By Juliana Girotto Genocide Watch IRGC military personnel at a military rally in Tehran, Iran, on November 24, 2023. (Photo by Morteza Nikoubazl/NurPhoto via AP) Recent evidence suggests that the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) has consolidated power in Iran. With the IRGC now functioning as the dominant governing authority, the situation in Iran represents a shift from theocracy to militarized rule, with significant implications for civilian protection, political repression, and regional stability. This paper will analyze three United States’ (U.S.) policy options in response to the IRGC’s consolidation of power. This analysis prioritizes minimizing harm to Iranian civilians while assessing the feasibility and risks of available U.S. responses. Option 1: Full U.S. Military Intervention to Dismantle IRGC Rule The U.S. could escalate to large-scale military intervention aimed at weakening or removing IRGC control. This would build on the existing conflict and U.S. policy, in which U.S. and Israeli strikes have already targeted Iranian military and leadership. However, intelligence assessments suggest that Iran’s power structure shows no overt signs of cracking or defections. Instead, the regime has become more consolidated under IRGC control. Therefore, further intervention would likely require a prolonged campaign. Pros: Could significantly degrade the IRGC’s operations, limiting its ability to coordinate and creating an opening for political transition to potentially weaken the regime Would demonstrate a strong commitment to opposing militarized authoritarian rule, which may reassure regional allies Cons: High likelihood of mass civilian casualties, particularly because IRGC assets are embedded within densely-populated urban areas and civilian infrastructure Risks triggering a large-scale humanitarian crisis, including internal displacement and collapse of already-fragile public services Could provoke retaliation through regional networks, expanding the conflict beyond Iran and creating prolonged instability Option 2: Limited Intervention through Sanctions and Indirect Pressure The U.S. could avoid direct military escalation while intensifying economic sanctions and diplomatic isolation. The IRGC already controls major sectors of Iran’s economy, including oil exports and illicit financial networks, making it a central target for economic pressure. At the same time, Iran’s economy is already severely weakened by damage from war, unemployment, and inflation. Additional pressure would impact civilians who are already vulnerable due to those prolonged conditions. Pros: Provides a means of exerting sustained pressure on the regime without immediate destruction and loss of life associated within military intervention. Can constrain the IRGC’s access to international markets, financial systems, and resources. More politically sustainable, both domestically and internationally, allowing for multilateral enforcement Cons: Could produce broad economic suffering that disproportionately affects civilians, including inflation, unemployment, and supply shortages IRGC may adapt by expanding its control over illicit economies, potentially strengthening its position Prolonged economic hardship contributes to social instability, thus extending repression rather than relieving it Option 3: Non-Intervention and Humanitarian Response The U.S. could refrain from coercive intervention and instead focus on humanitarian aid, refugee support, and diplomacy. This approach reflects the reality that the IRGC has already consolidated control, so it is likely to respond to external pressure with increased internal repression and crackdowns, as it has in the past. In fact, recent reports show that the regime is continuing arrests, executions, and surveillance to maintain control. Pros: Minimizes the risk of further escalation and avoids contributing to additional casualties or destruction Allows resources to be directed toward immediate humanitarian needs Maintains flexibility for future diplomatic engagement or initiatives for de-escalation Cons: Leaves Iranian civilians under continued militarized and authoritarian rule, with limited external pressure on the regime to change its behavior Reduces US influence over internal political developments and its ability to shape outcomes in the region May be perceived as a lack of response to regime and as acceptance of IRGC control Conclusion Following the IRGC takeover, U.S. policy options involve a trade-off between escalation and harm-reduction. Military intervention offers the possibility of rapid change but at extreme humanitarian cost, while non-intervention minimizes violence but risks further entrenching repression. A more limited approach may balance these concerns.

