After a break in live-audience football games caused by the epidemic, racist slogans and banners have returned to stadiums. The ‘NEVER AGAIN’ Association noted a surge in activity of those who use football to manifest their endorsement of Janusz Walus, a Polish-born far-right activist serving a life sentence for a racist murder in the Republic of South Africa. During a top flight match between teams Lechia Gdansk and Legia Warszawa (15 July), hooligans from Gdansk again displayed a banner with Walus’s name and picture and the slogan ‘Nothing will break you, you’re not alone’ and faced no consequences. No disciplinary action was taken by the Polish football authorities despite this being yet another display of racist propaganda in the Lechia Gdansk stadium. The city authorities, who financially support Lechia and rent out the stadium in question, have also failed to react. In 1993, Walus murdered Chris Hani, a Black politician who fought to end the apartheid in South Africa. The assassin was a member of racist organizations. He was sentenced to the death penalty, subsequently changed to a life sentence (capital punishment was abolished in South Africa in 1995). The murder, plotted by the far-right, was intended to start a civil war. The list of future potential victims of Walus included Nelson Mandela. - ‘It is astounding that football hooligans can display support for a racist murderer at Polish stadiums unpunished. Slogans and flags bearing praise for Walus have been appearing on the stands for a couple of years now’ - comment representatives of the ‘NEVER AGAIN’ Association. – ‘After a short summer break matches will recommence on 22 August. Let’s hope things will change’. ‘NEVER AGAIN’ activists note that, in contrast to many sports clubs worldwide, Polish clubs have not supported the international anti-racist campaign Black Lives Matter. An exception was a fourth division club Polonia Sroda Wielkopolska – its players knelt on the pitch and thus honored the memory of George Floyd, a Black American killed by a police officer. Under a short note published on 5 June on Polonia’s Twitter profile, which included a picture of the footballers and an invitation to other clubs to join the campaign, almost all the comments were negative and vulgar, including: ‘whack yourselves in the head’, ‘I see you bambers [Poles who descended from Germans, now living in the Poznan area – translator’s note] are f.cked up’, ‘please untag Legia and don’t involve it in this pathology’, ‘don’t even try to include Lech Poznan in this sick campaign’, ‘go kiss n.gro’s shoes’, ‘you’re f.cked up. I hope that n.gros destroy your asses’, ‘F.ck, my city made such an embarrassment of itself’, ‘Shame for all of Sroda Wielkopolska and its inhabitants’. ‘NEVER AGAIN’ has led the ‘Let’s kick racism out of the stadiums’ campaign since the mid-1990s. Its originator was the late Marcin Kornak (1968-2014), the president of the Association for many years. The campaign aims to fight racism and discrimination in football. An important part of the campaign is monitoring racist incidents and informing the public about them. In recent years and months, the ‘NEVER AGAIN’ Association noted many banners and flags flown during matches, displaying praise for Janusz Walus. These were exhibited by hooligans from many clubs including Rakow Czestochowa, Chelmianka Chelm, Pogon Szczecin and Legia Warszawa, among others. A real scandal occured on 21 March 2019 during a UEFA European Championship qualification game in Vienna between the Austrian and Polish national teams. Polish hooligans associated with Wisla Plock displayed a banner calling for ‘Freedom for Janusz Walus’ with a photo of the murderer. The match was played on the International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, proclaimed by the United Nations to commemorate victims of the racist apartheid system. In Poland, sympathizers of extreme nationalism publicly support Walus also away from the context of sports, for example at street demonstrations. On 1 March 2020 in Bydgoszcz, a march to honor the memory of the so called ‘Cursed Soldiers’ (a group of anti-communist guerrillas which operated in Poland after 1945) was held and its participants carried banners saying: ‘Janusz Walus. The last of the Cursed Soldiers’ and ‘Death to the enemies of the homeland’ (a slogan calling for ideologically-motivated violence). The march was headed by the city council member Jerzy Mickus, a member of the Zawisza Football Association’s board (a local football club). Another march took place on 18 July 2020 in Katowice, where participants, including members of the National Radical Camp (ONR), shouted out ‘Janusz Walus is our role model’, as well as ‘Death to the enemies of the homeland’ and ‘We will abolish democracy’. They also displayed banners with slogans: ‘It is ok to stay white’ and ‘National Cleansing Front’ along with the Celtic cross – a racist symbol. The demonstrators carried a flag with a Nazi symbol called the Black Sun. The popularity of Walus is also expressed in gadgets sold on the internet. For example, on the Polish online sales platform OLX one can purchase fan stickers with the name of the murderer and slogans commending his actions. OLX belongs to a South African media and technological internet group, Naspers. For many years, the company had actively supported propaganda upholding the apartheid. However, sales of items praising Walus are being removed from another major online sales platform, Allegro (previously also owned by Naspers), thanks to the intervention of the ‘NEVER AGAIN’ Association. On 16 March 2020, the Minister of Justice of South Africa, Ronald Lamola, upheld the decision of his predecessor and denied Walus parole. Walus never expressed full remorse for his crime. Polish members of parliament, tied to extremist nationalist circles, have campaigned for Walus’s release. In May 2016, MP Robert Winnicki (former leader of the far-right group All-Polish Youth and currently member of the Confederation party) filed a letter to the Minister of Foreign Affairs in which he demanded the Polish government take ‘appropriate steps to negotiate the immediate release of Janusz Walus’ and arrange his return to Poland. Similar requests calling for government intervention were submitted by other right-wing MPs, Tomasz Rzymkowski, Bartosz Jozwiak and Sylwester Chruszcz. The ‘NEVER AGAIN’ Association is an independent organization established in Warsaw in 1996. It has campaigned against racism, antisemitism and xenophobia, for peace, intercultural dialogue and human rights both in Poland and internationally. Additional information: www.neveragainassociation.org www.facebook.com/Respect.Diversity www.twitter.com/StowNIGDYWIECEJ

