Nations (U.N.) Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. The attack by Hamas triggered a devastating Israeli offensive on Gaza that has killed at least 75,200 Palestinians, the majority of whom are innocent civilians, including women and children. According to new data, the human cost of the conflict may be even higher. Throughout the conflict, Israel faced widespread accusations of using siege and starvation tactics alongside heavy bombardment, with rights groups andU.N. legal bodies accusing them of committing genocide. Israel has also routinely flouted international humanitarian law, especially regarding the core doctrines of distinction and proportionality. A first short ceasefire in November 2023 quickly collapsed. A more substantial deal was reached on Jan. 15, 2025, after fifteen months of war, providing for a phased hostage and prisoner exchange. Despite some success, Israel was consistently accused of violating it by killing Palestinians on a near-daily basis. Israel accused Hamas of violating the deal by delaying providing the names of hostages. In March 2025, theceasefire finally broke down when Israel resumed military operations.  The October 2025 "Comprehensive End of Gaza War" agreement was thus the third major attempt to halt the fighting and the most detailed in its humanitarian obligations and enforcement mechanisms. A barebones agreement, it was augmented by the signing of the 20 Point Peace Plan which laid out in detail the end to the war in Gaza. However, their success seems to be limited, as both parties, particularlyIsrael, fail to adhere to the provisions of the ceasefire and peace deal. The ceasefire has, however, led to diminished international attention on Gaza. This report will seek to evaluate violations of the ceasefire and peace agreement. It will do so through a thematic analysis of the use of force, occupation and humanitarian violations, rearmament, and key obstacles to peace. The Use of Force The clearest violations of the ceasefire can be seen with the use of deadly force and violence. Under Art. 3 of the Peace Plan, both Hamas and Israel were required to respect the immediate cessation "of all military operations, including aerial and artillery bombardment." This has not happened, as Israeli airstrikes, shelling, and gunfire have continued unabated. Instead, Hamas has sought to reassert control of Gazaby eliminating rival armed clans and families, such as the Dugmush Clan, and occasionally clashing with the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF). Both parties routinely accuse each other of violating the ceasefire and appear to be biased in their reporting. However, authoritative figures from the U.N. state that IDF operations since the October 2025 ceasefire have left 765 Palestinians dead and 2,140 injured. These figures have been confirmed by reputable human rights organizations such as Save the Children and Danish Refugee Council, which added that at least 180 children have died in this “ceasefire period.” In this period, four IDF soldiers have also been killed. Crucially, the Israeli military body, Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories (COGAT), has routinely accused Palestinians of violently engaging IDF soldiers, and the IDF has frequently failed todistinguish civilians from combatants in its attacks. In December 2025, Fadi and Juma Abu Assi, 8 and 10 years old, were killed in an Israeli drone strike acknowledged by the IDF. COGAT described the boys asconducting "suspicious activities" and posing an "immediate threat" to Israeli soldiers. Similarly, in January 2026, two cousins, Mohammad and Suleiman Al Zawaraa, were killed by an explosive device planted to eliminate “terrorists’” who were approaching troops. Such claims have allowed Israel to continue violating the ceasefire with impunity, using alleged Hamas’ violations as justifications for its own actions. This trend constitutes a violation of the international humanitarian legal principles of distinction and precaution, as civilians are not properly separated from combatants, and the IDF failed to take steps to separate civilians from combatants and minimize harm to civilians. Additionally, the IDF has regularly violated the principle of proportionality, carrying out military actions which lead to damage and civilian impact that would far outweigh the military advantage gained. For example, on Oct. 19, 2025, following an alleged Hamas violation of the ceasefire and the death of two IDF soldiers in Rafah, the IDF retaliated by killing 45 Palestinians. Similarly, on Oct. 29, 2025, following a supposed exchange of gunfire that killed one Israeli soldier, the IDF killed 104 Palestinians, including 46 children, in a bombing attack. Hamas denied any role in killing of the soldier, and Israel subsequently named 24 militant targets, ignoring the 80 other fatalities that were caused by the bombing. Hamas has also failed to respect the ceasefire by engaging in summary executions and clashes with rival factions. Since the ceasefire, the Office of the High Commissioner of Human Rights has recorded 80 reported killings of Palestinians by Hamas, undermining Art. 1 of the Peace Plan that declares Gaza a "de-radicalised terror-free zone." According to internal sources in the Palestinian Authority (PA), Hamas continues its effort to retain control of Gaza through guns and violence. Israel has also targeted journalists and human rights defenders in Gaza, demonstrating a concerted attempt to silence human rights reporting. On Jan. 21, 2026, Israeli forces killed three journalists on their way to film the newly formed displaced camp in Netzarim. On March 9, 2026, Amal Shamali was found dead after an air strike on the Nuseirat refugee camp. Since the start of the war, the IDF has killed more than 270 journalists and media workers. Occupation Violations In 2024, an International Court of Justice (ICJ) Advisory Opinion stated the illegality of Israel’s continued presence in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT). Nevertheless, Israel has proceeded to enforce an open-ended occupation, leaving many residents homeless, unemployed, and unable to travel, with no change evident since the ceasefire. The ceasefire deal stated that Israel was to withdraw to a “yellow line”that gives it control of half of Gaza. Additionally, it is stated in Art. 16 of the Peace Plan that Israel must not occupy or annex Gaza and in Art. 12 that Gazans were free to stay, leave, or return. Despite Israeli withdrawal claims, the level of territorial, maritime, and administrative control exercised by Israel indicates that Gaza remains occupied under international law. According to a BBC Verify analysis, in October 2025, Israel placed its markers of the “yellow