27 April 2026 By Karolina Bonde, Genocide Watch © UNICEF/Alaa Badarneh Members of a family flee Jenin due to an escalation of violence. On Friday March 7, 2026, a distinguished group of United Nations experts warned that the genocide in Gaza is extending into the West Bank, as violence and Israeli military operations escalate across the Israeli-occupied Palestinian territories. The warning came amid growing alarm over conditions in Jerusalem and the wider West Bank, where they documented a sharp increase in extrajudicial killings, large-scale demolitions, and forced displacement. In addition, Palestinians have been facing increasingly punitive policing and restrictions on access to holy sites, particularly during the month of Ramadan. Between 2021 and 2025, experts recorded 144 deaths, over 11,500 arrests, nearly 2,400deportation orders, and more than 1,700 demolitions in Jerusalem's Governorate alone. Settler incursions into the Al-Aqsa Mosque compound reached 73,871 in 2025 alone. "Under the cover of an existential war against the Palestinians, Israel is accelerating measures that alter Jerusalem's demographic composition, religious character and legal status, destroying the remnants of the pluralistic fabric that Jerusalem has represented for centuries, for Muslims, Christians and Jews," the experts said, adding, "These acts must be understood in their totality: the ethnic cleansing of Palestine, by whatever means, whatever the cost and whatever crimes it takes. This environment is coercing Palestinians to leave their homes and life in a city where their roots run deep.” The experts called for immediate international action following the ICJ's July 2024 ruling that Israel's occupation of Palestinian territory is unlawful, urging all states to refrain from recognizing or aiding the occupation and to act to end it. These warnings echo those raised by Amnesty International, which accused Israeli authorities of unleashing an unprecedented wave of unlawful measures designed to dispossess Palestinians in the occupied West Bank and renderannexation irreversible. Amnesty documented a sharp escalation in the expansion of illegal settlements, authorizations of new outposts, and the formalization of West Bank land as state property. Francesca Albanese, the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian Territories and one of the experts behind the referenced report, has formally characterized these patterns as genocidal. In her report,"Genocide as Colonial Erasure," Albanese concluded there were reasonable grounds to believe Israel had committed acts of genocide in Gaza, since expanding that analysis to the West Bank and East Jerusalem. Under Article II of the 1948 Genocide Convention, genocide includes deliberately inflicting conditions of life calculated to bring about a group's physical destruction, a threshold UN experts argue the systematic demolition of homes, seizure of land and killing of civilians collectively meet. "The current genocide is part of a century-long project of eliminatory settler-colonialism in Palestine, a stain on the international system and humanity, which must be ended, investigated and prosecuted,” she concluded. There is no denying that the scale of the toll is stark. According to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), more than 1,000 Palestinians have been killed in the wider West Bank area since October 2023, nearly a quarter of them children. The agency noted that rising violence by Israeli settlers and armed forces is accompanied and fueled by impunity, while de facto annexation continues to accelerate as settlements expand. UNRWA's statement closed with a pointed reminder of the legal framework that experts across multiple bodies say is being violated: "The International Court of Justice has ruled that the Israeli occupation of the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, is illegal and must cease. International law applies to everyone, everywhere. There can be no exceptions." Genocide Watch recommends: States and relevant international bodies should take urgent steps to protect Palestinian civilians, including by ensuring unhindered humanitarian access, robust monitoring and documentation of violations, and measures aimed at preventing further displacement, unlawful killings and destruction of property. States should act in accordance with the ICJ’s July 2024 advisory opinion, including by refraining from recognizing or assisting the unlawful occupation and by ensuring that inaction does not contribute to ongoing violations. Independent media, civil society organizations and international bodies should continue to document and report on developments on the ground, ensuring sustained international attention and supporting efforts to prevent furtherviolations and preserve evidence. © 2026, Genocide watch

By Kristie Moore Central Asian migrants working in Russia's construction sector. Image: Lantyukhov Sergey/globallookpress.com/picture alliance. Photo Russia is home to a significant population of migrants from Central Asia: according to a 2024 Human Rights Watch report, approximately 1,792,000 Uzbek, 1,231,000 Tajik, and 262,000 Kyrgyz migrants reside there. These migrants come primarily in search of work, usually in unskilled labor fields, such as construction, transportation, retail, or rural agriculture. The migrants seek higher wages than they can earn in their home country, and they plan to send those wages home in the form of remittances which are often critical in maintaining their families’ livelihoods. The economies of many Central Asian countries are highly dependent on remittances: Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, and Tajikistan are among the countries with the highest remittance rates in the world, frequently ranking within the top ten in the world, with remittances hitting a record high of 79 billion USD in 2022. Such dependency of the Central Asian economies is a lasting legacy of the Soviet Union. Unfortunately, in Russia, Central Asian migrants face many hardships, including frequent collisions with Russia’s predatory migration policies, exploitation in the workplace, and racism. These hardships have only worsened since the outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine War and the Crocus City Hall Attack. In just the first six months of 2024, 85,800 Central Asian migrants were deported from Russia. There was also a sharp increase in anti-migrant sentiment and violence from both the state and communities. These incidents have directly impacted the daily life of Central Asian migrants, leading some to rethink the benefit of continuing to reside in Russia. Full Report:

The Hungarian anti-LGBTQ laws banned Budapest's 2025 Pride march, but it went ahead regardless The European Union's top court has ruled that Hungarian anti-LGBTQ laws violate EU rules and infringe its values of equality and minority rights. The laws were brought in by Viktor Orbán's government in 2021 and banned so-called promotion of homosexuality or gender change to under-18s, arguing it violated child protection laws. The European Court of Justice ruled that the Orbán reforms breached EU rules on a number of levels, and significantly that it also broke the founding values of Article 2 of the EU Treaty - an unprecedented finding. The ruling comes nine days after Hungarians voted to end Orbán's 16-year era of continuous rule. The ECJ ruled that the Hungarian law interfered with rights such as a ban on discrimination based on sex and sexual orientation, respect for private and family life and freedom of expression and information. The law also stigmatised and marginalised people who were transgender or not heterosexual and associated them with people convicted of paedophilia, the court found. The Hungarian law was "contrary to the very identity of the Union as a common legal order in a society in which pluralism prevails", it ruled. John Morijn, professor of law and politics in international relations at the University of Groningen in the Netherlands, said the Court's ruling was historic in its symbolism, in that it meant the rights of a group in society could not be negotiated away. "You cannot equate what is totally natural - that 10% of the population loves the same sex - with egregious crime," he told the BBC. Orbán's Fidesz party was able to push through the legislation with the help of a supermajority - with control of two-thirds of parliament. Last year, it passed a further amendment that enabled a ban on public events involving the LGBTQ community such as Budapest's popular Pride march, which went ahead despite the ban, prompting prosecutors to file charges against Mayor Gergely Karácsony. The European Commission said the anti-LGBTQ law would be one of the issues it would be taking up with the new government once it was in place. "It's up to the... Hungarian government to abide by the ruling and once that is done the issue is solved," said spokeswoman Paula Pinho. The man whose Tisza party defeated Orbán on 12 April, Péter Magyar, has not said much about the laws related to Hungary's LGBTQ community. However, in his victory speech, he spelt out his vision for Hungary as a country "where no-one is stigmatised for thinking differently than the majority, or loving differently than the majority". Magyar has promised to adopt a far more pro-European approach to Hungary's relations with the EU and it will be the responsibility of his government to reverse the legislation. His Tisza party has a two-thirds majority of 141 seats in the 199-seat National Assembly. He has also promised to unlock billions of euros in EU funding for Hungary, part of which was blocked because of issues surrounding the rule of law. Katja Štefanec Gärtner of LGBTQ rights group Ilga-Europe said there was now no excuse for the European Commission not to require Hungary to scrap its law fast. "If Péter Magyar truly aims to be pro-EU, he must place this at the top of his agenda for his first 100 days in office," Štefanec Gärtner said. Prof Morijn told the BBC the ECJ ruling could have wider legal implications regarding other EU member states, as it meant that the Commission could in future go to a member state over the rule of law with a similar warning. "You are basically violating EU law in such a fundamental way we are not only holding you to account for violating the letter of the law but also violating the spirit of that law, laid down in Article 2, which lists all the values of pluralism, equality and rule of law," Morijn said. Copyright 2026 BBC. All rights reserved. The BBC is not responsible for the content of external sites.

After talks in Switzerland, the two sides also made progress on a protocol for ceasefire oversight. Armed security personnel keep watch during a collective memorial service organised by the Alliance Fleuve Congo (AFC) and the M23 armed group in Masisi, North Kivu, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, January 8, 2026 [Moise Kasereka/EPA] By Al Jazeera Staff, AFP, and Reuters April 19, 2026 The government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and rival M23 rebels have agreed to ease aid deliveries and release prisoners, as mediators push to resolve a years-long conflict that has persisted despite multiple peace deals. The two sides announced the measures in a joint statement shared by the US Department of State on Saturday, following five days of talks in Switzerland. “The parties agreed to refrain from any action that would undermine the principled delivery of humanitarian assistance within the territories impacted by the conflict,” said the statement. Both sides also pledged not to target civilians and to facilitate medical care for the wounded and sick as they noted progress on a protocol for humanitarian access and judicial protections. They agreed to release prisoners within 10 days as part of efforts “to continue building confidence”. In addition, the parties signed a memorandum of understanding for a ceasefire monitoring mechanism that will “begin conducting surveillance, monitoring, verification, and reporting on the implementation of the permanent ceasefire between the parties”. Since 2021, the M23, backed by Rwanda, has seized territory in eastern DRC, a region ravaged by more than 30 years of conflict. While the two sides signed a United States-brokered peace agreement in December, fighting has continued, most recently reaching the highland areas of South Kivu, according to media reports. In a statement last week, Human Rights Watch accused the parties of blocking aid deliveries and stopping civilians from fleeing the South Kivu highlands. “Civilians in South Kivu’s highlands are facing a dire humanitarian crisis and live in fear of abuses by all parties,” said Clementine de Montjoye, senior Great Lakes researcher at Human Rights Watch. The latest round of talks, held in the Swiss Riviera town of Montreux, included representatives from Qatar, the US, Switzerland, the African Union (AU) Commission, and Togo serving as the AU mediator. © 2026 Al Jazeera Media Network