KABUL (Reuters) - More than 1,280 Afghan civilians have been killed in the first six months of the year as fighting rages in Afghanistan despite a pact between the United States and Taliban militants, the United Nations said on Monday. The violence, mainly between Afghan government forces and the Taliban, killed 1,282 and injured 2,176 for a tally of 3,458 civilian casualties, the U.N. Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA) said in a report. “The reality remains that Afghanistan continues to be one of the deadliest conflicts in the world for civilians,” it said in the mid-year report. Despite a drop of 13% in casualties from the corresponding period last year, UNAMA said the Taliban continued to cause the majority of civilian casualties, mainly through use of explosive devices, abductions and summary executions. The Taliban were responsible for 43% of all civilian casualties and government forces caused 23%, chiefly from air strikes and indirect fire during operations, it added. The UNAMA attributed the 13% drop to fewer operations by international forces, as well as fewer attacks by Islamic State militants. In February, the United States and the Taliban signed an agreement in Doha, laying out plans for the withdrawal of foreign forces from Afghanistan in exchange for security guarantees from the militants. However, fighting has spiked in recent weeks, prompted by differences over an exchange of prisoners between the Taliban and Afghan government, as Kabul proved reluctant to free hundreds of jailed militants. The Doha deal provided for the government to release 5,000 Taliban prisoners in exchange for hundreds of Afghan troops, the main plank in starting peace negotiations between the two sides in the effort to end the 18-year-old war. While the Afghan government has released more than 4,000 Taliban prisoners, it has refused to release another 600, saying they were involved in murder, illicit drug trafficking and major attacks. Reporting by Hamid Shalizi; Editing by Clarence Fernandez © Reuters 2020

UN reports killing of more than 60 people in Darfur as Sudan PM promises fresh troops for the war-torn region. A new round of violence in Sudan's Darfur region has killed more than 60 people, the United Nations said on Sunday, as the country's prime minister promised fresh troops for the conflict-stricken region. The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in Sudan (OCHA) said about 500 armed men on Saturday attacked the village of Masteri, located 48km (30 miles) south of Geneina, the capital of West Darfur province. The latest clashes between the Masalit and other Arab tribes in the area started on Saturday and lasted until late Sunday, state-run SUNA news agency reported, citing unnamed sources. The SUNA report did not provide a death toll, but said dozens of people were killed or wounded, and more than 60 injured were taken by helicopter to Geneina for treatment. Local authorities asked for military reinforcements to halt the clashes, the report said. On Sunday, Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok said the government would send security forces to conflict-stricken Darfur to "protect citizens and the farming season". The force will include army and police, he said in a statement after he met a delegation of women from the region. An unconfirmed number of houses were looted and burned in the village, along with half the local market, OCHA said. The village borders Chad. The attack prompted about 500 people to start a protest camp in front of the Masalit Sultan House, a settlement hosting about 4,200 internally displaced people in Masteri, the UN agency said. The protesters called for the authorities to protect them from attacks. Saturday's attack was the latest in a series of attacks in the area. OCHA documented at least seven between July 19 and 26, which killed or wounded dozens. Last week, local authorities in West Darfur declared a 24-hour curfew in Geneina, compromising access to nutrition, water and sanitation, education, health and other critical services, OCHA said. The clashes came in the middle of the agricultural season, increasing humanitarian needs in the region. About 2.8 million people in the Darfur region are estimated to be severely food insecure between June and September, more than 545,000 of them in West Darfur alone, OCHA said. Threat to Democratic Transition Sudan is on a fragile path to democracy after a popular uprising led the military to overthrow longtime leader Omar al-Bashir in April 2019. A military-civilian government now rules the country until elections, possibly in late 2022, are held. Such clashes pose a challenge to government efforts to end decades-long rebellions in areas like Darfur, where most people live in camps for the displaced and refugees. Darfur has been devastated since 2003 by a conflict between ethnic minority rebels and forces loyal to al-Bashir, including the government-backed militia known as the Janjaweed, mainly recruited from Arab pastoralist tribes. A government scorched-earth campaign to crush the rebels killed 300,000 people and displaced 2.5 million. Violence in Darfur has eased since al-Bashir's removal by the army amid mass protests against his rule last year. The government and a coalition of nine rebel groups, including factions from the region, signed a preliminary peace deal in January this year. Al-Bashir is wanted by the International Criminal Court over charges of genocide and crimes against humanity in the conflict. The new interim government is currently negotiating with several rebel groups from Darfur and other troubled regions in the country to achieve long-term peace. SOURCE: AL JAZEERA

La Mission des Nations Unies en République centrafricaine (MINUSCA) continue d’apporter un appui multidimensionnel au processus électoral dans le pays malgré les menaces sécuritaires que constituent certains groupes armés tels que les 3R. La République centrafricaine (RCA) doit organiser des élections présidentielle, législatives le 27 décembre 2020. Au cas où le scrutin présidentiel requiert un second tour, ce dernier devrait se tenir le 14 février 2021. Dans le cadre de la résolution 2499 adoptée le 15 novembre dernier par le Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies, la MINUSCA a notamment pour mandat d’aider les autorités centrafricaines à préparer et à organiser ces élections pacifiques en leur offrant ses bons offices, en leur fournissant un appui en matière de sécurité et un soutien opérationnel, logistique et, le cas échéant, technique, en particulier de manière à faciliter l’accès aux zones reculées, et en coordonnant l’assistance électorale internationale. Par la voix de son porte-parole, la mission onusienne a indiqué disposer d’un plan de sécurisation des élections qui a été validé par les autorités centrafricaines et qui est en train d’être mis en œuvre. « Ce plan de sécurisation concerne non seulement Bangui la capitale, mais aussi l’ensemble des régions de la Centrafrique. Les FACA (Forces armées centrafricaines) et les FSI (Forces de sécurité intérieure) sont parties prenantes dans la sécurisation de ces élections », a précisé Charles Bambara, le directeur de la Communication et porte-parole intérimaire de la MINUSCA, lors d’un point de presse mercredi. Le Représentant spécial du Secrétaire général de l’ONU en RCA, Mankeur Ndiaye a demandé à son adjointe, Denise Brown, de présider chaque semaine un groupe de travail électoral auquel participe la Force de la MINUSCA et toutes les sections de ma mission onusienne impliquées dans cet effort de soutien. Une réunion hebdomadaire qui a pour objectif de revoir dans les détails les besoins autour du processus électoral. « Ce groupe de travail n’est pas uniquement un groupe de travail de la MINUSCA, mais il