Radio Free Europe February 20th, 2026 Major General Roman Demurchiev has served as commander of the 42nd Guards Motor Rifle Division, fighting in Ukraine. On October 18, 2022, roughly eight months after Russia launched its all-out war on Ukraine, a high-ranking Russian officer texted several messages to his wife and several acquaintances back home in Russia. The officer, then-Colonel Roman Demurchiev, commander of the 42nd Guards Motor Rifle Division, bragged about how his soldiers had just stormed a "strongpoint" in Ukraine, and had captured four prisoners-of-war. In a message to his wife, Aleksandra, he sent a photograph that appeared to be several human ears, blackened and hanging from a metal pipe. "What do you do with them afterward?" Aleksandra wrote. "I'll make a garland and give it as a gift," Demurchiev, who was promoted to major general the following year, responded. "Like pig ears for beer," she wrote. "Yeah," he replied. The gory banter, and evidence of possible war crimes by a senior Russian military officer, are among the revelations contained in three years of communications -- text and audio messages, photographs, videos -- purportedly sent and received by Demurchiev. The materials -- dozens of messages and other related materials -- were provided to reporters from Schemes, the investigative unit of RFE/RL's Ukrainian Service , by a person serving in the Ukrainian military. RFE/RL agreed not to disclose the person's identity or how they obtained the files. Schemes verified the authenticity of the communications, working with forensics laboratories in the United States and data researchers in Germany. The full Schemes video report, in Ukrainian, can be viewed here . RFE/RL reporters also corroborated many of the dates and events listed in the data using details provided by soldiers from Ukraine's Third Army Corps, whose units fought, and continue to fight, against soldiers under Demurchiev's command. Contacted by RFE/RL by phone, Demurchiev, 49, hung up upon being asked about the treatment of prisoners of war. The Russian Defense Ministry did not respond to RFE/RL's emails regarding its policies on the treatment of prisoners of war. 'You Didn't Touch The Ears?' Throughout Russia's war on Ukraine, which hits its fourth anniversary on February 24, there have been widespread allegations of, and ample evidence pointing to, war crimes being committed by Russian units. Among the best-known examples was from Bucha, a town north of the Ukrainian capital, Kyiv, that was occupied by Russian forces for just over a month. After the Russian troops withdrew, residents discovered dozens of dead bodies, overwhelmingly civilians that appeared to have been summarily executed or tortured, with corpses lying on streets or piled in basements. With the help of military records left behind in Bucha and cross-referenced with social media profiles, RFE/RL identified several members of one particular unit -- the 234th Pskov Regiment -- that was directly involved in the killings of civilians. In the correspondence obtained by RFE/RL, the conversation about the mutilated ears began when Demurchiev wrote to another army officer who was a longtime acquaintance: Major General Igor Timofeev, the first deputy commander of the 36th Army. "You didn't touch the ears? Like when we were kids?" Timofeev replied in response. It's unclear exactly what Timofeev was referring to. However, both he and Demurchiev fought in Chechnya in the 2000s, during the conflict that ravaged the Russian region. An image of Roman Demurchiev, taken from a documentary film, when he was serving as a younger soldier during the war in Chechnya. Demurchiev then started a separate chat on the same subject with his wife, Aleksandra. In one of her responses, she also appeared to refer to Chechnya when reacting to the ear photo: "I thought those were tales from Chechnya times," she wrote. "Turns out it's true." Aleksandra could not be reached for comment. Russian forces have been accused of amputating the ears of prisoners in the past. During the First Chechen War, in the 1990s, journalists and human rights activists documented multiple reports of mutilations by Russian troops. In 2000-2001, during the second conflict in the region, Human Rights Watch and the Russian rights group Memorial described bodies with severe mutilations, including scalping, broken limbs, and cut-off fingers and ears. Russian media have described similar practices by Chechen fighters. In 2022, Schemes obtained another series of recordings of calls from Russian soldiers, intercepted by Ukrainian intelligence. In one, a soldier could be heard saying of a prisoner: "He wouldn't talk. They cut off his ear." Demurchiev mentioned amputating ears again in late 2024 in a voice message sent to a contact identified as Valery Nepop. RFE/RL was able to determine that Nepop was likely an officer with the Federal Security Service, Russia's main domestic intelligence agency. "You're the boss of a super organization, that's my dream," Demurchiev can be heard saying. "Damn, and you even cut off the ears. But at our age they don't do that anymore; we just give out the orders." Of Mice And Generals Some of the materials sent or received by Demurchiev showcased dark, juvenile, and often sadistic humor among his colleagues or acquaintances, many of whom are Russian officers. In one received by Demurchiev in December 2023, a live mouse is shown tied up by its legs -- spread-eagled, as if it were being crucified -- as a Russian voice pretends to interrogate the mouse, offering it a cigarette. Demurchiev replied with a smiley-face emoji to the video, sent by Lieutenant General Mikhail Kosobokov, commander of the 49th Combined Arms Army. In a separate message sent to Kosobokov, Demurchiev sent a Russian-language meme that said: "It's not a war crime if it was fun." In another series of messages with a person who appeared to be a military intelligence officer attached to the FSB named Roman, Demurchiev asked Roman what to do about a Ukrainian prisoner in his custody. "I've got one prisoner… I can gift him to you," he wrote in the October 2023 messages. "He's sitting in a pit… What should I do with him -- dispose of him or give him to you?" "We didn't have time to torture him, so the info was friendly," Demurchiev wrote. "But you've got plenty of time -- you can use tools that make people tell the truth." RFE/RL identified the prisoner in question: a 42-year-old man from the southern city of Zaporizhzhya who spent nearly two years in Russian captivity, including a facility in Altai, a Russian region far from Ukraine. In the summer 2025, the man was returned to Ukraine, as part of a prisoner exchange. RFE/RL reporters contacted the soldier via relatives. The man declined to speak in detail, saying he was in poor physical and mental health. He only said that he had been severely beaten and subjected to electric shock. 'Are They Dismembering Them?' Other messages exchanged by Demurchiev point to his possible complicity not only in blatant war crimes -- but also possibly outright murder. In December 2024, Demurchiev received a video message that appears to have been taken by drone, using a thermal imaging camera. A voice speaking in Russian off-camera asks: "Are they dismembering them?" Yeah, with a shovel," another voice responds. "Are they ours?" the first voice says, asking if the people wielding the shovels are Russian soldiers. Yeah," the second voice replies. Holy shit!" the first exclaims. Other messages sent by Demurchiev explain that the soldiers shown in the video were former prison inmates and that they had hacked three surrendering Ukrainians to death using sapper shovels. "Well, I reported this to you. Two of the cons made it into the stronghold. There were three Ukrainians," he wrote to his commanding officer, General Oleg Mityaev, using a derisive insult to describe them. "They took them prisoner and then chopped them up with shovels. Shit. Beasts. But look, shit, they executed them with sapper shovels. Shit." RFE/RL identified the Ukrainian military unit whose soldiers were taken prisoner and then killed by Russian troops. The unit said the incident occurred in eastern Ukraine. The unit also asked RFE/RL not to disclose its identity or the names of the deceased, saying that could traumatize relatives or survivors. Intelligence data provided by the unit identified the former prison inmates who were mentioned by Demurchiev in the video: members of the "Black Mamba" unit of the 252nd Motorized Rifle Regiment, part of the Third Division of Russia's 20th Combined Arms Army. In later correspondence, Demurchiev reported the details of the incident to Mityaev, who commanded Russia's 20th Army. Mityaev responded with praise. "The ‘cons' who took that location and chopped them up with shovels, God willing, they'll survive," he said. "They should definitely be nominated for an award. Keep pushing, little by little. Well done…Good job, keep pushing, keep pushing, crush the bastards, shit." Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty © 2026 RFE/RL, Inc. All Rights Reserved.