line” a few hundred meters ahead of the recognized line. Pushing westwards, Israel controls 54% of Gaza, signifying a violation of the agreed-upon line. In January 2026, Israel moved the yellow line deeper into Gaza, according to satellite images. Additionally, Israel has implemented a no-go or “buffer” zone behind the yellow line, killing civilians that cross it (even unknowingly) while looking for food, shelter, firewood or their belongings. Operating as a buffer zone, this gives the IDF considerable space to manoeuvre and create a "kill zone". This is a stark violation of Art. 3 of the Peace Plan. The Abu Assi brothers were killed by the IDF after crossing the line in the town of Bani Suheila, and the Al Zawaraa cousins were killed near the yellow line in Northern Gaza. Israel has also failed to clearly mark all the “yellow line,” resulting in further civilian killings. This is a crucial violation of the ceasefire and international law, as civilians fall under the category of protected persons in armed conflict. All military operations must remain "frozen" as well, according to Art. 3 of the Peace Plan. Instead, since the ceasefire, Israel has engaged in the widespread demolition of essential infrastructure and residential buildings. A U.N. report found that Gaza is the recipient of acts amounting to "domicide," which has relentlessly continued since the ceasefire began. At the start of the ceasefire in October 2025, 92% of Gaza’s housing units were fully destroyed or damaged. In November 2025, a BBC Verify analysis concluded that Israel has demolished at least 1,500 buildings in Gaza since the ceasefire. Oxfam estimates that 2,500 residential buildings were destroyed by January 2026. As of April 2026, 1.7 million people are currently sheltering in some 1,600 displacement sites in Gaza. Therefore, Israeli occupation of Gaza has caused significant harm to civilian infrastructure, violating Art. 3 of the Peace Plan. Rutgers University Professor of Law Adil Haque has also stated that the "destruction of civilian property by an occupying power" amounts to a violation of international humanitarian law. Furthermore, it continues to have detrimental effects on the livelihood of Palestinians. The lack of shelter has killed 39 Palestinians from early December to late January. Additionally, Art. 7 of the Peace Plan stated that water, electricity, sewage, and medical infrastructure were to be rehabilitated. With 90% of Gaza’s water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH) infrastructure damaged, the human rights of Gazans, including their right to safe drinking water and sanitation, continue to be compromised, with no significant Israeli action taken to rectify this situation. In fact, Israel has intentionally prevented the entry of necessary repair materials such as pipes and generators, as well as that of life-saving equipment such as reverse osmosis machines. As a result, Gaza continues to be "deliberately deprived of water." Israel continues to prevent heavy machinery from entering Gaza to remove rubble and clear roads to allow humanitarian aid to reach civilians. This represents a clear violation of Art. 7, as only six machines have been allowed to enter Gaza, while experts estimate that 500 are needed. Israel’s indefinite occupation maintained by the use of force may amount to de facto annexation and thus constitutes an act of aggression, unlawful under international law and therefore in breach of Art. 16 of the Peace Plan. Humanitarian Violations The October 2025 ceasefire agreement, like the January agreement, stated that there should be humanitarian aid and relief should immediately be allowed into Gaza. However, the evidence suggests this obligation was breached almost immediately. From Oct. 11, 2025 to April 1, 2026, an average of 100 trucks per day has entered Gaza. This is a fundamental violation of the 20 Point Peace Plan’s call for “full” aidto enter Gaza, in accordance with the January 2025 agreement’s call for 600 trucks a day In November 2025, U.N. Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) reported that humanitarian access remains critically restricted, with only two of six crossings reopened. They also noted that major hospitals are only partially functional and require restoration, equipment, and supplies to reach full operational capacity. Experts were quoted as saying that “Continuing failure to ensure that the U.N., through OCHA and the U.N. Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), directly manages aid delivery and distribution in Gaza, as mandated by international law, is unacceptable and cannot be justified.” The same month, relief agencies reported that Israel was blocking entry of shipments of bottles for baby formula and over a million syringes needed to vaccinate Gazan children. Israel claims that the items are “dual-use,” meaning they could be used for both civilian and military purposes. This designation has significantly disrupted the delivery of many humanitarian supplies amidst an urgent crisis. In a more recent report, Gaza's Government Media Office recorded a significant shortfall in aid delivery between October 2025 and February 2026, with only 43% of the allocated number of aid trucks entering Gaza. Aid drivers attributed part of the delay to prolonged Israeli inspection procedures at crossings. Additionally, requests for aid have dramatically decreased following the stringent NGO registration regulations Israel approved in 2025, alongside an increased rate of rejection. The restrictions extended beyond quantity: Israel blocked nutritious food items, including meat, dairy and vegetables, while allowing through items of little nutritional value, such as snacks, chocolate, and soft drinks. Commercial shipments cannot replace humanitarian aid, as they are of “high monetary value but low nutritional value”. Medical evacuations represent a further area of non-compliance. The October 2025 agreement stipulated that humanitarian conditions must be consistent at minimum with the January 2025 agreement, which had explicitly committed Israel to allowing wounded Palestinians to leave Gaza for treatment and to opening the Rafah crossing within seven days of the first phase's implementation. According to UNRWA, medical evacuations remain on hold; since the ceasefire, only 700 patients have been evacuated from Gaza. Gaza's Health Ministry reports that more than 20,000 patients and wounded people are waiting to travel abroad for treatment, among them approximately 4,000 cancer patients requiring specialized care, around 4,500 children, 440 life-saving cases requiring urgent intervention, and nearly 6,000 wounded people in need of continued hospital care outside Gaza. Additionally, half of all medical facilities