inclut les agences du système des Nations Unies impliquées dans l’organisation ou le soutien au processus électoral », a tenu à préciser M. Bambara. Selon le directeur de la communication de la mission onusienne, l’Autorité nationale des élections (ANE) en RCA, avec l’appui du gouvernement, de la MINUSCA et du Programme des Nations Unies pour le développement (PNUD), a continué les efforts pour étendre graduellement l’enregistrement des électeurs à l’ensemble du pays. « Ces efforts incluent le déploiement du personnel d’enregistrement des électeurs, le déploiement du matériel électoral, y compris les kits de lutte contre la pandémie de Covid-19 au niveau de chaque centre d’inscription, et la sécurisation des opérations électorales », a précisé M. Bambara. En plus de la capitale de Bangui, l’enregistrement des électeurs a commencé dans les préfectures de la Lobaye, de l’Ombella-Mpoko, de la Kemo, de la Sangha-Mbaéré, de la Nana-Mambéré, de l’Ouham et du Haut-Mbomou, a annoncé la MINUSCA. La MINUSCA poursuit ses opérations contre le groupe armé 3R La préparation et l’organisation des élections prévues à la fin de l’année en RCA ont lieu sur fond de tensions sécuritaires. Dans le nord-ouest du pays, la Force de la MINUSCA poursuit les opérations militaires contre le groupe armé 3R afin de le contraindre à quitter les zones qu'il a occupées après la signature de l'accord de paix du 6 février 2019, et de permettre la liberté de mouvements et la protection des civils dans la région. Le 15 juillet, des Casques bleus du bataillon tanzanien ont affronté, le 15 juillet, des éléments du 3R à Gbambia, dans la préfecture de Mambéré-Kadéï, les forçant à fuir leur campement et à abandonner des munitions derrière eux. Le 18 juillet, les Casques bleus rwandais ont repoussé une attaque à Gedze, dans la préfecture de Nana-Mambéré, et ont neutralisé trois éléments du mouvement 3R, récupérant des munitions et des armes. Le 13 juillet, un Casque bleu rwandais avait été tué par des éléments présumés 3R dans cette même localité. Dans le cadre de l’opération « Ala Londo » menée dans le nord-ouest de la RCA, les troupes de la MNUSCA ont repris mercredi le contrôle de la localité de Niem, dans la préfecture de Nana-Mambéré, en chassant les éléments 3R qui ont évité le combat. « L’avancée des troupes FACA-MINUSCA se poursuit dans les zones antérieurement sous contrôle 3R », a indiqué hier la mission onusienne. Parallèlement à ces actions de la Force, « la MINUSCA continue d’échanger avec les garants de l'accord de paix en vue de faciliter le dialogue entre les dirigeants du mouvement 3R et le gouvernement », a déclaré M. Bambara. Lors de la réunion du Conseil de sécurité sur la RCA organisée le 22 juin, le chef des opérations de paix de l’ONU avait décrit une situation politique toujours fragile et une insécurité persistante dans le pays, 16 mois après la signature de l’accord de paix. « La mise en œuvre de l'accord politique (pour la paix et la réconciliation) est devenue plus difficile dans le contexte actuel », avait alors déclaré M. Lacroix. Publié par ONU Info le 23 juillet 2020 © 2020 United Nations

Tensions triggered by the potential appointment of a new electoral chief lay bare fragility of coalition government. On the surface, the recent protests that have swept across the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) surround the potential appointment of Ronsard Malonda as the president of the Independent National Electoral Commission (CENI). But at the root, there is a fierce struggle for political power that dates back more than a decade. Malonda, the current secretary-general of CENI, was a senior figure involved in running the country's previous elections in 2006, 2011 and 2018. Critics have accused him of playing a historic role in rigging results in favour of former President Joseph Kabila, who came to power after his father was assassinated in 2001 and stood down last year. Supporters of the DRC's President Felix Tshisekedi claim that Malonda's appointment is part of a plan by Kabila, who continues to wield enormous power through his parliamentary majority, control of the army and several cabinet ministries, to interfere with the country's next elections in 2023. "We have to see this in the context of Kabila trying to manoeuvre in the background through the parliamentary majority that he currently enjoys," said Phil Clark, professor of international politics at London's School of Oriental and African Studies. "The big picture is the continued fight between Tshisekedi and Kabila, with an eye on 2023. To choose Malonda is to put a Kabila ally absolutely front and centre." The choice of Malonda to head CENI was approved last week by the Kabila-dominated National Assembly, but has yet to be signed off by Tshisekedi, who took office in January last year in the country's first peaceful political transition. But the son of the late Etienne Tshisekedi - Kabila's old enemy and a popular opposition stalwart - was elected amid accusations of serious electoral fraud with the help of Kabila, who in turn won a parliamentary majority. The CENI dispute marks a new peak in tensions for the coalition government, an uneasy alliance between Tshisekedi, Kabila and several smaller parties formed after the December 2018 election, which has shown increasing signs of discord in recent months. The breadth of opposition to it - including supporters of Tshisekedi, the opposition Lamuka coalition, the Lay Coordination Committee of the Congolese Catholic Church, and other civil society groups - reveals how serious those fractures have become. "We've seen over the past year and a half that there have been tensions in the ruling coalition," said Nelleke van de Walle, deputy project director of Central Africa for the International Crisis Group. "Tshisekedi has been forced to cooperate with Kabila's Common Front for Congo (FCC) coalition and they have been in a standoff ever since." In the first year of his presidency, Tshisekedi struggled to push through policies due to pushback from the FCC, according to van de Walle, including the complicated appointment of the prime minister, which took four months to agree, and frustrated attempts to make changes at the state mining company, Gecamines. But Tshisekedi's State of the Union address in December 2019, in which he promised "2020 will be the year of action", signalled a more combative tone. "That was the moment when Tshisekedi first began to distance himself from Kabila," said van de Walle. In January 2020, Tshisekedi told an audience at the UK-Africa Investment Summit in London that he would be willing to "dissolve" the National Assembly and have new elections, drawing strong criticism from the FCC. Political tensions were further stoked when in February, General Delphin Kahimbi, head of army intelligence who was charged for involvement in a plot to destabilise Tshisekedi, was found dead. Then last month, Vital Kamerhe, Tshisekedi's chief of staff who also ran Kabila's election campaign in 2006, was charged with embezzling more than $50m in public funds, a decision that sent shockwaves through the country. In recent weeks, the fragile coalition was rocked by counter-movements from Kabila's allies, including judicial reforms aimed at redefining the