Chaos and violence in Mexico following the death of El Mencho, leader of the Jalisco New Generation Cartel February 23, 2026 By Agencia EFE Members of the National Guard guard the area where the body of Nemesio Rubén Oseguera Cervantes, alias ‘El Mencho’, leader of the Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG) killed in Mexico City (Mexico), was transferred. Photo: EFE/Mario Guzmán Mexico City (EFE). - Mexico is facing an escalation of violence, with fires and roadblocks in at least 16 of its 32 states, following the killing on Sunday of one of the most wanted drug lords, El Mencho, leader of the Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG), in an operation carried out with US intelligence, amid growing pressure from Washington to combat drug trafficking. Nemesio Rubén Oseguera Cervantes, alias El Mencho, 59, died while being transported by air to Mexico City by federal forces following an operation in the municipality of Tapalpa, 130 kilometers south of Guadalajara, capital of Jalisco (west), carried out with the support of information from the United States, according to the Mexican Defense Ministry. The operation in that rural area led to an armed confrontation in which the military repelled an attack, resulting in the deaths of seven alleged CJNG members—including the leader himself—two arrests, and the seizure of high-powered weapons and armored vehicles, including rocket launchers, according to the Army. Members of the National Guard guard the area where the body of Nemesio Rubén Oseguera Cervantes, alias ‘El Mencho’, leader of the Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG) killed in Mexico City (Mexico), was transferred. Photo: EFE/Mario Guzmán In response to the action, so-called “narco-blockades” began in various parts of southern Jalisco, the birthplace of the CJNG, with vehicles set on fire and roads closed. The state government activated a “code red” and suspended public transportation in some areas and in-person classes on Monday. The reaction spread to neighboring states such as Michoacán, Colima, and Nayarit (west), and later to Guanajuato, Aguascalientes (center), Tamaulipas, Baja California (north), Guerrero, and Quintana Roo (south), where roadblocks and fires targeting vehicles and businesses—including branches of the government's Banco del Bienestar—were reported. Flight cancellations, school closures, roadblocks In Puerto Vallarta (Jalisco), one of the country's main tourist destinations, flights were canceled, while across the state the governor suspended mass events, including a concert by American singer Kali Uchis in Guadalajara, one of the host cities for the 2026 World Cup. So far, at least 16 states have reported blockades and unrest, including Puebla, Querétaro, the State of Mexico (center), Veracruz, Oaxaca, and Chiapas (south). In addition to the seven hitmen killed in the operation in Jalisco, another four died in Michoacán, according to Governor Alfredo Ramírez. A further 22 people were arrested in Jalisco, Michoacán, and Guanajuato, according to official data. Classes have been officially suspended in the states of Jalisco, Nayarit, Michoacán, Colima, Querétaro, Guanajuato, Baja California, and in the Isthmus region of Oaxaca. Members of the National Guard guard the area where the body of Nemesio Rubén Oseguera Cervantes, alias ‘El Mencho’, leader of the Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG) killed in Mexico City (Mexico), was transferred. Photo: EFE/Mario Guzmán In the rest of the country, the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM) did not suspend classes, although it announced that it would not penalize students who were unable to attend due to “mobility problems” in some regions and faculties. The alert spread to the Mexican capital with the transfer of El Mencho's body from the hangar of the Attorney General's Office (FGR) in the late afternoon, escorted by federal forces to the agency's forensic services in Mexico City, where identification tests and official expert reports will be carried out. For her part, President Claudia Sheinbaum called on the population to remain “informed and calm” and acknowledged the armed forces for the operation that led to the killing of the CJNG leader. US pressure against cartels The Mexican Defense Ministry confirmed that the operation relied on “additional information” from the US, within the “framework of bilateral coordination and cooperation.” El Mencho's defeat comes amid growing pressure from Washington against Mexican cartels, which it declared “terrorist organizations” last year. The United States accused him of leading a “reign of terror” in Mexico and destroying “countless lives” through fentanyl trafficking, offering up to $15 million for information leading to his arrest or conviction. Under his leadership, the CJNG expanded its presence in Mexico and strengthened drug trafficking routes, including fentanyl to the United States, placing him among the most wanted drug traffickers in both countries. This article has been adapted from the original in Spanish. © 2026 Copyright Agencia EFE, S.A. All rights reserved.

In part two of The Ten Stages of Genocide in India Series  we will be analyzing how Symbolization, the second stage of Genocide, is occurring against the Muslim population in the country. We conclude part two of the series by outlining actionable recommendations to address this early warning sign of genocide. India’s Muslim community has been facing growing demonisation. Photograph: Getty Images Symbolization occurs when symbols are applied to classified groups to distinguish them from the dominant or genocidal group. While many groups can be identified by their signs of faith such as a Star of David or by the cultural dress group members choose to wear, when signs or symbols are forced upon members of specific groups, symbolization can signal a potential genocide. Such signs or symbols are deliberately applied to differentiate targeted groups from the general populace. For example, in Nazi Germany, Jews were forced to wear a yellow star on their clothing to mark their othered (and targeted) status. Symbolization may be coupled with dehumanization to deliberately mark members of the group as an internal threat. Symbolization in India is most visible in political rhetoric and political cartoons. In political speeches and art, allusions to “Islamic attire” are used when describing the threats that India faces. After the outbreak of the Coronavirus in March 2020, “Corona Jihad” became a common phrase used to accuse the Muslim community of carrying out a ‘holy war’ (Jihad) against India by spreading Covid-19 in the country. In the backdrop of this , The Hindu, a widely circulated English daily newspaper in India, published a political cartoon that showed Coronavirus dressed in a Pathani suit, traditional attire worn by Muslims, pointing a gun at the world. The cartoon implied that the spread of COVID in India was caused by Muslims. This is an example of how symbols are used to promote categorization of Muslims as a threatening group. The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) inspired Sangh Parivar nationalists and the BJP government to use symbols to incite mobs to violently attack Muslims. Hindu mobs have killed Muslims and destroyed Muslim homes, believing that doing so will ‘purify’ the country. Without any judicial hearing or notice,   bulldozers  have demolished over a thousand Muslim homes in Haryana and Uttar Pradesh. Their owners are accused of being Muslim ‘conspirators’ or protesters who have allegedly incited communal violence.    A bulldozer, adorned with posters of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his ally, Yogi Adityanath, rolling through a main street in Edison, New Jersey, 2022 (Indian American Muslim Council) As more Muslim homes have been demolished, the bulldozer has transcended its physical purpose. It is now used by the BJP as a symbol for response to the Muslim threat .  The symbol of the bulldozer has now traveled to the diaspora. For example, during the Indian Independence Day Parade in Edison,   New Jersey  in 2022, a bulldozer with a picture of Modi and Uttar Pradesh’s Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, and the slogan ‘baba bulldozer’ or ‘father bulldozer’ was featured. The symbol of the bulldozer not only reinforces the perception that Muslims are a threat within India, but the belief that the solution to the “Muslim problem” is to “cleanse” Indian society by erasing the most basic rights of Muslims.   Sangh Parivar nationalists have used the slogan “Jai Shri Ram” or “Victory to Ram” to symbolize Hindu dominance over non-Hindu minorities. Hindu nationalist militias    chanted  “Jai Shri Ram” as they marched through Muslim majority areas of Delhi during the Delhi Riots in 2020. The phrase has become a dog whistle call  for anti-Muslim violence. Such violence is particularly evident when Hindutva extremists physically attack Muslims and force them  to chant the phrase. When BJP won their second electoral victory in 2019, legislators chanted “Jai Shri Ram” in Parliament, using the phrase to heckle Muslim legislators who were taking their oath of office. Both at the Union and grassroots levels, “Jai Shri Ram” has been used as a symbol of Hindu supremacy.   Cartoonist Satish Acharya says using Ram's name to unleash violence risks widening India's religious divide © 2024 BBC Genocide Watch recognizes the coded and suggestive language and visual signs used to mark Muslims as an Othered group. Symbolization is a potent driver of hatred against Muslims.    Genocide Watch recommends :   1. India is a state party to the 1948 Genocide Convention. India needs to enforce its anti-hate speech laws and prosecute Hindutva leaders’ calls for genocide against Muslims.  2. The Central government should order state governments to cease targeted demolitions against Muslim homes as discriminatory measures against alleged “communal” religious violence.   3. The Central government must publicly condemn attacks against Muslims by Hindus and must acknowledge the religious hatred that drives such attacks.    4. The U.S. Congress should raise Indian denial of religious freedom in U.S-India bilateral meetings and express strong concern over the marginalization of Muslim culture and the targeted attacks against human rights activists and Muslims .    5.  U.S. opposition to Hindutva hate speech and discrimination against Muslims must be expressed in public hearings, briefings, letters, and congressional delegations. United States Senator Cory Booker spoke out  against the display of bulldozers at the India Day Parade in New Jersey in August 2022. American political leaders must continue to issue statements and condemn instances where hate is displayed against Muslims by the Indian community in the U.S.   In the third part of this report, Genocide Watch will examine how the third stage of Genocide, Discrimination, is occurring in India. Read Part One of the series here : The Ten Stages of Genocide in India - Part One Read Part Three of the series here :  The Ten Stages of Genocide in India - Part Three Read Part Four of the series here : The Ten Stages of Genocide in India - Part Four Read Part Five of the series here : The Ten Stages of Genocide in India - Part Five