in Gaza are not operational to date, with severe medical shortages arising from the restrictions imposed by Israel on the border crossings. Alongside the continued destruction of WASH facilities, these closures are contributing to a wider public health crisis, attested to by UNICEF, including widespread respiratory diseases, parasitic infections and outbreaks of hepatitis, diarrhea and gonorrhea. Rearmament Historically, Hamas and other militant Palestinian organizations in Gaza have sought to import weapons through Gaza’s border with the Sinai Peninsula in Egypt. In 2005, as part of the Roadmap for Peace process, the PA and Israel formed the Agreement for Movement and Access. They opened the Rafah Border Crossing under the PA, and it was supervised by the European Union’s European Union Border Assistance Mission (EUBAM) for the Rafah Crossing Point. In 2007, Hamas managed to take control of Gaza, and it took over the border crossing, removed foreign oversight, and massively expanded a network of tunnels beneath the border to smuggle in weapons, ammunition, and other supplies. Although initially closed, the border crossing finally reopened in 2008, remaining under Hamas’ control. Following Hamas’ invasion of Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, the IDF managed to capture the border, including the Rafah Border Crossing, in 2024, shutting it down until American pressure for a ceasefire led to its reopening in 2025.Therefore, the crucial border crossing has been unavailable to civilians, and its closure blocked the flow of humanitarian aid into Gaza. Alongside this, Hamas has refused to completely disarm. It has not yet made plans to do so, claiming that there was no such provision under the ceasefire agreement, despite conflicting claims from U.S. officials. Instead, it has sought to gradually repair and rearm its armed faction, steadily attempting to reassert control over Gaza. Hamas’ armed wing has been devastated, its access to the border crossing severed, and its access to its network of underground tunnels inhibited by Israeli operations to dismantle the tunnels. To compensate, Hamas has sought new avenues for procuring arms, such as sending drift containers to Gazafrom the Sinai by water and likely using funds and materials for humanitarian aid and commerce to refill its stockpiles and repair its infrastructure. However, the extent of Hamas’ exploitation of humanitarian aid isdisputed. Israel has also played a part in moving weapons into Gaza by helping to arm anti-Hamas factions such as the Popular Forces, thus introducing proxies into the conflict in an effort to undermine Hamas’ hold on the enclave. This constitutes another violation of the ceasefire and peace deal. Blocks to Progress in the Peace Process The 20-point plan issued by the Trump Administration outlined two main phases to end the war in Gaza. There have been serious concerns about the shortcomings of the first phase. For instance, although diminished, violence is still prevalent between the IDF and Hamas, with hundreds of Palestinians killed since the ceasefire was supposed to take effect. Additionally, the IDF has only partially withdrawn to its designated buffer zone in Gaza, retaining a presence in several major population centers. Requirements for humanitarian aid have also yet to be fulfilled, with much of Gaza undergoing shortages of essentials like food and medical services. The famine in Gaza was declared officially over in December of 2025, but this does not mean that Palestinians in Gaza broadly live without hunger. Additionally, Israel’s recent re-closure of the Rafah Border Crossing in the face of conflict with Iran is likely to have a detrimental impact on access to food. Nevertheless, on Jan. 14, 2026, the U.S. announced that the process was moving into phase two, However, the second phase of the peace plan has seen very sparse progress. One of the key components of this plan is the introduction of an administration of Palestinian technocrats, the National Committee for the Administration of Gaza, under the auspices of the Board of Peace. However, Israel has not allowed the individuals named for the committee to enter Gaza, stating that as long as Hamas' ceasefire violations continue, they will not do so. Additionally, it is unclear if the Board of Peace will manage to procure a sufficient number of peacekeepers for its proposed International Security Force (ISF). The intention was to create a force of 20,000 troops, and, so far, five countries have volunteered to contribute unspecified numbers of troops: Kazakhstan, Albania, Kosovo, Morocco, and Indonesia. Indonesia briefly promised to contribute 20,000, but soon after scaled down its promise to 5,000-8,000. Reports indicate that the US will try to bring up the number of committed forces to 10,000 by the end of 2026, after seeking commitments from approximately 70 countries. There is no significant movement towards agreement for the implementation of a ceasefire, and peace is increasingly out of reach due to the U.S. and Israeli strikes against Iran, the renewed Israeli incursion in Lebanon against Hezbollah, and Iranian sponsorship of regional proxies. The genocide against the civilians of Gaza has continued despite the advent of a ceasefire, mutating into a more discrete, yet still-deadly form. Due to the near-total destruction of the Gaza Strip, the indiscriminate bombings and widespread atrocities committed against Palestinian civilians, and documented statements indicating genocidal intent, Genocide Watch recognizes that the crisis amounts to Stage 8: Persecution and Stage 9: Extermination. Elements of Stage 4: Dehumanization and Stage 1: Classification are highlighted in the lack of humanity through which the IDF continues to operate, in failing to differentiate between civilians and militants, blocking humanitarian aid delivery, and impeding the entrance of crucial machinery to clear rubble and construct temporary shelter highlights. Since the start of the war, Israel has vehemently denied perpetrating a genocide, leading Genocide Watch to recognize Stage 10: Denial. Recommendations Genocide Watch recommends prioritizing the following: A suspension of all offensive military operations in Gaza by both Israel and Hamas, in order to respect the ceasefire agreement signed on Oct. 10, 2025 and international law. The efficient and unimpeded distribution of humanitarian and developmental aid in Gaza. The gradual and full withdrawal of the IDF from Gaza. The dismantling of Hamas' armed faction, as well as the disarmament of other Palestinian militias in Gaza A viable, long-term solution for Palestinian administration and rule of law in Gaza. Self-determination granted to the Palestinian people in its full form.