powers of judges. This led to demonstrations in the capital, Kinshasa, over what was seen as an effort to muzzle the judiciary, prompting the resignation last week of Justice Minister Celestin Tunda, a senior figure in Kabila's FCC. "The goal of these protests is to have the proposals withdrawn," said Stewart Muhindo, an activist for the pro-democracy movement Lucha. "Both of the proposed changes to the judiciary and the electoral commission are attacks on democratic freedom. Congolese politics must be changed to reflect the will of the people, because currently it does not." These events culminated in the protests that saw thousands take to the streets against Malonda's selection last Thursday, staged by Tshisekedi's own party, the Union for Democracy and Progress (UDPS), and sparked violence that led to the death of two protesters and a policeman in Kinshasa, according to the United Nations Joint Human Rights Office. Three people were also killed in Lubumbashi in the southeast of the country, while police dispersed campaigners in Goma and several smaller towns. A separate rally on Monday was led by the main alliance of opposition parties, Lamuka, who last week called Malonda an "agent" of Kabila's FCC, and demanded an audit of CENI. "These protests put Tshisekedi in a stronger position to refuse to sign off on Molanda's appointment and to demand the National Assembly approve another candidate," said Jordan Anderson, a political risk analyst at IHS Markit. "Forcing the National Assembly to change course on the CENI presidency would be a significant demonstration by Tshisekedi of growing power and independence from Kabila." In addition, the support of the Catholic Church, which has called for weekly Sunday protests in response to Malonda's nomination, could raise the prospect of the protests' success and prove significant for both their turnout and longevity. "The Catholic Church is the single largest denomination in DRC, and its leadership carries near-unmatched moral weight in society," added Anderson. "It demonstrated in early 2018 [after Kabila refused to step down following the end of his electoral term] that it was capable of consistently mobilising large turnout." However, despite the impressive turnout figures, experts have tempered any suggestion that the protests are likely to succeed, and that Tshisekedi could make a decisive split from Kabila. "In the face of state power those protest movements have often melted away," said Clark. "Even in the context of the last election, when the Catholic Church was getting people on the streets to protest the delays ... ultimately Kabila and the security forces still got their way," he added. "That's the real test at the moment of this protest movement, and the Catholic Church's role within it - have they learned from the arguably failed past protests of recent years to bring about actual change?" Published by Al Jazeera on July 16, 2020 © 2020 Al Jazeera Media Network

KABUL — Noor Rahmati said he and his family were driving away from a welcome-home celebration for a released Taliban prisoner in western Herat province Wednesday morning, when several Afghan army helicopters swooped low, firing and dropping bombs on the village compound. "We were inside the car and they hit us," said Rahmati, 28, a nurse and distant relative of the prisoner, speaking from a hospital ward in Herat city Thursday morning. He said more than 200 people came for the event, which took place in a Taliban-controlled region. "I lost three family members, and five were wounded." The airstrikes were confirmed by the Afghan Defense Ministry, and unconfirmed reports indicated that as many as 45 people, including insurgents and civilians, were killed or wounded. A spokesman for the governor of Herat, Jailani Farhad, said that the strikes targeted at least six Taliban commanders who had carried out major assaults. Aerial footage provided by the ministry showed a group of heavily armed men mingling on the ground near a truck and several motorcycles before the strike. But the reports of numerous civilian casualties were likely to provoke strong criticism in Afghanistan, where such attacks by both Afghan and U.S. forces have been widely condemned. A U.S. military spokesman in Kabul said American forces played no role in the attack. The Defense Ministry said it would investigate the reports of civilian deaths. “The national defense and security forces have the responsibility to protect the lives and property of the people,” the statement said. It added that Afghan officials would “not spare any effort” to learn what had happened and would release their findings to the public. Zalmay Khalilzad, the U.S. envoy who negotiated a peace agreement with Taliban officials in February, said in a tweet Thursday that photographs and “eyewitness accounts” suggested that “many civilians including children are among the victims of an Afghan airstrike.” He added: “We condemn the attack and support an investigation.” Khalilzad also condemned ongoing Taliban attacks, which have continued unabated since the bilateral deal was signed, and he said the violence on both sides should be curbed to pave the way for peace talks among Afghans. “More graves will not bring negotiations forward,” he said. In the first half of this year, 1,232 civilians were killed and 1,744 wounded in conflict incidents, the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission reported. A Taliban spokesman, Mohammad Yousuf Ahmadi, said in a statement that two airstrikes in Herat killed eight civilians and wounded 12. He did not mention whether any insurgents died, but he declared that “such attacks will compel recently freed prisoners who wish to live normal lives to take up arms once more against the enemy.” A major stumbling block for long-delayed intra-Afghan peace talks has been a dispute over the release of 5,000 Taliban prisoners. The Afghan government has refused to release about 400 of them, saying they are criminals or hardened combatants who would immediately return to battle. The Taliban has insisted that all the individuals on its original list must be freed before talks can start. In other recent statements, Taliban officials have cited continued U.S. and Afghan airstrikes as a source of provocation that can only exacerbate the conflict. After a massive Taliban bombing last week in the northern province of Samangan, a Taliban spokesman said such “escalations of violence” were only “reactions” to Afghan government attacks. The Taliban has not been as active in Herat as in other regions of the country, but it has made heavy inroads in neighboring western provinces and reportedly received covert backing from neighboring Iran. The insurgents have also established tight control over several districts, especially Guzara and Adraskan, south of Herat city, in a windswept region straddling an ancient camel route from Kandahar to Iran. Two years ago, when the Taliban agreed to a three-day nationwide truce, there were scenes of insurgent fighters hugging and praying with Afghan troops and elders. But in Guzara, a meeting during the truce between insurgent and provincial leaders, attended by a Washington Post reporter, was tense and hostile. Fighters cradled assault rifles and covered their faces with scarves. One speaker denounced the government of President Ashraf Ghani as “un-Islamic,” and others vowed to fight it to the death. Wednesday’s doomed celebration for the released commander, identified as Ghulam Nabi, was held in a village compound between Guzara and Adraskan. Despite the footage later aired on Afghan TV showing armed fighters at the site, Rahmati and many others like him were civilians, drawn by family ties rather than Taliban affiliation. “All the people ran and hid, but there was shooting and bombing,” Rahmati said. “Many could not get away.” Sharif Hassan contributed to this report. © The Washington Post 2020