Getty Images In the first two parts of this Ten Stages of Genocide in India Series , we analyzed how classification  and symbolization  are used to identify minority groups in India. These preliminary processes enable genocide process/stage 3: Discrimination . In part three ,  we explain how this process/stage of genocide is occurring in India.  At the Discrimination  stage, laws, customs, and political power are used by the dominant group to deny the civil rights of ethnic, religious, or racial minority groups. The classic examples of this stage were the Nuremberg laws in Nazi Germany that reclassified Jews out of their German citizenship and discriminated against Jews by banning their employment by the government and universities.  In India, one of the most striking examples of this early warning indicator has been the weaponization of India's anti-terrorism laws and anti-religious conversion laws against Muslims. The Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) was introduced in 2008, but in 2019 the Modi government amended the law , permitting authorities to designate individuals as “terrorists''.  The provisions of the UAPA that define "terrorism" are so vague they would be struck down by any court in the US or EU. The UAPA is being used to suppress dissent against the Modi regime.  While data on the religious identity of those arrested under the UAPA is not publicly released, most UAPA cases have been against Muslims, minority rights activists, and academicians opposed to Modi’s BJP.  In contrast, the UAPA is never invoked when Hindutva leaders and groups conspire to attack or kill Muslims.  Under UAPA, individuals accused of “terrorism” may be arbitrarily detained without any   incriminating evidence . Bail is usually denied after arrest. Consequently, 67% of individuals arrested under UAPA between 2018 and 2020 are still languishing in jail , without being convicted, released on bail, or acquitted. In December 2021, Hindutva extremists and priests such as Yati Narsinghanand Saraswati and Annapurna Maa spoke at a Dharma Sansad, a Hindu event held at Haridwar in Uttarakhand. The Hindutva leaders called for Hindus to take up arms to kill  Muslims. Yati Narisinghanand openly called for genocide. He announced that he would reward anyone who targeted and attacked Muslims. He directed his followers and aides to distribute pamphlets that encouraged the killing of Muslims. Such incitement has resulted in the lynchings of scores of Muslims. Incitement is an act of genocide that violates Article 3 of the Genocide Convention.  Credit: Twitter/@MSKTK Ironically such incitement would also   satisf y UAPA criteria for arresting “terrorists.” There is clear video evidence of Narisinghanand’s statements and actions. But the UAPA law was not used to arrest him. In stark contrast, the UAPA has been invoked without any evidence in the arrests of many Muslims and prominent activists like Umar Khalid , Stan Swamy , and Siddique Kappan .   Other laws used for discrimination against Muslims and Christians in India are the Anti-Conversion laws in states such as Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh. The Anti-Conversion laws are direct violations of the Indian Constitution’s Articles 25 – 28 guarantees of freedom of religion. A Big Lie connected to the Anti-Conversion laws contends that there is a Muslim conspiracy called "Love Jihad". This conspiracy theory holds that Muslim men lure Hindu women into marriages and then force them to convert to Islam. Conspiracy theorists hold that Muslims seek to expand the Muslim population and replace Hindus as the dominant majority in India. Imagination of such a threat is preposterous. Hindus comprise eighty percent of the population; Muslims are only fifteen percent; and Christians make up under three percent of the Indian population.  Students take part in a protest against love jihad in front of Academy of Fine Art in Kolkata on Valentine’s Day. Photograph: Dipa Chakraborty/Pacific Press/Rex/Shutterstock Anti-Conversion laws compel those who want to convert to Islam to seek written permission from district authorities, who will then conduct a police inquiry to evaluate the “intention, purpose, and cause of the proposed conversion.” Muslim men who have married or have attempted to marry Hindu women have faced beatings and arrests. Many have even been killed by the woman's family. The weaponization of the law against Muslims is evident in arrest statistics . Of the 208 people arrested  under Anti-Conversion laws between November 2020 and August 2021, all were Muslim.  Genocide Watch considers the differential use of anti-terrorism laws in India to target Muslims, and the promotion of “Love Jihad” conspiracy theories and enforcement of Anti-Conversion laws as indicators of discrimination  against Muslims and Christians.  Genocide Watch recommends :  Due to the vagueness of the UAPA law and its biased use against opponents of the Modi regime, the Supreme Court of India should declare the UAPA “void for vagueness” and direct the Indian government to repeal the UAPA.  India’s anti-terrorism laws must be reformed to require thorough investigation, supporting evidence, use of judicial custody, and due process for those accused of “terrorism.”  The Indian Parliament should pass laws that carefully define hate speech in the Indian Penal Code. Prohibition of hate speech must not violate protections for freedom of speech. India should pass laws prohibiting genocide and incitement to genocide. This step is required to fulfill India’s obligation as a State Party to the Genocide Convention.   Hindutva leaders who incite genocide against Muslims should be arrested and prosecuted.  In the fourth part of this report, Genocide Watch will examine how the fourth stage of Genocide, Dehumanization, is occurring in India. Read Part Two of the series here : The Ten Stages of Genocide in India - Part One Read Part Two of the series here : The Ten Stages of Genocide in India - Part Two Read Part Four of the series here : The Ten Stages of Genocide in India - Part Four Read Part Five of the series here : The Ten Stages of Genocide in India - Part Five

V. Organization   In part five of our  Ten Stages of Genocide in India Series,  we explain how the fifth stage of genocide, Organization , is occurring in India. To organize genocidal violence, perpetrators are often mobilized by the state. States either directly support or informally back militias as a means of organizing genocide. For instance, the Einsatzgruppen  were created by the Nazis as paramilitary death squads in German-occupied territories. In India, militias like the Bajrang Dal carry out violence against religious minorities while giving the Union and state governments plausible deniability and allowing state officials to avoid legal consequences. Besides militias, the police and army are important in organizing genocide as they are already armed and possess the authority to arrest and kill targeted groups. Secret police like the Gestapo  in Nazi Germany were created by the state to arrest, torture and kill members of targeted groups, especially Jews and those who were outspoken against the Nazi Party. Bajrang Dal recruits take oath during the ‘Trishul Diksha’ ceremony, at the Siddheshwar temple in Gurugram on October 2, 2022. | Photo Credit: PTI In India, organization   is mainly visible through two major entities: the Indian police and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) militia called Bajrang Dal . The Bajrang Dal  was created in 1984 and became infamous for storming the Babri Masjid Mosque at Ayodhya in 1992. It operates at the grassroots level throughout India. It  is both  a legitimizing state agency, and a vehicle for privatizing and inciting violence. The Bajrang Dal  militia is the official youth wing of the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP) . Hindu boys join at a very young age and grow up being indoctrinated to adopt the VHP’s extremist Hindu nationalist ideology. The Bajrang Dal along with other RSS organizations, organizes training camps for young members, who are given rifles and trishuls  (tridents) and taught how to use them. In May 2022, one such camp was organized in a school in the state of Karnataka: 116 young boys from across the state were illegally  given weapons in the name of teaching them self-defense. The Bajrang Dal  even has its own constitution, uniform, and handbook. In 2024, the Indian American Muslim Council released  a video showing the Bajrang Dal  conducting weapons training in Sehore, Madhya Pradesh. The Bajrang Dal  was instrumental in the organization   of the 2002 Gujarat Riots. They are also reported  to have helped organize the 2020 Delhi Riots, arming perpetrators and inciting them to join mobs, attack Muslims, and destroy Muslim-owned shops and businesses. Members of the group play a critical role in cow-lynching cases, often organizing the patrols and carrying out the murders. Yet, the leaders of such groups are seldom held accountable, as they operate  under the protection of the BJP government, receive public funds, work within state institutions, and collaborate with the police in some BJP-run states. This is visible in Haryana, where the police openly join Gau Rakshaks  (cow protectors) on their nightly patrols.  The members of the Indian Police are critical in organizing   genocidal violence in India. Only 3-4%  of police officers identify as Muslims. Anti-Muslim bias is rampant within police forces.  A 2019 study showed that 50% of the police  surveyed believe that “Muslims are likely to be naturally prone towards committing crimes.” The police play a key role in organizing  mobs during riots.  