Somali police spokesperson speaks to journalists. | PHOTO Credit: Said Yusuf Warsame. MOGADISHU, Somalia 3 May 2026 – As the world marks World Press Freedom Day today, journalists and media outlets in Somalia are facing an increasingly volatile and restrictive environment, particularly as Somalia enters a critical period marked by political uncertainty and tensions surrounding upcoming elections. Already operating under difficult conditions, media professionals in Somalia and Somaliland are confronting a surge in arbitrary arrests, threats, and intimidation by state authorities. This has created a climate of fear that undermines their ability to report freely and limits the public’s access to information—rights guaranteed under both Somalia and Somaliland constitutions. Since January 2026, the Somali Journalists Syndicate (SJS) has documented at least 18 violations against journalists, including the killing of a reporter in Kismayo. Local journalist Abshir Khalif Shidane was shot dead on 2 March 2026 by a Jubaland police officer, marking the first journalist killed in Somalia this year. A suspect has been arrested and remains in detention awaiting trial. Other violations include restricted access to information, arbitrary arrests, threats, torture, confiscation of equipment, attacks on media houses, and kidnappings. Most cases have been reported in Mogadishu and Baidoa, where key electoral processes are expected to take place. Security forces—including police, intelligence, and special units—have intensified actions against journalists covering sensitive topics such as insecurity, forced evictions, land disputes, and political tensions. Several journalists have been directly targeted. Mogadishu-based journalist Abdihafid Nor Barre was abducted twice this year, including one instance in which he was held in a military facility without charge. On 18 March 2026, two female journalists—Amiro Sulaiman Ibrahim (Kaab TV) and Iqro Abdullahi Abdirahman (Five Somali TV)—were violently arrested while reporting on forced evictions in Mogadishu. Iqro was beaten before being forced into a police vehicle. The situation has further deteriorated with new censorship measures imposed by authorities. On 16 April, the Southwest State Minister of Security announced a ban on reporting insecurity, terrorist attacks, clan conflicts, and criticism of federal and regional officials. These restrictions come amid heightened tensions in Baidoa, where violence, political disputes, and attacks by Al-Shabaab have been reported. In Mogadishu, on 15 April 2026, the Banadir Regional Police Commander warned journalists against discussing the "end of President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s term” or criticizing recent constitutional amendments, threatening to label violators as "criminals.” Journalists in other regions have also faced repression. In Laascaanood, Abdiqani Abdirahman Mohamed was arrested on 26 March for publishing an interview on political tensions and was later released after being forced to apologize. Another journalist, Abdirisaq Abdirahman ("Kobciye”), was detained in February and compelled to delete a video report. SOMALILAND In Somaliland, at least three journalists have been arrested since the start of the year. Ahmed Zaki Ibrahim, founder of Warrame Media, was detained in Hargeisa on 22 February and remains in custody. Abdiqaadir Mohamed known as "Ishqi” was arrested in Borama on 5 March and released days later. Mohamed Saleban Ahmed ("Suute”) was arrested in Erigabo on 4 March following a report on drought conditions and continues to face intimidation. As the international community commemorates World Press Freedom Day, SJS expresses grave concern over the worsening safety and security of journalists in Somalia. The ongoing pattern of violations, censorship, and intimidation reflects a shrinking space for press freedom and raises serious concerns about further abuses, particularly in the lead-up to elections. "On this World Press Freedom Day, we are witnessing a dangerous decline in press freedom across Somalia and Somaliland. Journalists are increasingly targeted for doing their job—reporting the truth—through arbitrary arrests, threats, and violence in awhile Somalia is going through uncertainty over the federal and regional elections,” said SJS Secretary General, Abdalle Mumin. "Even women journalists were not spared from violent attacks by the state security forces.” "This growing repression, especially in the lead-up to elections, not only silences the media but also denies the public their fundamental right to information. Both authorities in Somalia and Somaliland must end these violations and uphold their constitutional obligations to protect freedom of expression,” added Mr. Mumin. Copyright © 2015 - 2026 Horn Observer All Rights Reserved. - Site Designed & Developed by ILEYS INC.

Council of Europe experts call for better victim identification and for child trafficking to be an aggravated crime GRETA is the Council of Europe body that helps European countries like Malta fight human trafficking. File photo: Council of Europe In a new report on Malta published today, the Council of Europe’s Group of experts on action against trafficking in human beings (GRETA) assesses developments since 2021, regarding the implementation of the Council of Europe Convention on action against trafficking in human beings. Malta, one of the first countries to ratify the Convention, has made progress in several areas. The authorities adopted a National anti-trafficking strategy for 2024-30, accompanied by an action plan, which take into account previous GRETA recommendations. Legislative amendments strengthened protection for vulnerable victims, including extending special interviewing conditions to all children under 18, and introduced measures to improve migrants’ rights and prevent their exploitation. The report praises efforts made to enhance specialisation among police officers, prosecutors and judges dealing with human-trafficking cases, alongside awareness-raising campaigns through media and public events. Social inclusion of trafficking victims must improve While GRETA welcomes these developments, it also notes that important challenges remain. Victims of trafficking continue to face difficulties accessing the labour market, and funding for NGOs providing legal and psychological support is limited. GRETA calls on the Maltese authorities to improve victims’ social inclusion, ensure sustainable funding for support services, and increase the number of trained cultural mediators to facilitate communication and build trust with victims. While welcoming the increased focus on the financial aspects of human trafficking, GRETA expresses concern about excessive length of court proceedings in human-trafficking cases. It calls on the authorities to ensure proceedings are completed within a reasonable time, in line with the case-law of the European Court of Human Rights. GRETA also reiterates its recommendation to introduce as an aggravating circumstance the offence of human trafficking committed against a child, regardless of the means used. The report highlights that some long-standing recommendations remain unimplemented or only partially implemented. In particular, GRETA asks Malta to guarantee effective access to compensation for victims by ensuring legal aid, integrating evidence collection on harm into criminal investigations, and revising the eligibility criteria for access to state compensation. In addition, the report discusses measures to address the vulnerabilities to human trafficking of migrant workers, asylum seekers, unaccompanied children, persons in prostitution, persons with disabilities and LGBTI persons. While acknowledging the legislative and practical measures already taken, GRETA identifies priority areas requiring further action. These include strengthening legal protections for migrant workers, preventing disappearances of unaccompanied asylum-seeking children, ensuring the application of child-sensitive procedures in asylum processes, and regulating sectors which can be used to sexually exploit victims of trafficking. GRETA also stresses the need to improve victim identification by allocating sufficient resources to labour inspectors and systematically screening migrants and asylum seekers. It calls for greater access for specialised NGOs and international organisations to detention and reception centres. Trafficking is also an online problem The report moreover highlights the growing role of information and communication technology (ICT) in facilitating victim exploitation. While welcoming the steps taken by the Maltese authorities to promote online safety, GRETA considers that the authorities should develop further measures to prevent ICT-facilitated human trafficking, including by enabling online covert operations to identify traffickers and gather evidence in human trafficking cases, investing in capacity building and digital tools for proactive investigations and strengthening co-operation with ICT companies and Internet service providers. The report covers the period 2021-25 and is based on the Maltese authorities’ reply to the questionnaire for the fourth evaluation round of the convention and a country evaluation visit carried out by GRETA in December 2024, involving meetings with governmental and non-governmental stakeholders.