A European Union flag flutters outside the European Commission headquarters in Brussels, Belgium Februrary 26, 2026. REUTERS/Yves Herman//File Photo Purchase Licensing Rights BRUSSELS, April 28 (Reuters) - European Parliament lawmakers voted on Tuesday in favour of a consent-based definition of rape — known ‌as "only yes means yes" — and urged the European Commission to propose legislation establishing EU-wide rules. The EU adopted minimum standards to combat violence against women for the first time in 2024, but a proposed article to create a common definition of rape was ​dropped after opposition from several member states. "Silence, lack of resistance, the absence of a 'no', previous consent, ​past sexual conduct, or any current or previous relationship must not be interpreted as ⁠consent," the Parliament said in a statement after the vote on the report. The report also recognises two ​trauma responses, clarifying that neither can be interpreted as consent. It identifies the "freeze response", a reaction to fear ​or threat that can lead to temporary paralysis and a loss of the ability to speak, and the "fawn response", which is a survival strategy. A spokesperson for the European Commission said it would support national reforms, map the bloc's legal system and work to "identify further ​EU action, including legislative, to ensure that sex without consent is defined as rape across the EU". EU countries apply different legal definitions of rape, even among those that have ratified the Istanbul Convention, an international ‌treaty ⁠designed to protect women that criminalises rape based on the absence of consent. France updated its rape laws last year to include "freely given and informed" consent following the Gisele Pelicot mass rape trial. Previously, French criminal law did not include the concept of consent and defined rape as sexual acts using "violence, coercion, threat or surprise". German law ​uses the absence of "no" while Austria ​relies on a force-based ⁠definition. Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Lithuania, and Slovakia have not ratified the convention while in October, Latvia's parliament voted to withdraw from it. "Most rapes are committed by ​someone the victim knows, at home, without physical violence, and most victims are ​paralysed by fear ⁠rather than fight back. For years the law has been built around the wrong picture of rape entirely," Swedish lawmaker Abir Al-Sahlani with the Renew group said in a statement. "This report also names rape culture for what it ⁠is, ​not a collection of bad individuals but a system of attitudes ​and norms that normalises sexual violence and protects perpetrators." Some 447 lawmakers voted in favour of the report, 43 abstained, and 160 parliamentarians voted ​against. Opposition came largely from conservative and far-right groups.

Credit: Vajiram https://d0dbb2cb-698c-4513-aa47-eba3a335e06f.filesusr.com/ugd/d0bbf9_77855b0efffb413da8257c7afac6ff15.pdf

April 2026 By Grace Harris US President Donald Trump speaks during a press conference in the White House in Washington on April 6, 2026.Kevin Lamarque/Reuters On April 7, 2026, United States (U.S.) President Donald Trump shared a threat that “a whole civilization will die tonight, never to be brought back again” in a post on Truth Social. This rhetoric goes far beyond threats of traditional warfare and denotes an explicit threat of civilizational devastation. In writing this, he has presented a clear threat of genocide under the United Nations (U.N.) Genocide Convention and the Rome Statute, because he expressed the “intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group.” Genocide Watch joins over 200 leading organizations and experts in raising the alarm about the dangers this threat carries. Trump's words serve as an example of Stage 6: Polarization, but they carry the threat of Stage 9: Extermination. Furthermore, this must be understood in the context of recent U.S. and Israeli attacks on Iranian schools and hospitals, numbering at least 39. In a U.S. strike on Shajareh Tayyebeh Elementary School on February 28, 168 people were killed. Over 100 of the victims were elementary-aged children. As of April 26, figures from human rights groups and government records indicate that 2,100 civilians have been killed since the start of this conflict, although these numbers are likely underreported. Previous threats to destroy civilian infrastructure in Iran also amount to a war crime under international law. While no civilization-ending attack took place earlier this month, peace talks ended with no agreement, and the U.S. military blockade began on April 13. Due to the use of incendiary threats and potential for further escalation, Genocide Watch considers Trump’s threats towards Iranian civilians to be Stage 4: Discrimination and Stage 6: Polarization. These threats, alongside widespread bombings of civilians and the destruction of vital infrastructure and services, carry the threat of Stage 8: Persecution and Stage 9: Extermination as well. Genocide Watch recommends: President Trump must retract these threats and refrain from further language that suggests collective destruction and which may incite genocide. Public officials in the U.S. should affirm responsible public discourse and accountability. The U.S. must commit to ceasefire negotiations and a peace process, alongside Israel and Iran. The U.N. and the international community should monitor the U.S. for compliance with international law. The U.S. should become a signatory to the Rome Statute.