During the 2020 Delhi Riots, the police deliberately refused to stop extremist mobs from attacking Muslims, and even directed mobs to go to Muslim areas, assuring them that they would not intervene . During the riots, the police used the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA) and the National Security Act to arrest peaceful Muslim protesters. Amnesty International  reports that those arrested and detained were tortured  in police custody. In the state of Uttar Pradesh (UP), the police act as a state militia, committing extrajudicial killings of Muslims, which are colloquially called “encounters.” The police often kill Muslims in alleged “terrorist shootouts.” Officers are not reported or punished for these crimes. They offer families hush money to stop them from going to the courts. In UP alone, there have been   207 deaths  from “encounters” over a seven-year period (between 2017 and 2024). Police spokesmen claim that police “encounters” are necessary to apprehend escaping perpetrators. In fact, most of the people the police arrest are unarmed and not trying to escape. Genocide Watch identifies militias like Bajrang Dal as indicators of the process of organization . Bajrang Dal receives direct support from the state. The Indian Police join with hate groups in harassing, beating, and even killing Muslims and others who protest police brutality. Organization  is the stage where genocidal ideology is translated into acts of genocidal violence. Genocide Watch recommends :  1.     The United States Department of State should designate India as a Country of Particular Concern (CPC) because of the Indian government’s tacit and overt support for Hindutva militias that blatantly violate human rights and religious freedoms in India. 2.     The Indian government must ratify the Convention Against Torture, to which India has been a signatory since 1998. 3.     The Indian government must adopt effective laws to prevent, prosecute, and punish torture. 4.     The 2015 DK Basu Guidelines issued by the Supreme Court of India for the prevention of torture must be implemented, and officials who violate them must be prosecuted.  3.     The Indian Police Service should recruit members from all Indian religious groups and proportionately represent the religious makeup of the Indian population. 4.     Ties between the Indian Police and the Bajrang Dal must be outlawed and broken. 5.     Police training programs should oppose religious biases and oppose religious intolerance. 6.     Police training should develop skills like communication, counselling, and leadership, so that police are equipped with the tools to prevent ethnic threats from escalating into violent riots. 7.     The United Nations Human Rights Council should investigate extrajudicial killings in India to create an accurate picture of the number of people who are killed or injured by Indian Police. Read Part One of the series here : The Ten Stages of Genocide in India - Part One Read Part Two of the series here : The Ten Stages of Genocide in India - Part Two Read Part Three of the series here :  The Ten Stages of Genocide in India - Part Three Read Part Four of the series here : The Ten Stages of Genocide in India - Part Four

Dehumanization In part four of our Ten Stages of Genocide in India Series , we explain how the fourth process/stage of genocide, Dehumanization , is occurring in India. Delhi University Students protesting against the State sponsored police cruelty which led to the killings of two Muslims in Ranchi, Jharkhand, at Arts Faculty, Delhi University, on June 11, 2022 in New Delhi, India. (Photo credit: Sonu Mehta/Hindustan Times via Getty Images) Categorizing groups as sub-human or non-human is an integral step in the process of genocide. It allows people to overcome their natural revulsion against murder. Dehumanizing language, often disseminated through social media, print, or broadcast media, portrays the victim group as pests, evil monsters, diseases, or vermin that need to be eradicated. For instance, during the Genocide of the Tutsis in Rwanda, RTLM, a popular radio-station, continuously referred to Tutsis as "cockroaches." This dehumanization created a culture of genocide. Because Tutsis were portrayed as non- human, killing them became culturally acceptable. Throughout Indian history, dehumanization has been an integral step in enabling and justifying violence against Muslims. During the 2002 Gujarat riots, a leaflet titled 'Jehad' described Muslims as "terrorists who come in truck loads," and labeled them as "backward, violent, vicious". Such propaganda likened Muslims to wild animals. It portrayed Muslims as “terrorist” foreign invaders bent on controlling India and forcibly converting Hindus. The “Love Jihad” campaign accuses Muslim men of dishonestly marrying Hindu women in order to make them convert to Islam. Today, dehumanizing language is prevalent in political speeches by prominent Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leaders and in the popular culture consumed by millions of Hindus. The Hindutva (Hindu supremacist) movement based in the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (R.S.S.) now dominates the BJP. In 2019, in a rally held during India's general elections, former BJP President, Amit Shah, called Muslim immigrants “termites” and infiltrators.” He vowed that the BJP government would "throw them into the Bay of Bengal." Through this dehumanizing language, Shah promoted the expulsion of Muslims from India by every means possible. Similar dehumanizing rhetoric characterized Modi's 2024 election campaign. Speeches by BJP leaders portrayed Muslims as animals, insects, snakes, diseases, or infections in the body politic. This BJP propaganda was designed to dehumanize Muslims so that Hindus could overcome their human inhibitions against murder and violence against other humans. Narendra Modi addressing a campaign rally in Agra in April 2024. © 2025 BBC. Current political rallies by BJP politicians and Hindu supremacist groups include inflammatory songs and "bhajans". These songs are increasingly consumed by the public on platforms like YouTube and Twitter (now X). Singer Prem Krishnavanshi is one rising star whose blatantly dehumanizing songs are based on violent Hindutva ideology. One of his songs includes the lyrics, “Insaan nahi ho saalo, ho tum kasaayi” – “You are not human; you (Muslims) are butchers.” These hate songs are widely shared on the internet and have millions of views on platforms like YouTube. Many Hindutva artists attend BJP rallies and use their social media feeds to support BJP leaders. In return BJP leaders promote these artists and provide their fans with patronage. The IT arm of the BJP promotes these hate songs on the party's official channels. In an interview with The Caravan, the manager of the BJP IT cell in the Ayodhya district explained that music is an easy and accessible medium through which their messages can be propagated. His comments show the power and reach of hate speech in pop music. Further, in 2017, the National Crime Records Bureau discontinued collecting data on mob lynching and hate crimes against minorities on the grounds that “the data was unreliable as these crimes etc. have not been defined.” In April 2022, 2023 and 2024, anti-Muslim hate songs were played on radio and television during a surge of communal violence that occurred during the Hindu festival of Ram Navami and the Muslim observance of Ramadan. Anti-Muslim riots occurred in Delhi and in Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat, and Jharkhand. Hundreds of people, including a few police officers, were injured. Muslim-owned homes and shops were demolished. Playing these songs during communal riots showed the power of incitement through dehumanizing words in popular music. Violence erupted in parts of Howrah over a Ram Navami Procession in 2023. File | Photo Credit: Debasish Bhaduri Genocide Watch recognizes the inflammatory hate language used in political rallies and pop music, on social media, and in campaigns by the R.S.S. and BJP as a pervasive process of dehumanization against the Muslim population of India. Genocide Watch recommends : State governments should conduct information campaigns and community outreach programs to tackle the dehumanizing sentiments behind hate speech. Data on lynching and hate crimes must again be collected and published, with rigorous definitions of hate crimes. The Indian government and local Hindu leaders must publicly condemn hate songs and hate speech that encourage violence against Muslims and other minorities. Police officers should be better trained to identify hate speech. Political leaders who disseminate hate speech and incite genocide against Muslims should be arrested and prosecuted. In the fifth part of this report, Genocide Watch will examine how the fifth stage of Genocide, Organization, is occurring in India. Read Part One of the series here : The Ten Stages of Genocide in India - Part One Read Part Two of the series here : The Ten Stages of Genocide in India - Part Two Read Part Three of the series here : The Ten Stages of Genocide in India - Part Three Read Part Five of the series here : The Ten Stages of Genocide in India - Part Five