A Czech Police vehicle. File photo: Wikimedia Commons, Kevin.B Prague Police are investigating the brutal assault of two members of the German band Abbruch in the late night hours of Friday, 1 May and the early morning hours of Saturday, 2 May after the Antifascist Action (AFA) Festival in Prague, Czech Republic. One musician was hospitalized with serious injuries. According to festival organizers, a group of neo-Nazis were behind the assault. The band members are a couple performing under the stage names Alexa and Atze; they were attacked as they left the venue for their accommodation. “On 1 May, after the end of the AFA fest in Prague, [Alexa and Atze] became the victims of a targeted assault by a neo-Nazi group, supporters of Filip ‘Central European’ Vávra. They were cornered on the bridge over the Vltava River; Atze was knocked to the ground and brutally beaten by several assailants. The attackers fled only after Atze was bleeding heavily and unconscious,” festival organizers posted to social media. The assaulted musician was taken to a Prague hospital. According to information released by the band Abbruch and the festival organizers, he is now under the care of doctors in Berlin, Germany. The victim suffered serious injuries to his nose and teeth, with one of his teeth said to be unsalvageable. He has difficulty speaking as a result of the attack. News server Romea.cz has learned that the assailants recorded their attack on a mobile phone and published the footage on a Facebook profile called Good Night Left Side. They deleted it later. A public fundraiser has been set up to help the assaulted musician. The AFA Festival organizers say they will send a larger financial donation themselves and will also provide other forms of aid. The Prague Police are investigating the case. “Criminal proceedings are currently underway on suspicion of committing felony disorderly conduct. All of the persons who participated in this brawl are gradually being identified, and of course further actions will be taken. No one has been charged yet,” Czech news server Aktuálně.cz quoted Prague Police spokeswoman Eva Kropáčová as saying. The incident was preceded by an antifascist demonstration for May Day in Prague that marched from Střelecký ostrov across Národní třída to Rašínovo nábřeží, and some participants then headed to Smíchov to the Subzero club, where the AFA Festival was taking place. The demonstration was supervised by police, including riot police and anti-conflict teams, due to the expected presence of the far right. Disinformation: Czech politician alleged to have participated Disinformation also spread on Czech social media that one of the participants in the AFA Festival was Ivan Bartoš, former chair of the Czech Pirate Party. A profile under the name Franta Kubásek posted a photo of a masked person and suggested that it was Bartoš. “Other social media posts were also spread in the same vein drawing aggressive political conclusions from the poor-quality footage. Bartoš denied the claim and said that he had not been at the event,” reported the Manipulators (Manipulátoři.cz) news server, which drew attention to the entire matter. “A specific politician cannot be credibly identified from such footage. It is not a photograph with clear identifying marks, a public record of Bartoš’s participation, or confirmation from the organizers. This is just speculation about a visual supplemented with a politically-motivated caption,” explains the news server Manipulátoři.cz. “I am not at SubZero, I was with my son at the United Islands [music festival],” Bartoš responded on Facebook, attaching a photo from the event he did attend. “If I were to go to a demonstration against Nazism, I would of course not wear a mask.”

Australian Federal Police Commissioner Krissy Barrett says some individuals will be arrested and charged. Australian families believed to be linked to the ISIL group leave Roj camp near Derik, Syria, on April 24, 2026 [Orhan Qereman/Reuters] By Daniel Khalili-Tari, Reuters and The Associated Press Australian police say that some members of a group of Australian women and children due to arrive in the country from Syria imminently will be arrested over alleged links to the ISIL (ISIS) armed group. The 13 Australians — four women and nine children — are expected to return from Syria on Thursday evening local time, arriving at airports in Melbourne and Sydney. Australian Federal Police Commissioner Krissy Barrett told reporters on Wednesday that some members of the group would be taken into custody upon arrival, while others remain under active investigation. She added that the children would receive psychological support and participate in programmes focused on countering violent extremism and community integration. The women and children had been living in the Roj camp in northeastern Syria. Home Affairs Minister Tony Burke condemned the women for travelling to Syria and warned that anyone found to have committed offences would face prosecution. “They made an appalling, disgraceful decision,” Burke said. “If any of these individuals find their way back to Australia, if they have committed crimes, they can expect to face the full force of the law, without exception.” Burke said the Australian government had not assisted the group’s return, but acknowledged there were “very serious” legal limits on preventing Australian citizens from returning to the country. Australian authorities have been investigating citizens who travelled to Syria to join ISIL since 2015, when the group was at its height and controlled large parts of the country and neighbouring Iraq. Hundreds of Western women are believed to have travelled to Iraq and Syria during the peak of the group’s power. Among the most prominent cases was that of British national Shamima Begum, who was stripped of her UK citizenship in 2019 on national security grounds. United Nations Special Rapporteur on Human Rights and Counterterrorism, Ben Saul, urged Australia to prioritise the welfare and protection of the returning women and children, while ensuring that any law enforcement action taken against individuals is “proportionate” and “justified”. © 2026 Al Jazeera Media Network

Supreme Court of Pakistan. File Photo: FAROOQ NAEEM/AFP via Getty Images On the first anniversary of the Supreme Court of Pakistan’s ruling that trials of civilians by military courts are constitutional, Isabelle Lassee, Amnesty International’s Deputy Regional Director for South Asia, said: “The Supreme Court’s 2025 decision has fundamentally undermined the right to a fair trial and the right to liberty in Pakistan. Such courts flout virtually every protection guaranteed under international human rights law. “A civilian before a military court is first subjected to a secret trial without procedural safeguards, conducted by army officials that lack independence and impartiality. If convicted, they are denied the right to appeal, despite orders by the Supreme Court that this protection be guaranteed. Those serving convictions, including 9 May protesters still serving their sentences and activists such as Idris Khattak, are being deprived of the right to have their convictions and sentences independently and impartially reviewed. They are not given access to the court’s reasoned judgements and, in many instances, they have not been provided with any written order at all, as part of a deliberate tactic to prolong their unlawful detention. “Amnesty International calls on the Pakistani authorities to end this injustice by banning military trials of civilians and overturning all unlawful civilian convictions by these courts. Authorities must ensure that all those convicted are provided with a meaningful right to appeal to a competent, independent and impartial tribunal.” Background On 7 May 2025, the constitutional bench of the Supreme Court of Pakistan overturned a previous Supreme Court ruling from October 2023 that stated that the trial before a military court of civilians involved in the 9 May protest was unconstitutional and struck down sections 2(1)(d), section 59(4)(i) and 59(4)(ii) of the Pakistan Army Act, 1952. While validating military trials of civilians, the Supreme Court stated in its majority decision and detailed judgment that the legislature must pass a law to provide an “independent right of appeal to the High Courts for civilians” convicted by military courts within 45 days of the 7 May 2025 order. Despite this, a year on, Parliament has yet to table or pass any such legislation. In December 2024, 105 protesters who took part in the 9 May 2023 protests following the arrest of former Prime Minister Imran Khan were convicted by military courts for two to 10 years. Nineteen of them were released on grounds of mercy immediately after and an additional five were released in May 2025 after completing their full two-year sentence. Idris Khattak is a human rights activist who was forcibly disappeared in 2019 and convicted and sentenced to 14 years imprisonment after a secret military trial in 2021.