Darfur Women Action Group (DWAG) would like to express its grave concern about the deadly violence that took place in the capital of West Darfur over the weekend that left many injured and seventeen dead. Two separate incidents, one on Friday, July 17th and one on Sunday July 19th, left many injured and three dead. DWAG would like to raise the alarm about this systematic violence and calls on the Transitional Government of Sudan to take effective action to end this cruel act against innocent civilians in Darfur. On Friday, July 17th, International Justice Day, Militias affiliated with Rapid Support Forces attacked villages in West Darfur Ammar Ibrahim where seventeen people were injured during a sit-in at Misterei in Beida after a group of gunmen opened fire on the peaceful protests. Friday was the 11th day of the sit-in. A spokesperson and member of the Resistance Committees that is active in West Darfur Ammar Ibrahim told RadioDabanga that the attack took place right after a delegation of the Beida Resistance Committees Coordination had met with the governor. On Saturday, July 18th, a group of gunmen on motorcycles attacked and destroyed a number of buildings in Beida. They began first by raiding the market, before continuing on to destroy the office of the Beida Resistance Committees, the house of the former commissioner, and the Beida Language and Science Institute, all while threatening bystanders. On Sunday, July 19th, the violence culminated when fighting erupted in El Jebel district in El Geneina, when a shooting killed three people and wounded several others. It is unclear what the reason behind the shooting is, however the situation has been contained after army forces were deployed to the area. These attacks on civilians in West Darfur are not new nor a single incident - it's a part of a well orchestrated policy of the former regime to exterminate the people of Darfur. Despite al-Bashir’s removal from power, his totalitarian regime is very present in Darfur today and the interim government is failing to stop its forces from attacking its citizens. It is extremely alarming that these people have been under attack over the last 17 years and they are yet to be protected today. These attacks are endangering the lives of millions innocent civilians and threaten the stability of the Darfur region and the country at large. It is imperative that the Transitional Government address the underlying issues that caused these acts of violence to happen. There needs to be a dedicated effort to withdraw these militias out of civilian areas and remove their guns and other weapons and hold those responsible accountable. Additionally, DWAG calls on the transitional government to echo the calls made by the United Nations to ensure a national cease-fire takes place as the country responds to COVID-19. It is imperative that the government release an action plan that responds to the ongoing violence that is taking place so that no more citizens are dying in the aftermath of the decades-long conflict. These attacks further underscore the Interim government’s inability to protect civilians in Darfur and the need for UN civilian protection forces with a Chapter (VII) seven mandate throughout the interim period to ensure that vulnerable populations are protected. About: Darfur Women Action Group Women Action Group (DWAG) strives to empower and amplify the voices of women, the victims of genocide, and the historically excluded Sudanese. DWAG ultimately aim to enable them to fight for their rights, achieve justice, and to equally participate in the transformation of their society. Niemat Ahmadi, President

Organizers issued demands including the dissolution of parliament and an end to harassment of government critics. Around 2,500 Thai protesters took to the streets in Bangkok on Saturday night demanding the resignation of the government and the dissolution of parliament, defying a coronavirus ban on gatherings in one of the largest street demonstrations since a 2014 military coup. People at the student-led rally near Bangkok's Democracy Monument cited a litany of complaints against the year-old civilian government of Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha, the former army chief who ousted an elected government six years ago. Organizers issued three demands: the dissolution of parliament, an end to harassment of government critics, and amendments to the military-written constitution that critics say virtually guaranteed victory for Prayuth's party in elections last year. "How can we be OK with the lack of democracy like this?" student activist Tattep Ruangprapaikit told the crowds. There were also some veiled public references at the protest to the powerful Thai monarchy, despite a law forbidding criticism of the king. Such references would once have been unthinkable. Police were on standby but did not move to stop the protest. The monument was cordoned off with signs reading: "No entry without permission. Maintenance in progress." The protests started with student groups, but during the evening hundreds more arrived to join, swelling the numbers to about 2,500, according to organisers and estimates by reporters on the scene. The demonstration dispersed at about midnight, but organizers said they would return to the streets in two weeks if their demands were not met. 'Whose home is in Germany?' Public opposition to Prayuth has been growing in recent months. Since last year's election, a court has dissolved the second-largest opposition party, giving his ruling coalition firmer control in parliament. Prayuth also saw several cabinet members resign on Thursday over internal disputes. Prayuth's Palang Pracharat Party campaigned on a vision of traditional Thai culture and loyalty to King Maha Vajiralongkorn. "Heartening to see! Demands for answers in enforced disappearance cases of many #Thais are central part of today's protest at Democracy Monument in #Bangkok. These disappearances are grievous human rights violations that demand accountability & justice! #เยาวชนปลดแอก #Thailand pic.twitter.com/4yKEdaN6lV" — Phil Robertson (@Reaproy) July 18, 2020 Thailand is officially a constitutional monarchy, but insulting the king is punishable by up to 15 years in prison, and many conservatives view the monarchy as sacrosanct. Some signs and speeches at Saturday's protest made veiled references to the monarchy. "This is our country, but whose home is in Germany?" said one of the student leaders on a small stage set up on the street. King Vajiralongkorn has an estate in Germany, where he spends much of the year. A protest sign read "Lost