In part seven of our Ten Stages of Genocide in India Series , we explain how the seventh process/stage of genocide, Preparation, is occurring in India. RSS exercising with their trademark sticks. Photograph: Kamal Kishore/Reuters Preparation is the stage when group leaders plan massacres and genocide. The Nazi Holocaust followed meticulous planning. Ambiguous language is usually used to mask the genocidal nature of these plans. Genocidal plans are often referred to by euphemisms such as the “Final Solution,” “ethnic cleansing,” or “counterterrorism.” An integral aspect of this process is building and arming armies and militias and preparing them to carry out genocide. In India, this process became apparent when popular Hindu religious and political leaders publicly called for the murder of Muslims. Hindutva extremists call for violence against Muslims under the pretext of “self-defense” against imaginary Muslim plans for genocide against Hindus. As explained in part five of this series, Organization, Hindutva leaders encourage Hindus to arm themselves. Hindu extremist groups like the Bajrang Dal provide Hindu men with guns and arms training. They build Hindu militias in “self-defense” camps where young Hindu men are trained to attack Muslims. In India, there has been a spike in inflammatory rhetoric and anti-Muslim rallies since 2014, when Narendra Modi became Prime Minister. Maharashtra witnessed a surge of anti-Muslim hate speech on social media after the BJP took over the state government in 2022. Anti-Muslim rallies have multiplied. In these rallies, leaders propagate conspiracy theories like “Love Jihad” as existential threats to the dominance of Hinduism in India. “Love Jihad,” asserts that Muslim men intentionally seduce and marry Hindu women, then force them to convert to Islam and bear Muslim children. The rallies promote violence against Muslims. In a speech at a rally in 2023, T. Raja Singh, a suspended BJP legislator from the state of Telangana, threatened to castrate Muslim men. “If any circumcised [Muslim] indulges in Love Jihad, oh son, you are half-cut, we will cut you completely.” Such violent rhetoric is pervasive on online media platforms . In the aftermath of the 2025 terrorist attack in India-administered Kashmir when gunmen killed 25 tourists and a local tourist guide, videos and songs immediately appeared inciting Hindus to murder Muslims as retribution. They garnered hundreds of thousands of views on YouTube. Videos on media platforms often use Hindu religious texts to justify murder, a virulent tactic to incite Hindus to commit genocide. A visible manifestation of preparation can be observed when groups like the Bajrang Dal conduct events where trishuls, sharpened tridents that hold deep religious value within Hinduism, are distributed amongst young men. These trishuls are distributed as weapons, and the men accept them under the oath to “protect Hindu society, women, cows and saints.” The process of preparation has led to organized, collective destruction of Muslim mosques and attacks on Muslim gatherings. In 2023, Ram Nawami, a Hindu festival, coincided with the month of Ramadan, and seven states in India had violent attacks by Hindus against Muslims. In states with large numbers of Muslims like West-Bengal, Gujarat, and Maharashtra, Hindus rallied with swords and firearms and set fire to Muslim properties and mosques. Both police and civilians were wounded in these attacks. Many police supported the attacks by Hindutva mobs. Police arrested mostly Muslim victims. Attendees at a Rampurhat Ram Navami rally in 2024 brandish swords. Photo: Joydeep Sarkar Leaders of Hindu processions openly call for the murders of Muslims, direct public incitements to genocide. Hindu processions are deliberately routed through Muslim neighborhoods. Such incitements to genocide have been recurring features of the Ram Nawami Hindu festival. Genocide Watch recognizes the disturbing rise in Hindutva ideology and anti-Muslim rallies that promote hate propaganda against Muslims as Stage 7: Preparation. Genocide Watch recommends: The Indian government must outlaw, condemn, and dismantle Hindutva arms training camps. Indian MPs who support violence against Muslims should be expelled from parliament and stripped of their parliamentary immunity. Indian social media platforms like YouTube, Facebook, and WhatsApp must ban hate speech and incitements to genocide and crimes against humanity. The U.S. Congress, the European Parliament, and the Organization for Islamic Cooperation (OIC) should condemn India’s failure to ban hate speech on social media in India. The U.S., EU, and OIC should call on Indian states to repeal anti-conversion and anti-cow slaughter laws and to pass laws to prohibit Hindu festivals that invade Muslim neighborhoods.   Read Part One of the series here : The Ten Stages of Genocide in India - Classification Read Part Two of the series here : The Ten Stages of Genocide in India - Symbolization Read Part Three of the series here :  The Ten Stages of Genocide in India - Discrimination Read Part Four of the series here : The Ten Stages of Genocide in India - Dehumanization Read Part Five of the series here: The Ten Stages of Genocide in India - Organization Read Part Six of the series here: The Ten Stages of Genocide in India - Polarization

Crowd in India during electoral campaign. source: Getty Images VI. Polarization In part six of our  Ten Stages of Genocide in India Series,  we explain how the sixth stage of genocide, Polarization , is occurring in India. To effectively organize genocidal violence, the state and hate groups amplify the differences between the target group and the majority group. This results in the “otherization” and social isolation of the targeted group.   This process takes place mainly through the dissemination of polarizing propaganda and conspiracy theories. Newspapers, radio, television and social media broadcast hate speech and dehumanizing portrayals of the targeted group as enemies and threats to the dominant group and the nation. Political leaders organize rallies that vilify the targeted group.   In polarization ’s legal form, laws are passed banning social interactions and intermarriage with the targeted group. Such laws usually reinforce customary cultural divisions. They make transgression of customary boundaries into crimes. Laws are passed to silence activists and civil society organizations that defend the targeted groups.   In Germany, the Nuremberg laws prohibited intermarriage between Jewish people and those who were deemed to have "German blood." In Rwanda, while marriages between Hutus and Tutsis were not banned, they were highly stigmatized. In 1990, Kangura, a Hutu Power magazine that was supported by the government deemed  any Hutu who married a Tutsi a traitor.   When Extermination,  the ninth stage of genocide, was underway in Rwanda, Hutu moderates were amongst the first to be targeted. Moderates from the perpetrator group pose a special threat to the group carrying out a genocide. This threat stems from the fact that moderates are inside the perpetrators’ own group and are most able to oppose and prevent genocide.   In India, hate groups disseminate propaganda and conspiracy theories that contribute to polarization . The most notable Indian libel against Muslims is the alleged conspiracy of Love Jihad. Love Jihad is a conspiracy theory that claims that Muslim men “lure” Hindu women into marriage to convert them to Islam.   Propaganda about Love Jihad can be found in widely circulated newspapers in southern states like Kerala , as well as on X (formerly Twitter) and Facebook. As a result of this pervasive and effective propaganda, numerous interfaith couples have been attacked by Hindutva vigilante groups. The attackers are seldom held accountable for their harassment and violent crimes.   Polarization  in India has been reinforced by “anti-conversion” laws adopted in many states, including Karnataka, Uttar Pradesh and Haryana. The laws prohibit “forced conversion” to a religion other than the religion a person inherited from his or her parents. The criteria to decide whether a conversion is "forced" are ambiguous. The laws are mainly enforced against Christians and Muslims for attracting Hindus to worship services and against Hindus who convert to Christianity or Islam. The most common victims of anti-conversion laws are people in mixed marriages who convert to their husband’s or wife’s religion.   Punishment for convictions range from one year in prison in some states to life imprisonment in others, plus a fine between fifteen thousand rupees (around 170 US Dollars) to more than hundred thousand rupees (around 1160 US Dollars) for marriages deemed suspect.   The anti-conversion laws are direct violations of the freedom of religion guaranteed by the Indian Constitution and the International Covenants on Human Rights. In order to convert to another religion, a person must submit a detailed application to the District Magistrate, who then decides whether to   allow the conversion or not . The vast majority of District Magistrates are Hindus.   Anti-conversion laws are enforced by a pervasive surveillance system that mainly monitors Hindu women who have fled their homes to marry Muslim partners.   The anti-conversion laws have emboldened vigilante groups. Family members of Hindu women who are in relationships with Muslim men often approach police to prevent their daughters’ conversions. They may also summon Hindutva vigilantes to attack the Muslim men their daughters love or marry.   These women are forcibly  brought back to their families. Back under family domination, recaptured women may be murdered by members of their own families in “honor killings.” Muslim men accused of luring Hindu women to be wives or lovers may be detained without evidence and face beatings, torture, or murder by police or vigilantes.   Anti-conversion laws create legal and cultural barriers that violate the freedom of religion. They obstruct exercise of the right of individuals to be in relationships or marry any person they choose. The laws are vestiges of the patriarchal system that gives parents the power to choose marriage partners for their children. To this day, a high percentage of marriages are arranged between a couple’s parents. The laws infantilize women and treat them as the inalienable property of the religious groups into which they were born.    A case that gained international attention was that of Arbaaz Aftab Mullah from Karnataka. He was a Muslim man who loved and intended to marry a Hindu woman. The woman’s parents asked Sri Ram Sene, an extremist Hindutva vigilante group, to kill Arbaaz Aftab Mullah. His body   was found  decapitated and cut into pieces. In a rare case of successful prosecution, the Hindutva murderers and the woman’s parents were convicted and imprisoned for their brutal crime.   The process of polarization is also evident in how Muslims and minority rights activists are portrayed and targeted. Politically motivated arrests and raids are common ways through which “dissidents” are targeted.   The Unlawful Activities Prevention Act of 1967 is used to prosecute dissidents and opposition groups for vague or undefined “activities directed against the integrity and sovereignty of India.” The 2019 amendments to the UAPA have been used to designate individuals as “terrorists” without any judicial process. UAPA is also known as the "anti-terror law."   