The ACLU is tracking 525 Anti-LGBTQ bills in the U.S. While not all of these bills will become law, they all cause harm for LGBTQ people. Map Tracker. Credit: ACLU About the Data: How state lawmakers are targeting LGBTQ Rights Overview In the last few years states have advanced a record number of bills that attack LGBTQ rights, especially transgender youth. The ACLU is tracking these attacks and working with our national network of affiliates to support LGBTQ people everywhere. While more states every year work to pass laws to protect LGBTQ people, state legislatures are advancing bills that target transgender people, limit local protections, and allow the use of religion to discriminate. The ACLU will not stop speaking out against these cruel attacks nationwide. LGBTQ people have a right to live in safety, to thrive, and to be treated with dignity. How the ACLU Tracks Anti-LGBTQ Legislation: Our legal and advocacy team works with ACLU affiliates and local organizations across the country to monitor state legislatures for bills targeting the rights of LGBTQ people. Each bill is reviewed by legal staff at the ACLU’s LGBTQ & HIV Project before being categorized on this site. The process by which bills become law or not differ in each state depending on state law and constitutions. Learn how the ACLU tracks and identifies the anti-LGBTQ bills. Have you experienced discrimination? Report here. States Just like Congress at the federal level, every state has a legislative body responsible for passing laws that impact their state residents. While some states have been at the forefront of advancing LGBTQ equality, state-level attacks on LGBTQ people, particularly transgender people, have escalated dramatically since 2015. Click on a state in the map or table to show all the bills in that state. Bill Numbers The letters in front of the bill number refer to the legislative chamber the bill originated in: H = House S = Senate HR = House Resolution SR = Senate Resolution AB = Assembly Bill Click on a bill number to go to its state government website with the bill's language and sponsors. Issues Barriers To Accurate IDs These bills would limit the ability to update gender information on IDs and records, such as birth certificates and driver’s licenses. This puts transgender people at risk of losing jobs, facing harassment, and other harms. Trans, intersex, and nonbinary people need IDs that accurately reflect who they are to travel, apply for jobs, and enter public establishments without risk of discrimination or violence. Learn more: Transgender People and Identity Documents Free Speech & Expression Bans, Drag Bans, Other Expression Restrictions Despite the safeguards of the First Amendment’s right to free expression, politicians are trying pass Drag Bans to prohibit or censor performances like drag shows. They are also fighting to pass Other Expression Restrictions to limit how and when LGBTQ people can be themselves by limiting access to books about them or other public expression of LGBTQ identity. Learn more: How LGBTQ Voices are Being Erased in Classrooms Healthcare Restrictions, Healthcare Age Restrictions, Healthcare Funding Restrictions, Prison Healthcare Restrictions, Total Healthcare Bans, Other Healthcare Barriers Healthcare Age Restrictions ban affirming care for trans youth, and can create criminal penalties for providing this care. These bills exempt identical treatments offered to cisgender youth or are forced onto intersex youth. Healthcare Funding bills target access to medically-necessary health care for transgender people through programs like Medicaid or block insurance coverage for this healthcare for transgender people. Prison Healthcare Restrictions would limit access to medically necessary healthcare for incarcerated transgender people. Learn more: Five Things to Know About Gender-Affirming Health Care Public Accommodation Bans These bills seek to prohibit transgender people from using facilities like public bathrooms and locker rooms. Everyone should have access to these spaces, no matter their gender identity or gender expression. If you can’t use the restroom, you can’t fully participate in work, school, and public life. Learn more: Anti-Trans Bathroom Bills Have Nothing to Do With Privacy Restricting Student & Educator Rights, Curriculum Censorship, Forced Outing In Schools, School Facilities Bans, School Sports Bans, Other School Restrictions State lawmakers are trying to prevent trans students from participating in school activities by passing School Sports Bans or School Facilities Bans that prevent transgender students from using communal restrooms, requiring Forced Outing in Schools by teachers and school staff, and Curriculum Censorship bills to prohibit any in-school discussions of LGBTQ people and issues. Instead of limiting resources, education, and opportunities, our schools should protect and support all students to learn and thrive. Know your rights: A Guide for Trans and Gender Nonconforming Students Weakening Civil Rights Laws, Re-Definition Of Sex, Religious Exemptions, Other Civil Rights Restrictions Re-Definition of Sex bills attempt to exclude trans and nonbinary people from protection under the law by embracing definitions of “woman” and “man” that are solely about reproductive capacity. Religious Exemptions bills undermine and weaken nondiscrimination laws by allowing employers, businesses, and even hospitals to turn away LGBTQ people or refuse them equal treatment. Learn more: Using Religion to Discriminate Other Anti-LGBTQ Bills These bills don’t quite fit in any of the other categories, but nonetheless target the rights of LGBTQ people. Examples include bans on marriage