faith is definitely not a crime!!! #Thiwakorn", in a reference to a separate protest in Thailand's northeast on Friday in support of a man who was committed to a psychiatric hospital after he wore a T-shirt saying he had lost faith in the monarchy. Another banner said "The People's Party Isn't Dead" - a reference to the political party whose revolution ended absolute royal rule in 1932. Prayuth last month publicly warned political activists not to risk their futures by criticizing the monarchy. Earlier protests this year were fueled by a February court ruling dissolving a popular opposition political party whose democracy-promoting policies had attracted substantial support among younger Thais. The supporters of the Future Forward party believed the group was targeted for its popularity and for being critical of the government and the military. Protests against the government had been drawing increasingly large crowds at the time, but tapered off quickly when several coronavirus clusters were confirmed and the emergency law was invoked. Lockdown measures and social distancing have since helped the government contain the spread of the virus, but it has retained emergency powers, which critics say it wields as a political weapon. © 2020 Al Jazeera Media Network

Universal Periodic Review Should Address Broken Commitments, Impunity Rohingya gather behind a barbed-wire fence in the border zone between Myanmar and Bangladesh, April 25, 2018. © 2018 Ye Aung Thu/AFP/Getty Images (Bangkok) – Myanmar has failed to undertake meaningful reforms to bring its many rights-violating laws into compliance with international human rights standards, Human Rights Watch said today in a submission to the United Nations Human Rights Council for Myanmar’s Universal Periodic Review (UPR) in January 2021. Despite Myanmar’s commitments in the 2015 review cycle to adopt democratic reforms and respect civil and political rights, the government has made little progress. The government has disregarded its international legal obligations to provide accountability for Myanmar military atrocities. It has refused to cooperate with the Human Rights Council-established Fact-Finding Mission to investigate atrocity crimes, and barred the previous UN special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar from entering the country. “Myanmar’s unwillingness to provide accountability for rampant rights abuses seems to know no bounds,” said Phil Robertson, deputy Asia director. “UN member countries should use Myanmar’s UN review to demand the government make progress through deeds, not more flowery talk, to achieve genuine human rights improvements.” Under the UPR system, all UN member states undergo a review of their human rights records under the auspices of the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva every five years. Despite making commitments during the last UPR cycle, in 2015, to establish democratic institutions, adopt justice sector reforms, and promote and protect women’s rights, Myanmar has achieved little progress. Human rights violations by Myanmar’s security forces against ethnic minority groups, including Rohingya, Rakhine, Kachin, Shan, Karen, and others, have significantly worsened since 2015. Myanmar’s discriminatory framework targeting Rohingya underlies their continuing dismal situation in Rakhine State. Myanmar is obligated under international law to comply with the International Court of Justice’s January provisional measures order to prevent genocide. In Rakhine and Chin States, the population is in the second year of government-enforced internet shutdowns amid escalating fighting between the ethnic Arakan Army and Myanmar military. The government failed to revoke or amend rights-abusing laws that undermine the rights to freedom of expression, association, and peaceful assembly. As a result, hundreds of human rights defenders, community leaders, trade union members and leaders, and other civil society activists have faced prosecution and imprisonment for exercising their basic rights. © 2020 Human Rights Watch

Delhi Minority Commission report accuses police of inaction in cases related to the worst violence in decades. A government-appointed commission promoting the rights of India's religious minorities said police failed to protect Muslims campaigning against a new citizenship law during violent riots in Delhi state this year. At least 53 people, mostly Muslims, were killed and more than 200 were injured in the worst communal violence in the Indian capital since more than 3,000 people of the Sikh minority community were killed in 1984. The Delhi Minorities Commission (DMC) said on Thursday that Muslim homes, shops and vehicles were selectively targeted during days of rioting that coincided with US President Donald Trump's trip to India. The violence erupted in February after the leaders from the governing Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and their supporters attacked peaceful sit-ins in northeast Delhi organised against the new citizenship law. The Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) passed in December by the Indian Parliament fast-tracked the path to citizenship for religious minorities from neighbouring countries except for Muslims. Critics said the law was against the spirit of the country's secular constitution. 'Fundamentally discriminatory' law The law, which the United Nations called "fundamentally discriminatory", triggered nationwide protests, mostly led by Muslim women and posed the biggest political challenge to Prime Minister Narendra Modi since he took over in 2014. In all, 11 mosques, five madrasas or religious schools, a Muslim shrine and a graveyard were attacked and damaged, a fact-finding team from the commission said in its report released on Thursday. Recommendations made in the commission's report to safeguard minority rights are not binding. "Seemingly, to crush the protests, with support of the administration and police, a retaliatory plan of pro-CAA protesters was worked out to trigger violence at a large scale," it said. The commission said police had charged Muslims for the violence even though they were the worst victims. Delhi police spokesman Anil Mittal rejected the allegation of bias and said police had acted fairly. "We have filed 752 first information reports, over 200 chargesheets, arrested over 1,400 people in connection with the riots. We have also formed three special investigation teams and are still open to receiving complaints," Mittal said. Critics of Prime Minister Modi's BJP government say it has been promoting a Hindu-first India and that the citizenship law aimed to further marginalize the country's 170 million Muslims. BJP denies bias The BJP has denied any bias but says it is opposed to the "appeasement" of any community. But critics say BJP's charges of "Muslim appeasement" does not hold water, as a government commission report in 2006 said the minority community is at the bottom of the most development indices. The DMC report also alleged some senior BJP leaders like former member of Delhi legislative assembly Kapil Mishra of fuelling the February 23 violence, but a party spokesman said there was no basis of such allegations. "When Delhi police has already stated in court that there is no role proved of Kapil Mishra, then on what grounds DMC is saying this," BJP spokesman Harish Khurana said. The minorities commission said witnesses spoke of police failure to intervene in the rioting. "Multiple testimonies collected by this Fact-Finding Committee recount reports of police inaction even as violence unfolded before them, or of police not arriving despite being called repeatedly," it said. © 2020 Al Jazeera Media Network