Drought Fallout Worsened by Aid Cuts and Ongoing Conflict In the largely arid Puntland region in north-eastern Somalia, where the past three rainy seasons have failed, there is nothing to see but dry water ponds, destroyed crops, and animal carcasses. As the drought intensifies, and the malnutrition rate soars, the race is on to stop another hunger catastrophe. But several international organisations have had to stop operations in the Kismayo camp and elsewhere, in large part due to aid cuts made last year by United States President Donald Trump. World Food Programme Assistant Executive Director for Progamme Operations, Matthew Hollingworth, said there is a malnutrition crisis across the country. "We simply don’t have the resources to respond as we should do,” he said. “This is made absolutely worse because of the Middle East crisis which is raising prices across the whole country; fuel by 150%, even food commodities by at least 20 or 30%." Experts say even if the forthcoming rainy season is normal, it will take months for affected populations to recover. Displaced community member, Mahad Farah Muse, said the little bit of rain that fell recently did not last. "And if rain does not come soon, people may start dying just like the livestock. People depend on livestock, and now the livestock are gone. Everything has been lost," she said. 'Toxic cocktail' Somalia is facing one of the most complex hunger crises in recent years, driven by drought, conflict, large-scale displacement, and severely limited humanitarian assistance. Famine has claimed hundreds of thousands of lives. As aid funding dries up, the WFP says it can only reach 1 in 10 people in urgent need and it risks having to halt emergency assistance by July. Save the Children Somalia director, Mohamud Mohamed Hassan, says the recent foreign aid cuts have had "a huge impact" on its work. More than 200 health centres and 400 schools have closed since last year. Farmers, whose herds and crops have been decimated, describe one of the worst droughts ever recorded in a country where a third of people already lacked regular meals. The United Nations' humanitarian arm has had to steadily reduce its Somalia programme from $2.6 billion in 2023 to $852 million this year, especially since Washington slashed its donations. So far, only 13% of this year's target has been raised. "It's a toxic cocktail of factors ... Things are really, really desperate," said Tom Fletcher, head of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. "Often we're having to choose which lives to save and which lives not to save." Copyright © africanews Copyright 2023 The Associated Press. All rights reserved.

By Alžběta Frommerova Photo by ARIF ALI/AFP via Getty Images Pakistan’s present-day human rights crisis stems from its colonial legacy, inherited at its 1947 independence. This legacy has hampered the growth of democratic institutions and led to autocratic rule, leaving the media fragile, politics volatile, and the military dominant. In this context, human‑rights abuses have deepened, especially for the most vulnerable groups. Women face the most severe consequences of Pakistan’s structural inequalities in the form of a growing femicide crisis. Gender-based violence remains widespread and includes acid attacks, forced and child marriage, rape, trafficking, forced conversion, and domestic abuse. Hundreds of women are killed annually in so-called “honor killings,” often by relatives, over perceived family shame. At least 405 cases were recorded in 2024, but the real figures are likely higher, due to low reporting and weak, inconsistent enforcement. Also in 2024, over 2,000 domestic violence cases and 5,000 accounts of rape were recorded, reinforcing Pakistan’s status as one of the most dangerous countries in the world for women. According to a 2025 United Nations report, two out of every three Pakistani women are denied reproductive autonomy and are subjected to abuse and pressure regarding their reproductive health. Additionally, in September 2025, the Lahore High Court ruled that marriages after puberty are valid under Islamic law, as girl marriage remains widespread in Pakistan, with millions married before 18. Pakistan also ranked last in the World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap Index, and it faces a massive education crisis, with more than 21 million children reportedly out of school due to poverty, social pressures, child labor, and discrimination. Beyond gender inequality, religious minorities also remain deeply vulnerable. Blasphemy laws, combined with weak enforcement, expose Ahmadis, Christians, and Hindus to discrimination, violence, and social exclusion. At the same time, journalists, activists, and academics face censorship, violence, threats, arrests, and murder, all perpetrated by the Pakistani government and contributing to growing self-censorship and restricted public discourse. Security challenges further complicate Pakistan’s human rights, as deadly attacks were carried out by militant groups in 2025 and 2026, including Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan, the Islamic State of Khorasan Province, Al-Qaeda, and the Balochistan Liberation Army. Furthermore, same-sex activity between men remains criminalized, placing homosexual individuals and transgender women at heightened risk of police abuse, discrimination, and violence. Regional instability leads to the worsening of human rights conditions. Rising tensions between India and Pakistan over Kashmir have led to military strikes, cross-border gunfire, and worsening security risks between the two nuclear-armed states. The long-standing dispute has involved repeated wars, killed civilians, displaced communities, and restricted freedoms. Simultaneously, escalating fighting between Pakistan and Afghanistan has caused serious human rights violations. In 2024, Pakistan deported 315,100 undocumented Afghan refugees, with thousands arrested amid harassment and coercion. Because discrimination against women and minorities is deeply embedded in society, and violence against them is both widespread and tolerated, Genocide Watch considers Pakistan to be at Stage 3: Discrimination and Stage 5: Organization. Deepening divisions along religious, gender, and political lines, reinforced by restrictive laws, censorship, and weak protections, place the country at Stage 6: Polarization. The continued targeting of vulnerable groups through violence, persecution, and displacement further reflects elements of Stage 9: Persecution. Genocide Watch recommends that: The European Union should use GSP+ review procedures to press Pakistan on narrowly defined reforms in freedom of expression, religious freedom, and women’s rights. Partner states should expand emergency relocation, humanitarian visas, and protection of referrals for journalists, defenders, and religious minorities at immediate risk. Security and diplomatic engagement with Pakistan should include public human rights benchmarks but should not assume major conditionality beyond what existing bilateral channels can support. The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights should campaign to consider Pakistan as a country of special concern, because of the country’s concerning record of human rights abuses against ethnic and religious minorities. Pakistan’s diplomatic and economic partners, such as the United States, China, and the United Kingdom, should urge and incentivize the country to combat honor killings and implement structural and systemic changes that would protect the lives and futures of women.