Prominent activist, Umar Khalid, was booked under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA) for allegedly being one of the conspirators who instigated the February 2020 riots in New Delhi. He has been incarcerated for the past two years under the UAPA, based only on the statement of an anonymous protected witness. That statement has yet to be corroborated . The UAPA has also been used to  target media companies that  cover perspectives against the interests of the Modi government.    Polarization  is fueled by treating dissenting individuals and organizations as criminal conspirators, simply because they express dissent or disseminate information counter to the interests of the Modi government.     Genocide Watch recommends :   1.     Indian states and the Indian central government should repeal all “anti-conversion” laws. 2.     Central and state governments should prosecute members of vigilante groups for their crimes. 3.     The BJP must swiftly and publicly condemn crimes committed by Hindutva vigilante groups. 3.     States must follow the directives   of the Supreme Court of India in Tehseen Poonawalla (2018), which ordered states to pay compensation to victims of mob lynching and hate crimes. 4.     The US State Department’s human rights report should designate India as a Country of Particular Concern (CPC) for its anti-conversion laws and its persecution of Muslims. 5.     The US should encourage India to follow the recommendations on religious freedom made in the UN Human Rights Council’s Universal Periodic Review process.  6.     The Indian parliament should ratify the Convention Against Torture, to which India has been a signatory since 1998.   Read Part One of the series here : The Ten Stages of Genocide in India - Classification Read Part Two of the series here : The Ten Stages of Genocide in India - Symbolization Read Part Three of the series here :  The Ten Stages of Genocide in India - Discrimination Read Part Four of the series here : The Ten Stages of Genocide in India - Dehumanization Read Part Five of the series here: The Ten Stages of Genocide in India - Organization Read Part Seven of the series here: The Ten Stages of Genocide in India - Preparation

A Special Report by the Genocide Watch Great Lakes Task Force Heirs to both sides of Rwanda’s brutal history working side by side on a drainage ditch in Mbyo, part of a broader effort toward reconciliation. Credit Megan Specia/The New York Times Reconciliation is a complex, often contentious, yet necessary element of the post-genocide process. During an active genocide, the main priority is to bring an end to mass killings and extermination. Oncea fragile peace is established, however, a significant question remains: How can a deeply polarized society begin to rebuild in the wake of immense suffering and violence? The reconciliation process in Rwanda after the 1994 genocide involved the construction of reconciliation villages that housed survivors alongside perpetrators. A review shows that this plan to build community and promote a philosophy of forgiveness has proved highly effective.  Since the colonial period, Rwanda has been a deeply-divided society. Rwanda’s population today is composed of three ethnic groups: Hutu (85%), Tutsi (14%), and Twa (1%). Pre-colonial Rwanda was a Tutsi-dominated monarchy in which the Hutu were primarily agricultural workers, while the Tutsi were pastoralists , resulting in a disproportionate distribution of wealth.   European colonial expansion in the 19th century worsened divisions, in part because t he colonial powers appointed the politically dominant group, the Tutsi minority, to govern on their behalf. In 1959, heightened tensions and resentment, combined with rising aspirations for independence, culminated in the Hutu Revolution and the creation of an independent Rwanda.   Tensions continued for decades under Hutu rule, and in 1990, the Tutsi-led Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) invaded from exile in Uganda. After more than two years of civil war, the Rwandan government and the RPF negotiated a ceasefire. In April 1993, they signed a peace agreement in Arusha, Tanzania that called for the formation of a transitional government that would include the RPF. Hutu Power extremists opposed this agreement because it would diminish their control of Rwanda. Both Hutus and Tutsis feared ethnic conflict, leaving the population deeply divided.  Just one year after the Arusha Accords, the Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda began, after Rwandan President Juvénal Habyarimana’s plane was shot down over Kigali . The Hutu Power-dominated government immediately attributed the attack to the RPF, and by extension Rwandan Tutsis. Official radio called for the extermination of all Tutsis. The next day, the Republican Guard sent forces to assassinate the Rwandan Prime Minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana.   The ensuing genocide lasted more than three months. Hutu extremists in the army and Hutu militias, such as the Interahamwe , systematically targeted the Tutsi population. They incited Hutu civilians to participate in massacres of Tutsis. It is estimated that over 800,000 Tutsi were killed , while more than 2 million Rwandans fled the country. Tutsi women were subjected to mass rape, and they were intentionally infected with HIV .   In the aftermath of the genocide, Rwanda faced the enormous challenge of rebuilding a society devastated by unspeakable violence, collective trauma, and widespread distrust. The UN, the RPF government of Rwanda, and local communities organized three levels of trials , seeking accountability and justice for the countless atrocities committed. The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, established in November 1994, prosecuted those bearing greatest responsibility for the instigation and organization of genocide, while Rwanda’s national court system tried tens of thousands of cases of genocide participants. The Gacaca courts, organized at the community level, attempted to bring about grassroots justice and reconciliation by hearing survivors’ testimonies, allowing perpetrators to confess and ask for forgiveness, and providing an opportunity for closure and answers.  These courts imprisoned more than 80.000 perpetrators in the 2000s, but true accountability was difficult, due to the widespread scope of participation in the genocide from countless radicalized neighbors and community members. As a result, Rwandans reimagined justice. The Rwandan government first worked to develop a shared Rwandan identity, implementing a variety of projects such as Ingandocamps, educational seminars, and national summits with the National Unity and Reconciliation Commission . These plans served as a baseline for education and solidarity.  Beyond this, the idea of justice through reconciliation and community-building arose within the nonprofit Prison Fellowship Rwanda (PFR). This local faith-based organization had an initial mission of preparing prisoners for reintegration into society. PFR extended its focus to include a restorative justice program based on the framework of the action-based reconciliation model (ABRM) . In 2003, the PFR began a reconciliation village program in which genocide perpetrators and genocide survivors live side by side. Eight villages were established.   The reconciliation village model builds community through action and provides an environment which enables continued practical reconciliation and community reintegration. Meaningful cooperation is facilitated through daily tasks and economic endeavors, such as basket weaving and farming , which earn income for the villagers and create a site for collective healing. Forgiveness and trust-building are central parts of both the community and the larger goal of restorative justice. Village councils make decisions for the community and settle disputes. Within this structure, daily contact develops community ties and rebuilds trust. At the heart of the reconciliation village model is the requirement for perpetrators to confess their crimes and seek forgiveness from their victims and their families. This philosophy of forgiveness is vital for stable, lasting reconciliation and is personally impactful for genocide survivors.   For example, Freddy Mutuanguha, Director of the Kigali Genocide Memorial and CEO of Aegis Trust , is a survivor of the genocide who has worked on peace education. Mutuanguha recently joined Genocide Watch for an interview, sharing his personal thoughts on reconciliation. He sees forgiveness as a deeply personal act, choosing to let go of anger and resentment to embrace a happier, healthier, more peaceful life. Furthermore, he reflected, forgiveness is bravery: it takes time, patience, compassion, and courage to see the inherent humanity of all people, especially those who have caused deep harm. It is a powerful first step towards reconciliation.  Having worked with a number of reconciliation villages in his time at Aegis Trust, Mutuanguha was able to provide insight into the challenges and lessons learned from establishing and sustaining reconciliation work. According to him, the biggest challenge has been convincing participants that reconciliation is valuable and even possible. Although trust is the most important element of this process, he shared that it is difficult to foster trust between those who have experienced deep trauma and those culpable in the creation of traumatic experiences. This requires small and sustained actions, safe spaces for vulnerability, extended support, and a commitment to shaping a shared future. While this work is difficult, Mutuanguha believes that it is nonetheless important. As he has seen firsthand, children raised in these villages play side by side as friends and see each other as human beings, not enemies. Thus, reconciliation villages can break the cycles of violence and hatred, providing a living example of moving forward from crisis.   Examining daily life inside one such village provides further insight into the process of reconciliation and forgiveness in action. Nestled in Rwanda’s Bugesera district, the Rweru Reconciliation Village serves as a powerful case study in post-genocide restorative justice and community-based reconciliations. Rweru was established as a part of a broader national effort by the Rwandan government and the National Unity and Reconciliation Commission.    