Amnesty says Myanmar military carried out 'indiscriminate' air strikes in Rakhine, calls for war crimes investigation. Myanmar's military has killed civilians, including children, in indiscriminate air attacks amid worsening conflict in the country's western Rakhine and Chin states, a prominent rights group said, urging the United Nations Security Council to launch a war crimes investigation. In a report on Wednesday, Amnesty International said it collected new evidence showing Myanmar's military - also known as the Tatmadaw - bombed several villages in Chin state in March and April, killing more than a dozen people. One witness who was interviewed remotely told the group that an air raid in Paletwa Township on March 14 and 15 killed his uncle, his brother and his brother's 16-year-old friend. Two people from another family in the same village cluster said nine people, including a seven-year-old boy, were also killed in the bombardment. "Our family is destroyed," the boy's father told Amnesty. In another round of aerial raids in Paletwa on April 7, seven people were killed and eight wounded, the report said, citing testimony from a farmer. The indiscriminate attacks, which Amnesty said amounted to war crimes due to civilian deaths, came amid a surge in fighting between the Tatmadaw and the Arakan Army (AA), an armed group seeking greater autonomy for the Buddhist Rakhine people who make up a majority of Rakhine state's population. The region is also home to the mostly Muslim Rohingya, and borders Chin state, whose people are mostly Christian. The conflict escalated in January last year following an AA attack on police posts and worsened in March after Myanmar's government officially labelled the group a terrorist organisation. The AA posed "a danger to law and order, peace and stability of the country and public peace," it said. Call for war crimes probe Tens of thousands of people have been forced from their homes in the unrest, and much of the fighting is taking place in communities where the internet has been cut off for more than a year, and against the backdrop of the new coronavirus pandemic. "While Myanmar authorities were urging people to stay at home to help stop COVID-19, in Rakhine and Chin states its military was burning down homes and killing civilians in indiscriminate attacks that amount to war crimes," said Nicholas Bequelin, Amnesty International's Asia-Pacific Regional Director. "The reliance on air strikes and internet blackouts may be new, but one constant is the military's remorseless neglect for civilian life," Bequelin said, calling on the UN Security Council to refer the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court (ICC) for a war crimes inquiry. "This relentless pattern of violations is clearly a matter for the ICC. The Security Council must act," he added. Zaw Htay, spokesman for Aung San Suu Kyi's government, did not respond to calls for comment. But the Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a statement addressing concerns over the internet blackout, saying access was restricted to "prevent the AA from exploiting mobile internet technologies to detonate" bombs and landmines. Internet will be restored once the situation "stabilises", the statement said, adding that the government is taking measures to ensure the shutdown does not hinder efforts to combat the virus. Such action include disseminating COVID-19 information through SMS messages, the ministry added. Media access to Rakhine is heavily restricted, and prearranged visits with government minders are the only way foreign journalists can report from the area. Myanmar is already under investigation in the International Court of Justice (ICJ) over its treatment of the Rohingya, hundreds of thousands of whom fled Rakhine following a brutal military crackdown nearly three years ago. The government had defended what happened then as a legitimate response to attacks by Rohingya fighters from a small armed group, known as the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army. In January, the court said "irreparable damage" had been caused to the Rohingya and ordered the government to take immediate steps to prevent genocide. Some Rohingya still live in the area, often in squalid camps. Beatings, threats In its latest report into the situation in the troubled region, Amnesty said it collected testimony from witnesses who recounted arbitrary detention and torture, and verified video footage showing abuses by the Tatmadaw. One woman whose husband was arrested in February said soldiers had tied up the detained man and beaten him for four nights and five days. "He wasn't given food or water ... They kicked and hit him with rifles in the back and kicked his chest as well," she said, recounting what her husband had told her. "Before this, he was tall and big, but when I saw him ... he was visibly thin." The beating of detainees appears to be widespread, Amnesty said, noting that the military had admitted its soldiers punched and kicked blindfolded detainees in May after a video of the incident went viral. The group, citing satellite imagery of conflict-affected villages, also reported widescale burning consistent with Myanmar military tactics. The Tatmadaw and the Arakan Army have previously blamed each other for the village burning. Separately, the Chin Human Rights Organization (CHRO) said more than 500 Chin people were currently stranded in Paletwa after the army turned them back as they were returning to their villages by boat. The group - all local administrators - had travelled to the town for a meeting. The military "stopped us and told us that we cannot go back to our villages," one of the village administrators told CHRO. "When we asked them why we are not allowed to return having already allowed us to enter, the soldiers at the security post shouted, 'Do not ask any questions or say anything in return. We were given orders from above.' No one dares to go since some boats were even shot at in order to threaten us." Amnesty said it was not able to document operations and abuses by the Arakan Army in the reporting period due to COVID-19 travel restrictions and limited access to conflict-affected areas and witnesses. But reports suggest the Arakan Army has continued a pattern of abuses including the endangering the lives of civilians during attacks and intimidation of local communities, the group added. © 2020 Al Jazeera Media Network

Sexual and gender-based violence continues unaccounted for in moments of conflict without due justice. Friday, June 17th, marked the 22nd anniversary of International Justice Day, a day honoring the creation of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC). It is imperative that as we reflect on the progress that has been made, we also recognize there is still more work to be done in securing justice for the victims and survivors of the genocide. We cannot forget the women who were victims of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) as a result of this conflict as well. In Sudan, nearly two decades of conflict has allowed for SGBV to be a common occurrence, despite recent ceasefires. There are reports of SGBV reported to RadioDabanga almost every day. The survivors of SGBV, especially when it occurs in conflict zones, are often left without justice due to the stigma attached to these crimes and often for fear of retaliation , women and families remain silent It is essential that as we continue the fight for justice, there is a dedicated effort to support the needs of survivors and hold the perpetrators of the SGBV accountable. There must be improved reporting mechanisms and protections for victims of SGBV and it is imperative that their needs are centered in the search for justice. Sexual and Gender-based Violence (SGBV) in Conflict and Why it’s an Issue Globally, sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) impacts one in three women in their lifetime. The United Nations recently highlighted how insecurity and displacement often fuels an increase in SGBV. SGBV is widespread and often an integral part of conflict, but it is seldom talked about due to the stigma attached. Victims are often unable to come forward for fear of retaliation, as well as rejection from their community as a result of the crimes committed against them. Sexual violence is frequently used as a tactic of war and is a very effective strategy for smaller militias with less resources for other weapons. It is cheap and effective because the combatants can use their bodies as weapons with devastating impacts. It has lasting repercussions, often with the intent to destroy the fabric of the community in which it is wielded against. It perpetuates cycles of violence and the survivors are often left without access to resources and never see justice for the crimes committed against them. Survivors of SGBV in conflict are often too scared or ashamed to report what happened to them, making it difficult to find out actual numbers of incidents. Relevance to Sudan Sexual and gender-based violence, particularly systematic rape and sexual slavery, have been wielded against the people of Darfur during the long-standing crises. The Janjaweed are notorious for their brutal attacks against civilians, using kidnapping and rape as weapons of war. However, they are not the only group who have utilized SGBV during the conflict. Torture, rape and sexual harassment are seen as effective weapons against the enemy’s women, as it successfully demoralizes and terrorizes people, forcing them to flee their homes. Despite recent ceasefires, SGBV continues to happen, as new incidents are reported to RadioDabanga almost every day. Women from Fur, Zaghawa, Masalit, Berti, Tunjur, and other non-Arab ethnicities are targeted, although it is not exclusive to these groups. Given that the Sudanese government allowed Jajaweed fighters to infiltrate the security sector in the country, it is necessary for the transitional government to give reparations to the survivors of SGBV at the hands of the government and the government-backed militias. Women and girls are not only fearful of attacks by these groups, but also rebel groups fighting against the central government and their allies as well. Even in times of peace, women still had to be fearful of the threat of SGBV. Not only does rape occur during conflict, but women and girls living in internally-displaced persons (IDP) or refugee camps are vulnerable to SGBV there as well. For example, in June 2008, at a refugee camp in Chad, a group of women, aged 13 to 30, were tortured by other Sudanese refugees located inside the camp. Accused of prostitution, dozens of men took turns beating them with whips and sticks, in front of the entire camp, in an attempt to shame the women. As a result, the women of the camp crafted a document, a 14-point manifesto (known as the FARCHANA Manifesto), that calls for the empowerment of women within refugee camps. The women and girls in these camps (quote from woman at the Farchana camp in Chad) have said that, at times, it is safer for them back in Sudan, where they had “some freedoms” unlike in Farchana, where they have none. This is just one of the many examples that even after women make it to IDP or refugee camps, they are not suddenly immune to SGBV. There is social stigmatization that takes place, which combined with the lack of accountability for perpetrators of these attacks, make women fearful and distrusting of law enforcement, meaning they are unlikely to come forward. There is a veil of secrecy that surrounds reporting SGBV, which makes it difficult for aid workers to get accurate numbers of those impacted. Need for Accountability While there has been impunity for all of the perpetrators of the genocide in Darfur, women and girls who were victims of SGBV are even more likely to be denied justice. Similar to the systematic rape in Darfur, the Rapid Support Forces has also used rape against Sudanese women during the June 3rd 2019 , a famous incident to quell protest. During the thirty years of al-Bashir’s ruling Sudanese laws have been used to oppress women and the popular disciplinary act has been actively used to oppressed or commit violence against women in the capital Khartoum. Women were flogged for the simplest things such as wearing pants. Despite all the promises made, the current interim government of Sudan has failed to adequately integrate the voices of women or allow meaningful participation. This will make reforming institutions and laws to be favorable to women difficult when they are not at the table. Therefore, there is a desperate need to bolster the justice system’s ability to handle crimes related to SGBV, as the current system is ill-equipped to handle the needs of victims. There needs to be laws put in place that centers the needs of the victims and a firm commitment to increase the number of female police officers in the country who would be more equipped to respond to these crimes. In this regard, the International Criminal Court represents a unique opportunity that all actors and stakeholders need to leverage to ensure that accountability for crimes against women must not go unpunished. The Rome Statue has specific articles that deal with sexual and gender-based violence and in the case of Darfur, the ICC has confirmed that rape has been used as a tool of genocide. While empowering women in conflict to participate in decision making is crucial, without proper accountability for crimes committed against women, conflicts can’t be resolved sustainably. Resolving the problem of Sudan can’t be possible without accountability for crimes committed against women and effective participation of women at all levels of decision making. About: Darfur Women Action Group Women Action Group (DWAG) strives to empower and amplify the voices of women, the victims of genocide, and the historically excluded Sudanese. DWAG ultimately aim to enable them to fight for their rights, achieve justice, and to equally participate in the transformation of their society. Niemat Ahmadi, President