and bills preempting local nondiscrimination protections. Learn more: Trans People Belong Statuses A bill's status shows how far along it is on the path to becoming a law: Introduced: The bill has been written, filed, and assigned a number. Advancing: The bill may be debated and may ultimately be voted on in state legislative chambers. Passed Into Law: If both the state House and Senate vote to pass the same language, the bill goes to the governor and if the governor signs it, it becomes law. If a bill is vetoed by the governor, the legislature may still vote to override that veto, in which case the bill would become law. Defeated: The bill is vetoed by the governor, didn't get enough votes, or is withdrawn. In Court: A lawsuit has been filed challenging the bill. Click “View case info” under the status text to learn more. © 2026 American Civil Liberties Union

April 2026 By Leonardo Monopoli Destruction of Kfar Kila as white phosphorus bombs are used to raze the town to the ground, 2024, Rabih Daher, Agence France Presse On March 2, 2026, the war between Israel and Hezbollah resumed following Hezbollah’s launch of hundreds of missiles into Northern Israel and after scores of Israeli violations of the ceasefire agreement of 2024. Following the Israeli occupation of Lebanon in 1982, Hezbollah was founded with Iranian funding. Hezbollah issued a manifesto calling for the destruction of the state of Israel, a declaration of genocidal intent. The Israeli – Hezbollah war of 2026 has caused widespread long term infrastructural and environmental harm in Lebanon. Israeli bombing and evacuation orders have displaced 1.2 million people from Southern Lebanon. 2,196 people have been killed. 7,185 people have been seriously injured. Israeli bombing has leveled 1,400 buildings. A ten-day ceasefire deal was reached on the 16 April 2026 following US diplomatic pressure on Israel. It can be extended- to allow for negotiations between Israel and Lebanon which have begun in Washington, DC. Hezbollah is not included in the negotiations. Like Trump’s “peace” deal between Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of the Congo which did not include M23, the main combatant, the Israeli-Lebanon negotiations are unlikely to produce peace. Israel’s bombing and its occupation of southern Lebanon violate the UN Charter, the Hague Conventions of 1907 and the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949. Israel is a state-party to all of these treaties, the foundations of international humanitarian law. Israel’s bombing violates all three core principles of the laws of war: distinction, proportionality and precaution. Israel’s relentless bombing of southern Lebanon, the Beqaa Valley, and Beirut’s civilian inhabitants constitutes a war crime. This emergency alert refers to the Israeli strategy of rendering southern Lebanon uninhabitable through ecocide and domicide. “Ecocide” is defined by the Independent Expert Panel for the Legal Definition of Ecocide in June 2021 as “unlawful or wanton acts committed with knowledge that there is a substantial likelihood of severe and either widespread or long-term damage to the environment being caused by those acts."Domicide" is defined as the deliberate, widespread or systematic destruction of housing and living spaces. Both represent a ‘deliberate strategy of warfare’, with long-term consequences for public health and safety, food and water security, basic public services, economic development and reconstruction. Israel’s October 2023 war with Hezbollah destroyed 1,879 hectares of prime farmland, more than 47,000 olive trees, and around 1,200 hectares of oak forests in southern Lebanon . Israel’s 2026 bombing continues its policy of ecocide and domicide. The Monk Forest (Harj Al-Raheb) provides an ecological resource crucial to the livelihood of people and animals in southern Lebanon. The forest acts as a barrier against erosion and seasonal floods. Rain on the forest fills underground reservoirs with water and bees flourish, providing pollination and sources of income. Endangered species, including the striped hyena, Syrian jackal and Egyptian mongoose depend on the forest. Birds use the Monk Forest for their annual migrations, with one species going extinct, marking the first known global bird extinction in Europe North Africa and West Asia. Human Rights Watch has documented Israel’s use of white phosphorus and incendiary bombs to burn farms, olive groves and forests in a scorched earth policy. Satellite imagery shows white craters amidst greenery in the Monk Forest, highlighting extensive white phosphorus use alongside documented use of bulldozing. Use of white phosphorus against civilians is outlawed by Protocol III of The Convention on Prohibitions or Restrictions on the Use of Certain Conventional Weapons Which May Be Deemed to Be Excessively Injurious or to Have Indiscriminate Effects (1980), prohibits attacking civilians with incendiary weapons. However, Israel is not a state-party to Protocol III of the Conventional Weapons Convention. The Lebanese Ministry of Environment announced high levels of heavy metals and phosphorus 900 times the normal amount in the soil in southern Lebanon. This contamination poses a threat to public health because it will inhibit crops’ ability to absorb nutrients. The contamination also pollutes groundwater, threatening southern Lebanon’s water supply. Since March 2026, Israel Defense Forces have rendered at least 540 hectares of Lebanese farmland unusable. Israel has sprayed 20-30 times the normal amount of glyphosate, a herbicide which has been linked to the deadly cancer Non-Hodgkins Lymphoma by the WHO. The OHCHR stated in February 2026 