Rweru is one of several villages designed to house both survivors of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi and former perpetrators who have completed their sentences and undergone reconciliation processes . The village model reflects Rwanda’s broader commitment to a reconciliation framework that is participatory, localized, and restorative rather than exclusively punitive. In Rweru, survivors and perpetrators live side by side , jointly farming the land, building homes, attending communal gatherings, and reconstructing the very social fabric that genocide sought to destroy. This cohabitation is not symbolic, but it is truly embedded in the routines and moral labor of everyday life. As noted by the United Nations , such reconciliation villages are intended not only to provide material shelter, but also to restructure a united Rwandan identity while balancing justice, truth, peace, and security.  Among the many deeply affecting stories from Rweru, one in particular stands as an emblematic narrative of moral resilience. Maria Izagiriza is a genocide survivor and Philbert Ntezirizaza is a perpetrator who confessed to killing Maria’s husband and six of her nine children. After serving his sentence, Philbert returned to the community burdened with remorse and determined to make amends. Maria, deeply traumatized, initially refused any contact. However, through repeated facilitated dialogue , Philbert expressed sincere repentance, offering no excuses and only an acknowledgement of guilt and a plea for forgiveness. Maria’s decision to forgive was not immediate: it was a long process shaped by faith, reflection, and desires to unburdened herself from hate.  Today, Maria and Philbert are neighbors who work side by side in the fields. Their relationship is not based on foregoing their memories, but on living with memory in a way that allows for dignity and shared humanity. Their story reflects the deeper purpose of Rweru which is not to escape the past, but to confront it together in pursuit of a peaceful future. Through such acts of moral courage and daily cooperation, Rweru stands as a testament to the possibility of reconciliation.   The Rweru Reconciliation Village offers a powerful lesson: reconciliation is not the erasure of memory but its transformation into shared responsibility for peace. It provides a compelling model for genocide recovery efforts, emphasizing that sustainable peace requires more than legal accountability. It needs community-based, restorative processes rooted in daily life. Rwanda’s approach , blending state-supported initiatives with grassroots dialogue and coexistence, shows how interpersonal healing and reintegration can foster long-term reconciliation.   Both the experiences of the inhabitants of Rweru and Freddy Mutanguha’s reflections show how reconciliation villages function as more than physical spaces of coexistence. Mutanguha stresses that education fostering critical thinking and personal responsibility is essential to reconciliation. The villages are pedagogical sites where education, empathy, and shared responsibility are cultivated to counter genocide ideologies. Forgiveness and reconciliation, though distinct, intersect in rebuilding trust and enabling social cohesion. The story of Maria and Philbert illustrates this process of moral resilience, in which the acknowledgement of harm and the gradual choice to forgive can transform relationships that were once defined by violence. Crucially, as Mutanguha notes, reconciliation villages also address generational trauma by raising children of survivors and perpetrators together, breaking cycles of inherited resentment. Taken together, these insights underscore that reconciliation is not erasure of memory, but its transformation into a collective commitment to peace. Thus, Rwanda offers lessons of durable post-conflict recovery for societies worldwide.  Today, just over 30 years after the end of the 1994 genocide, these values remain more important than ever. As Mutanguha explains, forgiveness is an act of self-love. To forgive is to break the cycle of vengeance and hatred and recognize the inherent humanity of all people. Because of this, it is a key step in the processes of healing, rebuilding, and reconciliation. In a post-genocide society like Rwanda, this is difficult work. Changing mindsets, building trust, and developing empathy between survivors and perpetrators takes a dedicated effort. Nonetheless, it is possible.  This is particularly salient considering the genocide emergency unfolding in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Instability and distrust have been sustained through the persistence of anti-Tutsi ideology among regional militias and armed groups as well as lingering tensions from the First and Second Congo Wars and the 1994 genocide. In January 2025, the Rwanda-backed M23 militia began an invasion of the eastern part of the DRC, committing numerous atrocities against civilians. While Rwanda and the DRC signed a peace agreement in June, little has changed on the ground. Amidst violence and devastation, can peacebuilders take inspiration from Rwanda’s reconciliation villages? Trust, empathy, and the recognition of shared humanity are of the utmost importance in this process.

Israeli air strikes have killed at least 10 people in eastern Lebanon, Lebanese officials say, despite a ceasefire. 21 February, BBC, Hugo Bachega Israel's military said it had targeted sites belonging to Hezbollah, a Shia Muslim militia and political party, in the Bekaa Valley, an area where the group has a strong presence. Hezbollah confirmed that at least eight of its members had been killed, including a senior field commander. The strikes were among the deadliest in Lebanon since a ceasefire ended the war between Israel and Hezbollah in November 2024. Despite the deal, which followed 13 months of conflict , Israel has carried out near-daily strikes on Lebanon, on targets it says are linked to the group, which is supported by Iran. Images posted online from one of the locations hit on Friday night showed heavy damage in what appeared to be a residential neighbourhood. In a statement, the Israeli military said it had struck what it described as Hezbollah command centres and that the group "systematically embeds its assets within the civilian population". It said the group's activities were "a violation of the understandings between Israel and Lebanon". In a separate statement on Saturday, the military said it had "eliminated several terrorists of Hezbollah's missile array in three different command centres... recently identified as operating to accelerate the organisation's readiness and force build-up processes, while planning fire attacks towards Israel". Hezbollah, considered a terrorist organisation by countries including the UK and the US, says the ceasefire deal only applies to southern Lebanon, in the area between the Litani river and the Blue Line, the unofficial border between Lebanon and Israel. There, the Lebanese army has dismantled infrastructure used by the group , in the first stage of a plan to disarm Hezbollah after its devastating war with Israel. The group, however, has so far rejected calls from Lebanese authorities to discuss the future of its weapons elsewhere in the country, including in the Bekaa Valley, where part of its arsenal is believed to be located. This week, Hezbollah dismissed a decision by the government to advance the second phase of the disarmament plan in areas between north of the Litani and the Awali river, in the port city of Sidon. Lebanon's government says Israel's ongoing actions are a violation of the ceasefire deal and has urged the international community to put pressure on Israel to stop its attacks. Lebanese Prime Minister Nawaf Salam recently said the situation had become a "one-sided war of attrition". Hours before the attacks in the east, an Israeli strike hit the densely populated Palestinian refugee camp of Ain al-Helweh, on the outskirts of Sidon, in the country's south. The Israeli military said it had struck a "command centre" that had been used by Hamas, which said two members had been killed. The strikes come amid heightened tensions in the region, with the United States threatening to attack Iran if negotiations between the two countries fail to reach a deal. There are concerns in Lebanon that Iran might force Hezbollah to join its response to an attack if Israel becomes involved. Copyright © 2026 BBC. Genocide Watch Comments: Israel continues to violate the ceasefire deal of 2024, striking residential areas which may amount to crimes against humanity and/or war crimes and are a definite violation of international humanitarian law, with civilians enjoying special protected status under the 4 Geneva Convention (of which Israel is a signatory)

Horn Observer February 2, 2026 By: Horn Observer Staff Reporter Somali journalists covering. Photo Horn Observer Archive Mogadishu, Somalia (Horn Observer) - Journalists in Somalia are increasingly finding themselves in the crosshairs of political and security authorities, as Parliament imposed punitive action to ban journalists who recently reported the chaos of the parliament, while members of the National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA) raided a local radio station in the Somali capital Mogadishu, scenarios that paint a troubling picture of shrinking space for independent journalism in Somalia. On Wednesday, reporters covering a chaotic session of the Federal Parliament were effectively banned from returning to the legislature. The session, disrupted by a heated dispute over constitutional amendments, was captured on video and widely circulated on social media—prompting the Speaker to bar the journalists from the premises. Some media houses were asked to assign different reporters, though many remain uncertain whether they complied.  Separately, on Saturday, 31 January, Risaala Media’s Mogadishu headquarters was unlawfully occupied and blockaded by an armed individual claiming to represent the National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA), accompanied by plainclothes officers. Journalists and staff were subjected to verbal threats and intimidation, with several detained outside and mobile phones confiscated, paralyzing news operations for hours, according to the Risaala Radio . Somali journalists work under harsh conditions, facing low pay and constant attacks from authorities, steadily wearing down their patience and resolve—threatening the very foundation of media freedom. Copyright © 2015 - 2026 Horn Observer All Rights Reserved.