In this May 18, 2019 file photo, newly-arrived women who fled drought line up to receive food at a camp on the outskirts of the Somalian capital Mogadishu. Source: africanews. The number of people in Somalia experiencing crisis-levels of food insecurity has nearly doubled in the past year to 6.5 million people, UN-backed experts warned Tuesday. The Horn of Africa country has been plagued by conflict and suffered two consecutive failed rainy seasons, asd well as a drop in the amount of food aid available amid international funding cuts. The population classified as being in a "crisis or worse" situation "has nearly doubled between February–March 2026 to a staggering 6.5 million people since early 2025," according to the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification Initiative (IPC), a UN-backed group that monitors hunger and malnutrition. That includes more than two million people now in Phase 4, the "emergency" category, one step away from the "catastrophic" level, equal to famine, an IPC report said. An estimated 1.84 million children under five are at risk of acute malnutrition in 2026, including 483,000 severe cases that require urgent treatment, the IPC said. "This alarming deterioration is driven by worsening drought, rising food prices, and insecurity across central, southern, and parts of northern Somalia," the report added. "The situation is compounded by declining humanitarian assistance." The UN's World Food Programme (WFP) warned Friday it would have to stop humanitarian assistance in Somalia by April if it did not receive new funding. The Rome-based agency said it had already been forced to reduce the number of people receiving emergency food assistance from 2.2 million in early 2025 to just over 600,000 today. In January, the United States suspended aid to Somalia following the destruction of a US-funded WFP warehouse in the capital Mogadishu's port. The US announced a resumption of WFP food distribution on January 29. However, all UN agencies have warned of serious funding shortfalls since Washington began slashing aid following President Donald Trump's re-election last year. Levels of acute malnutrition in Somalia have risen for two consecutive years, the IPC report said. Rainfall from April to June is likely to be near normal in most areas and above-normal in some, but "this will likely lead to only a modest improvement in overall food security." Copyright © africanews Copyright 2019 The Associated Press. All rights reserved.

By Juliana Girotto Indigenous peoples and others participate in a demonstration calling for better government protection of people in the country’s remote communities, on October 21, 2020, in Bogotá, Colombia.© Sebastián Barros/NurPhoto. Genocide Watch is issuing a Genocide Warning for Colombia. Nearly a decade after the signing of the 2016 Peace Agreement between the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), violence and instability continue to impact civilians. Indigenous, Afro-descent, and rural peasant communities, as well as human rights defenders, are groups facing the highest risk of danger and human rights abuses. In remote rural areas of Colombia, illegal armed groups seek to intimidate communities and force relocation of those who may disrupt their activities. In 2024, an average of 16 community leaders were killed each month in Colombia, bringing the yearly total to 186 documented murders, surpassing the 163 reported during 2023. The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) has found that human rights defense work by social leaders is itself a primary factor making them vulnerable, due to their public opposition to illegal activities. In recent years, illegal armed groups have increased violence against social leaders who defend the environment or land against extractive projects. Indigenous and Afro-descent are especially vulnerable when they defend their communities. The state’s weak presence in rural areas only increases these vulnerabilities to violence and coercion. Regarding active militias, the Atlantic Council reports that five active armed conflicts remain between new and existing illegal armed groups. One of the largest active armed groups in recent years has been the National Liberation Army (ELN), along with many other FARC dissidents who refused to demobilize after the peace agreement and have only gained more influence since. These groups engage in narcotics production and trafficking, illegal mining, extortion, and human trafficking. They function as the de facto authorities in some regions, imposing curfews, restricting movement and economic activity, and brutally punishing those who do not comply. In 2025, Colombia’s President Gustavo Petro implemented a “Total Peace” plan that involved peace talks with these illegal armed groups. While negotiations have reduced violence between armed groups and state forces, they have also fueled inter-group fighting as fragmented and opportunistic armed groups compete for territory to enhance their negotiating positions. The Total Peace plan does not include deployment of security forces to weaken remaining groups and protect civilian populations. For example, in 2025 the ELN began a campaign against other armed groups at the Colombia-Venezuela border in the Catatumbo region to regain control of some of this territory. This effort has reportedly displaced over 56,000 people from their homes, one of the largest mass displacements in Colombia in decades. Child recruitment is a common strategy used by armed groups that has only continued to grow over recent years. In 2024, there were 625 reported cases of child recruitment by armed groups, an 81% increase of those reported in 2023. However, these are just the cases that are documented and there is believed to be a continuous upward trend in child recruitment throughout 2025. Children as young as 11 years old are being recruited and given basic training before they are sent to the front lines where they face dangerous conditions and often go days being denied basic necessities. Some children who are caught trying to escape after joining an armed group are executed, a practice for deterring other runaway children. Due to the continued territorial control and coordination of illegal armed groups such as the ELN and FARC dissidents, including their use of structured command systems, economic networks, and armed governance in rural regions, Genocide Watch considers Colombia to be at Stage 5: Organization. The systematic targeting of Indigenous, Afro-descendant, and rural peasant communities, along with human rights defenders and social leaders through killings, threats, forced displacement, and child recruitment, places Colombia at Stage 8: Persecution. Genocide Watch recommends: The Colombian government should recalibrate the Total Peace to ensure negotiations do not inadvertently fuel conflict among armed groups, conditioning talks on measurable reductions in violence against civilians. The Colombian government should strengthen protection for Indigenous, Afro-descent, and rural peasant communities and human rights defenders, prioritizing rural reform laid out in the 2016 agreement. The United Nations system should expand monitoring and reporting mechanisms in Colombia’s conflict-afflicted regions, including strengthening the mandate and resources of in-country human rights offices. Early warning systems should be actively utilized to prevent escalation toward mass atrocities.

By Michał Jagielski Senior Middle East and Iran Analyst Genocide Watch The flags of Iraq, the Kurdistan Region, and the United States. File photo: Rudaw At various stages, the Kurdish community of Iraq was one of Washington’s most important regional allies. The KDP and PUK joined American wars, opposed the Baathist regime, and stood at the front lines against ISIS. Despite their commitment and immense sacrifices, they never became equals in the eyes of American policymakers. Countless times, the Kurds served as a tool for U.S. regional aspirations without adequate protection or compensation, a pattern viewed by many as betrayal. It would be unfair to claim that Iraqi Kurds did not benefit from the relationship. The very existence of the KRG testifies to the immense life improvements now enjoyed by the community. Iraqi Kurdistan is the only semi-autonomous Kurdish region with freedom of cultural expression and self-governance, and, at various points, it has been the only stable part of the country. Yet, the relationship has always been utilitarian, rather than ideological. Strategic considerations have driven U.S. policy toward the Kurds, backing Kurdish ambitions only when doing so aligned with its own goals. This has set in motion a recurring pattern of brief Kurdish empowerment followed by instability and a rollback of autonomy. This is not to suggest that the U.S.’ policy has been erratic. In fact, its overarching aims have remained consistent. What has shifted is not the underlying logic, but the methods through which it is achieved. In March 2026, the Iraqi Kurds once again became central in the U.S. Middle Eastern policy. On February 28, 2026, the U.S. and Israel began striking Iran, igniting the ongoing war that, at the moment of writing, has killed over 3,000 people. Within a week, President Trump and Prime Minister Netanyahu began encouraging the Iranians to topple their regime, a call particularly aimed at Iran’s Kurdish population, which has long faced oppression under successive regimes. Various reports indicated that the CIA was arming Iranian Kurdish militias in Iraq, with plans to utilize Iraqi Kurds in a ground offensive against Tehran. What influenced the militias’ decision not to intervene, and whether they eventually will, remains unclear. If they do, the outcome will likely follow the pattern of previous U.S-backed Kurdish insurgencies. The community’s situation could improve under different Iranian leadership, as it did in Iraq, but it will likely not receive the level of autonomy it desires. The U.S. has always favored partners who do not antagonize its allies or disrupt the status quo. In Syria, the Kurdish-dominated Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) also fought at the forefront against ISIS and Assad’s regime, only to be abandoned once Ahmed al-Sharaa emerged as a viable alternative. Both the Iranian Kurds and the international community should learn from history to better protect the Kurds. Full report:

An attendee stands next to a placard during a demonstration by members of the Gabonese diaspora near the Gabonese embassy in Paris in April. Photograph: Simon Wohlfahrt/AFP/Getty Images. April 2026 By Deana Syrneva Gabon is currently undergoing a period of acute political instability following the August 2023 military coup which removed President Ali Bongo Ondimba from power after a contested third presidential election. The coup was led by Brice Oligui Nguema, who assumed authority as transitional president. Raymond Ndong Sima was appointed interim prime minister in September 2023. Although the coup was condemned internationally, it was met with public support domestically due to long-standing grievances related to dynastic rule, electoral manipulation, and political repression. Freedom House categorizes Gabon as a not free nation. While democracies are occasionally established in the wake of coups, emerging authoritarian regimes seem to bring higher levels of state-sanctioned violence and human rights abuses. Since the coup, Gabon has experienced continued human rights violations by both former regime elements and transitional authorities. Security forces have engaged in arbitrary arrests, including detention of journalists, union leaders, and political opponents. They have reportedly imposed curfews during the transition, which are reportedly enforced through excessive force, including extrajudicial killings. Restrictions on freedom of assembly and expression remain in place, and judicial independence has been further weakened under military oversight.   More recently, a long history of so-called “ritual murders,” including the December 2023 killing of a 13-year-old boy, has intensified public fear and social tension. In response, President Oligui Nguema announced plans to consult the population on reinstating the death penalty, which had been abolished in 2010. This proposal reflects a securitized and punitive response to criminal violence and risks further erosion of rule-of-law protections during an already fragile transition.   Internationally, the Commonwealth of Nations suspended Gabon following the August 2023 coup, calling for restoration of democratic governance and credible elections within two years. Gabon’s partial suspension was lifted in July 2025 after the Commonwealth assessed the April 2025 presidential election demonstrated sufficient progress toward restoring democratic governance. Nevertheless, the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group encouraged continued engagement on the rule of law and democratic norms.  Due to Gabon exhibiting early warning indicators including political classification, repression of opposition, and the normalization of state violence, Genocide Watch considers Gabon to be at Stage 1: Classification, Stage 2: Symbolization, and Stage 3: Discrimination.   Genocide Watch recommends: Gabon’s leadership should hold presidential and legislative elections by August 2025 under an electoral framework which guarantees opposition participation and international monitoring. Gabon’s security forces should put an end to mass arrests following political protects, including the practice of detained opposition supporters after election announcements. A U.N. organized independent fact-finding mission should investigate and prosecute Gabon’s security force abuses linked to the 2016 election violence and post-2023 coup enforcement action. Gabon’s security forces should cease intimidating, arresting, and detaining journalists during political unrest. The Commonwealth of Nations should maintain international pressure through prolonged suspension until civilian rule, juridical independence, and civil liberties are restored.