that attacks on Lebanese farmland and water pose a ‘serious humanitarian risk’. As Hisham Younes put it, the concept of making land unable to provide substance comes straight from the ‘colonial tradition of warfare’ that dates back to the genocidal Roman sowing of salt on the fields of Carthage. Israel destroyed between 10,000 structures in Lebanon between October 2024 and January 2025 destroying whole villages such as Kfar Kila. Israeli Defense Forces destroyed homes, mosques, cemeteries, roads, parks and football pitches. Israel excused its attacks on civilian infrastructure with the claim that Hezbollah was using civilian structures to store weapons and for refuge. Israel uses this excuse to bomb Beirut’s suburbs such as Dahiyeh without warning. On April 8, 2026, the IDF bombed busy commercial and residential areas in central Beirut, without warning. The Israeli military also uses bulldozers and explosives to destroy Lebanese towns. BBC Verify has documented the demolition of seven southern Lebanese towns, including. Khiam, Deir Seryan, Taybeh, Markaba, Aita al-Shaab, Qouzah and Naqoura. Israeli Defence minister Israel Katz ordered the destruction of these towns to establish an Israeli controlled security zone that will occupy over 10% of Lebanese territory. This order to "accelerate the destruction of Lebanese homes" was based on the "Rafah and Beit Hanoun model in Gaza." Destruction even includes the demolition of mosques. For reference, The IDF destroyed 90% of homes in Rafah. The Israeli Defence Minister has openly stated that the goal is to prevent the return of about 600,000 residents of southern Lebanon. Mass forced displacement is a war crime and crime against humanity under Article 7(1)(d) of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. Destruction of civilian property is prohibited by Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention unless it is a military necessity. According to Professor Janina Dill, this does not equate to gaining a military advantage and does not allow for the destruction of entire villages. Destruction of entire Lebanese villages is a quintessential example of domicide. Israel is not only destroying homes but is also preventing Lebanese civilians from returning to homes still standing. As established by OHCHR experts, the issuing of blanket evacuation orders and the destruction of urban and village housing is a copy of the domicide policy Israel used in Gaza. Experts on the law of war say that Israel’s takeover of southern Lebanon does not qualify as self-defence. Instead, it is aggression. To cut southern Lebanon off from the rest of the country, the IDF has blown up bridges over the Litany River. This has cut transport routes for displaced persons to return to their homes. It has prevented medical and humanitarian aid teams to provide medical care and food. On 16 April 2026, the IDF destroyed the Qasmiyeh Bridge, the last bridge linking western, central and eastern Lebanon with southern Lebanon. The IDF has isolated remaining southern Lebanese from the rest of the country. Israel has also targeted medical facilities. Israeli bombing has killed 53 medical workers, destroyed 87 ambulances and closed five hospitals to close. The Jabal Amel University Hospital in Tyre has been bombed five times. On 14 April 2026, the Hospital of Tebnine was bombed, causing ‘substantial damage’. The closing of five hospitals has produced intense overcrowding in waiting rooms as Lebanese civilians cannot access basic medical services. During 2024, Israeli bombing damaged more than 45 water networks in Lebanon, impacting almost half a million people. According to Oxfam, Israel is again deliberately destroying water and sanitation infrastructure as a method of warfare. The IDF has bombed 19 water treatment plants that previously provided clean water to 60,000 people in southern Lebanon. Israel has also destroyed heavy machinery to delay or prevent reconstruction. Destruction of water supplies is a blatant violation of Article 54 of Additional Protocol I of the Geneva Conventions. Israel is not a State-Party to Additional Protocol I, but with 174 nations ratifying it most international law authorities assert that it has become part of Customary International Law, which applies to every nation. As a result of the continued ecocide and domicide policies perpetrated by Israel in Lebanon, aimed at making the south of Lebanon uninhabitable through several means such as chemical weapons, Genocide Watch recognizes this crisis to be at Stage 9: Extermination. Furthermore, as Lebanese civilians are deliberately deprived of basic human rights and services such as water and shelter, Genocide Watch places this situation at Stage 8: Persecution. Additionally, extensive propaganda of the dangers of Lebanese border communities framed as justification for destructive policies, reflects elements of Stage 7: Preparation and Stage 4: Dehumanization of the inhabitants of Lebanon. This is strengthened by the rhetoric employed by Hezbollah, who has framed the fight against Israel and the United States of America as existential and made the reason for its struggle the ‘obliteration’ of the ‘Zionist entity’. Genocide Watch recommends: Israel, Lebanon, and Hezbollah must comply with UN Security Council Resolution 1701 and continue their ceasefire. The UN Human Rights Council and ICC should establish independent investigations into war crimes by all parties. The UN General Assembly should create a Commission of Inquiry to investigate Ecocide and Domicide in Lebanon. The International Law Commission should draft an Additional Protocol to the Geneva Conventions prohibiting Ecocide and Domicide as war crimes.