By Abid Hussain Human rights report alleges record extrajudicial killings by Punjab’s police unit set up to combat organised crime. Pakistan's foremost rights group HRCP has alleged that Punjab's specialised police unit has killed more than 900 people in what it termed 'extrajudicial encounters' [Mohsin Raza/Reuters] Islamabad, Pakistan – When armed officers from Pakistan’s Crime Control Department raided Zubaida Bibi’s home in Bahawalpur city in southern Punjab province last November, they took everything: mobile phones, cash, gold jewellery and her daughter’s wedding dowry. They also took her sons. Within 24 hours, five members of her family were dead, killed in separate “police encounters” across different districts of Pakistan’s Punjab – the province that alone is home to more than half of the country’s population. Her sons Imran, 25, Irfan, 23, and Adnan, 18, along with two sons-in-law, were among them. “They broke into our house in Bahawalpur and took everything we owned,” Zubaida told a fact-finding mission from Pakistan’s foremost rights group, the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP). “We followed them to Lahore and begged for our sons’ release. The next morning, five of them were dead,” she added. When she later filed a legal petition, Zubaida says police threatened to kill whoever remained in her family if she did not withdraw it. Her husband, Abdul Jabbar, insists his sons had no criminal records. “They were working men, married with children,” he said. The family’s account sits at the centre of an explosive HRCP fact-finding report, published on February 17, which concludes that Punjab’s Crime Control Department (CCD) is pursuing what it calls “a systemic policy of extrajudicial killing in contravention of the law and Constitution”. The HRCP documented at least 670 “encounters”, resulting in 924 suspected deaths between April 2025, when the unit was formed, and December 2025. The CCD, formally constituted in April last year, was mandated to combat serious and organised crime. But the HRCP describes it as a “parallel police force” operating with virtual impunity, linking it to a sharp spike in encounter killings that has ignited debate over the rule of law and the state’s duty to protect the right to life. Farah Zia, the HRCP’s director, says Punjab was historically where encounter killings first took root in the 1960s, “partly because of an already existing policing culture where there was impunity for torture”. She said the practice later spread to other provinces. HRCP’s annual State of Human Rights reports document hundreds of police encounters each year elsewhere, particularly in Sindh. “That the governments choose to apply such short-term, unsustainable and illegal measures to curb crime rather than invest in better forensic investigation techniques, community-based policing and more effective prosecution has not helped matters,” Zia told Al Jazeera. A new force, a sharp rise Under the Punjab Chief Minister Maryam Nawaz Sharif, the CCD was established with the stated aim of helping bring to fruition the provincial government’s “Safe Punjab” vision. It is a specialised force aimed at tackling serious and organised crime, inter-district gangs and hardened offenders whom regular police struggle to combat. Maryam, daughter of three-time Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and niece of current Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, belongs to the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz party. Within weeks of the CCD’s formation, a sustained rise in police encounters was recorded across Punjab. More than 900 suspects were killed in eight months. In the same period, two police personnel were killed and 36 were injured. By comparison, HRCP’s annual report for 2024 recorded 341 suspects killed in encounters across Punjab and Sindh combined over the entire year. The CCD, operating in a single province, more than doubled that toll in less than eight months. The highest concentration of killings occurred in Lahore, with 139 encounters, followed by Faisalabad with 55 and Sheikhupura with 47. The largest category of suspects killed was those accused of dacoity, armed gang robbery, accounting for 366 deaths. Narcotics-related suspects accounted for 114 deaths, robbery suspects 138, and those accused in murder cases, 99. A familiar script Drawing on multiple police reports filed after the killings, the commission describes how a CCD team typically intercepts suspects, almost invariably on motorcycles and described as moving “suspiciously”, typically at night or at a roadblock. The suspects allegedly react aggressively and open fire first, forcing police to respond in self-defence. During the exchange, the suspects are hit while their accomplices escape, “taking advantage of the dark”. HRCP notes what it calls “strikingly similar” wording in numerous FIRs, including accounts in which a wounded suspect briefly regains consciousness and, just before dying, volunteers his full name, parentage, home address and criminal history to the officers who have shot him. The commission found identical phrases appearing across districts, dates and alleged crimes, suggesting “copy-paste structuring rather than incident-specific reporting”. Official police media releases issued after each encounter and circulated to crime reporters via WhatsApp groups often also reproduce the same sequence almost verbatim, emphasising the deceased’s alleged criminal record while omitting procedural details. Asad Jamal, a Lahore-based human rights lawyer who has long worked on encounter cases, said the chief minister, Maryam Nawaz, has repeatedly claimed that crime in Punjab has been curtailed, suggesting the approach reflects a policy decision at the highest political level. He expressed scepticism about prospects for accountability. “They seem to think that if the crime rate is lowered,” Jamal told Al Jazeera, they are justified in resorting to “extrajudicial killings” – instead of improving investigation techniques, better resources for law enforcement and improved intelligence. Punjab police officers stand as they use tear gas to disperse supporters of the far-right religious group, Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) in Lahore, Pakistan, on October 10, 2025 [Mohsin Raza/Reuters] What the government and police say Indeed, in court filings, according to the HRCP, the CCD has claimed its operations reduced property crimes by more than 60 percent in a seven-month comparison with 2024, with dacoity-linked murders down by a similar margin. The department says it follows an “intelligence-driven policing model” that has dismantled notorious organised gangs. It has dismissed the HRCP’s concerns, saying the commission lacks evidence of extrajudicial killings. The HRCP counters that even if crime figures have fallen, the method matters. Whether crime is addressed through investigation, prosecution and a judicial process, or through summary execution, goes to the heart of what kind of state Punjab seeks to be, the commission argues. The commission says families reported being told to bury their dead immediately, before independent postmortem examinations could take place. The HRCP said it received no data from Punjab Police after requesting material on encounter procedures, and written requests to meet senior police and provincial officials went unanswered. Al Jazeera also repeatedly contacted Punjab police officials, including the CCD, as well as Information Minister Azma Bokhari and Senior Minister Marriyum Aurangzeb, but received no replies. A former senior Punjab police official, who retired in the 2010s, said two main factors drive the rise in encounter killings: an overburdened and often corrupt justice system, and political pressure to demonstrate control over crime. Court delays and weak prosecutions create “frustration amongst the people and the police, and they start legitimising short cuts like extrajudicial killings”, he said. “The political government wants to be seen as controlling crime, even violating due process. This approach also encourages police to resort to extrajudicial killings, knowing there won’t be any accountability for such actions,” the official told Al Jazeera on condition of anonymity. A decade of encounters The HRCP’s annual reports show nearly 5,000 encounter cases nationwide over the past decade to 2024, with almost 2,000 in Punjab alone. Between 2020 and 2023, encounter figures in Punjab hovered below 400 annually, suggesting a persistent but relatively stable baseline. In 2024, however, the number surged to 1,008, more than tripling from the previous year. The latest report records fewer encounters overall but a significantly higher number of fatalities. The HRCP and independent observers have repeatedly characterised many such incidents as staged or fake encounters, effectively extrajudicial killings in which suspects are executed rather than arrested. Rida Hosain, a Lahore-based lawyer, said encounter killings and extrajudicial violence are a “relic of colonial control structures and military dictatorships” that treated citizens as subjects rather than rights-bearing individuals entitled to a fair trial and due process. “The Punjab government frames these measures as a pathway to ‘zero crime’, when in fact it appears to institutionalise another form of criminality: state-sanctioned criminality. Once state-sanctioned violence is normalised, it rarely remains confined to alleged ‘criminals’,” Hosain told Al Jazeera. “The government may claim that the hundreds killed are ‘criminals’, but guilt must be determined through due process, not summary executions. If this violence goes unquestioned, tomorrow’s targets could be dissidents, even innocent bystanders labelled as ‘criminals’ to justify killing with impunity,” she added. © 2026 Al Jazeera Media Network