Country Report: Ethiopia April 2026 By Grace Harris Women and children queuing inside a humanitarian aid center in Tigray. (Photo: Forbes) Once again, fears of war between Ethiopia and Eritrea are on the rise, currently surrounding the contested issue of access to the Red Sea. Their fragile alliance in 2018, forged after decades of conflict, earned Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed a Nobel Peace Prize. However, relations soon broke down in the aftermath of conflict in Tigray. With tensions on the rise, there is a real risk of further escalation. After initially seeking mediation, leaders have since traded hostile rhetoric over coastal access. Ethiopia has threatened military action to seize Eritrea’s southernmost Assab port, presenting a show of force through military promotions and graduation ceremonies, while using social media to spread the narrative that it is reclaiming an unjust loss. Eritrea, in response, has framed this as a legally-settled issue and accused Ethiopia of inciting conflict. In the Amhara region, in 2024, regional forces arrested thousands of people in a campaign of mass arbitrary detentions targeting Amharans. While hundreds were released in 2025, thousands remain detained. Alongside active conflict with the Fano militia in Amhara and the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) in Oromia, state-sanctioned violence in anti-insurgency crackdowns in both regions has led to civilian massacres in 2023 and 2024, and by order of a recently-revealed secret committee. Beyond this, the legacy of atrocities in the Tigray region of Ethiopia remains central. Five years on, there has been no accountability for perpetrators of the genocide of Tigrayans during Ethiopia’s 2020-2022 civil war. An extensive 2024 New Lines Institute report confirms this assessment and provides evidence that Ethiopian and Eritrean forces together committed genocide in Tigray. Today, Tigrayans face discriminatory treatment such as arbitrary detentions and restrictions on movement. There remains an urgent need for justice and accountability, and many have expressed fears of a violent resurgence. Any future conflict will have heightened risks of genocide and mass atrocity crimes. Around 800,000 people remain internally displaced in Tigray, and they rely on informal support networks amidst irregular food distribution, medicine shortages, and aid cuts. An attempted regional coup in Tigray in March 2025 adds further complexity to the dynamics in Ethiopia. A rival faction of the TPLF overtook the mayor’s office and supplanted provincial government positions. The lasting effects of this internal power struggle are significant in wider considerations of Ethiopian stability and security. Ethiopia has also accused Eritrea of colluding with the TPLF, complicated by the emerging internal divisions within the TPLF and by Ethiopia’s recent admission that Eritrean forces massacred civilians during the war in Tigray. The state of Ethiopia still does not recognize its own complicity and role in these atrocities. Due to violence against civilians in regional conflicts, escalating tensions, and continued denial of atrocities committed in Tigray, Genocide Watch considers Ethiopia to be at Stage 3: Discrimination, Stage 5: Organization, and Stage 10: Denial. Genocide Watch recommends that: States and other parties should charge Ethiopia with violation of the United Nations Genocide Convention in the International Court of Justice for genocide in Tigray. The U.N. Human Rights Council should appoint a Fact-Finding Mission to investigate massacres and other atrocities committed by the Ethiopian and Eritrean armies and regional militias. The U.N. and African Union should host mediations between the Ethiopian and Eritrean governments.

By Juliana Girotto Genocide Watch Legislators hold photographs of social leaders who have been killed as Colombia's congress opens its new session ahead of the inauguration of leftist President-elect Gustavo Petro, in Bogota, Colombia July 20, 2022. REUTERS/Nathalia Angarita/File Photo Purchase Licensing Rights In 2024, the South American nation of Colombia saw an average of 16 community leaders killed each month, resulting in a total of 186 documented murders in 2024, or 23 more than in the prior year. Community leaders in Colombia play an important role in three critical and contested areas: advocating for sustainable land usage; supporting peace processes following the signing of the 2016 Final Agreement to End the Armed Conflict and Build a Stable and Lasting Peace; and advocating for the rights of locals who typically come from minority groups, such as Indigenous, Afro-descent, and peasant populations. The human rights defense work performed by community leaders is one of the factors that makes them the most vulnerable to violence, according to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR). Indigenous and Afro-descent leaders are often victims of violence perpetrated by armed actors who seek to intimidate communities and force relocation of those who may disrupt their activities. The 2016 Final Agreement focused on ending the armed campaign of the Revolutionary Armed Forces (FARC), establishing a transitional system to gain justice for victims of the conflict, increasing government investments in rural FARC-controlled areas, and ending FARC’s drug trade. However, implementation has proceeded slowly and with mixed success. A United Nations Office of the High Commissioner of Human Rights (OHCHR) report released in 2023 emphasized four obstacles to implementation: the continuation of violence, the lack of human rights guarantees of peace signatories, delays in the implementation of the Ethnic Chapter and gender provisions, and a lack of integration of the peace agreement into state policy. These obstacles directly impact the the ability of community leaders to facilitate transitional justice in their own communities. They also endanger the safety of those leaders: as of the beginning of 2025, there have been persistently high levels of violence, especially in rural areas, by rebel and criminal groups who continue to gain more influence in some parts of the country. Community leaders in Colombia fulfill an essential role by acting as intermediaries between the State and community and by defending the well-being and cultural integrity of their peoples against armed groups. Thus, violence directed toward these leaders threatens to eliminate their communities' only advocates for their political participation, safety and defense, and social cohesion. These community leaders and the minority groups they protect are at serious risk of erasure, so efforts to implement the 2016 Final Agreement must be reevaluated. The continued assassinations of community leaders in Colombia demonstrates how defining factors in transitional peace contexts contribute to sustained cycles of violence that harm marginalized groups. Those defining factors include the lasting impacts of structural inequality, weak State protection, and competition for local authority. Full report: