These sudden, massive increases in the price of flour—and thus of bread—will inevitably lead to additional civil society outrage and unrest in Sudan; the protests of yesterday are only the first of what will likely exceed those of September 2013, during which more than 200 people were killed after the NIF/NCP regime ordered “shoot to kill orders,” a fact confirmed by Amnesty International and the African Centre for Justice and Peace Studies. An extremely violent response by regime to current protests against the regime’s catastrophic economic policies—crystallized in the new 2018 budget—is inevitable. When the bloody tyranny that has ruled Sudan ruthlessly since its military coup of June 1989 finally goes, the means will be civil society actions, including demonstrations of the sort reported today by Sudan Tribune. The failure of the international community to warn the regime off its brutally repressive measures constitutes passive acceptance, a de facto “green light” to what we will see in the coming days and weeks. • Scattered protests erupt in Sudan over economic woes | Sudan Tribune | January 5, 2018 (KHARTOUM) – Sporadic protests have erupted on Friday in Khartoum and the Gazira State in central Sudan against the recent government decision to increase the bread price. On Friday, bakeries raised the price of a loaf of bread from 50 cents to 1 Sudanese pound following a government decision to increase the price of flour sack from 167 pounds to 450 pounds. The government decision was part of tough economic measures contained in the 2018 budget which also saw the lifting of electricity subsidies as well as increasing the U.S. dollar exchange rate to 18.00 pounds from the official rate of 6.7. [Given the new, dramatic, and overnight increases in flour prices—and thus bread prices—civil society outrage will spread quickly throughout Sudan—the potential for an even more massive popular uprising than that of September 2013 is clearly present. These demonstrations are certain to spread—ER] Several neighbourhoods in the Sudanese capital including Al-Sahafa, Al-Kalakla, Al-Giraif and Burri on Friday witnessed limited demonstrations where the protesters burned car tires to block some streets. Also, police on Friday used tear gas and batons cautiously to disperse protesters in the neighbourhoods of Al-Mazad, Shendi Foug, Al-Hilla Al-Jadida and Al-Dibaga in Wad Medani, capital of the Gezira State. There were reports that several protesters have been injured and unknown numbers were captured by the security forces. To quell anti-austerity protests in Khartoum, Sudanese security forces in September 2013 carried out a brutal crackdown on the peaceful demonstration, killing nearly two hundred protesters say human rights groups or 86 people according to government figures. On Thursday, the opposition called on the Sudanese people to take to streets to protests against the unprecedented rise in the cost of living and commodity price. Opposition forces attribute the deteriorating living condition and economic meltdown to corruption, lack of production policies, and lack of economic reform vision following the secession of South Sudan. • Sudan’s bread price through the roof as of today | Radio Dabanga | January 5, 2018 | SUDAN Khartoum has increased the price of flour, and it more than tripled in several states of the country which has been hit by the bread shortage. Bakeries closed their doors or will sell one bread instead of two for the same price, starting today. Bakeries reported that sacks of flour of 50 kilograms went up from 165 ($23.40) a piece to 550 Sudanese pounds ($78), an increase of 333 per cent. The new price increase coincides with the flour crisis that hit large areas of the capital Khartoum and other Sudanese cities, including Wad Madani, Port Sudan and areas of the states River Nile, Kassala, Darfur, Kordofan, and Northern State. Mohamed Awad El Saeed is a member of the bakeries’ union in Khartoum state. Yesterday he confirmed that the bakeries have received flour at the new price. “We have to start selling one bread instead of two for a Pound as of Friday.” On Thursday residents in Omdurman city told Radio Dabanga about the long lines in front of the bakeries throughout the day. “The city has witnessed a scarcity of bread for days and reached its peak on Wednesday evening.” A number of bakeries was closed during that day and evening because of the depletion of the quotas of flour that are allocated to them by the state and flour distributors. People in El Gezira state reported that “the severe bread crisis” entered its fifth day without seeing a solution from the authorities. A resident of Wad Madani told this station: “We have to stand in long queues to get bread, but not more than 20 breads per person.” Also here, a number of bakeries closed their doors because of the lack of flour. “The price of bread sold by street vendors has amounted to one Pound a piece.” Port Sudan bakeries close Most of the bakeries in Port Sudan closed on Thursday because of the price hike. Sources told Radio Dabanga that on Wednesday, bakery owners in Port Sudan refused to receive the flour quotas which came at the new price of SDG 452 ($64) for a sack of flour instead of SDG 178 ($25). Residents of El Duweim, White Nile state, also complained of the general rise of consumer good prices and the scarcity of bread. Reporting closed bakeries Some bakeries in Khartoum, Wad Madani and Atbara placed posters noting that the price of bread would rise because of the increase in flour prices. The Ministry of Finance, Economy and Consumer Affairs of Khartoum called on the popular committees in all state districts and residents to report any bakery that is closed. [This is yet another example of the Khartoum regime not addressing a critical economic issue, but “shooting the messenger” who carries information about catastrophic results of this neglect: the bakeries are the “messenger,” and the closings are dictate by the high prices and shortages of flour, a direct result of regime policies—ER] Medicine prices Meanwhile the Sudanese Communist Party has warned of a health disaster in Sudan because of the rise of medicine prices and the state’s low spending on the health sector in the 2018 budget. The party called upon Sudanese people to object to the government policies “that lead to the further deterioration of the health sector.” A pharmaceutical expert said that the next half-year will see the absence of new medicines in Sudan coupled with an emergence of fake medicines on the market. Khalid Wadelnur also said that there are approximately 400 companies and institutions in the country that sell medicines imported from abroad, instead of pharmaceutical companies which have been unable to import them. Parliament expects an “impending disaster in the pharmaceutical sector” and announced that foreign companies have stopped supplying medical supplies and lifesaving and chronic disease medicines because of the accumulation of debts. http://sudanreeves.org/2018/01/06/sudans-economic-crisis-reaches-the-tipping-point/ (c) 2018 SUDAN Research, Analysis, and Advocacy

Angelina Jolie and Rithy Panh's highly acclaimed First They Killed My Father came away from the 75th Golden Globe Awards without a win in the best foreign language film category. The prestigious award went instead to Germany’s entry, In the Fade, directed by Fatih Akin, which beat out Ruben Östlund’s The Square (Sweden), Andrey Zvyagintsev’s Loveless (Russia) and Sebastian Lelio’s A Fantastic Woman (Chile) as well as First They Killed My Father. Based on the autobiographical novel by Loung Ung about surviving life under the Khmer Rouge as a child, First They Killed My Father was shot entirely in Cambodia with a local cast. Director Jolie reportedly went to great lengths to ensure the film could compete in foreign language film categories on the awards circuit. Although it was nominated for the Golden Globes, for which winners are selected by a body of international entertainment journalists, it did not make the December shortlist of nominees for the Academy Awards. The film premiered in Siem Reap in February last year, prior to a worldwide release in cinemas and on Netflix in September. Critical reception has been generally positive, with the film earning a 7.2/10 score on the Internet Movie Database and an 89 percent score on review aggregate site Rotten Tomatoes. Film critic Matt Zoller Seitz of RogerEbert.com said the film was “far and away [Jolie’s] best work as a director,” and praised it for its neutral voice and immersive viewing experience. “It's a film that recreates a bleak time and place with a journalistic eye for detail, catching fleeting, at times surreal instances of humanity amid horror,” he wrote in his review. Youk Chhang, the executive director of the Documentation Center of Cambodia, said via email that the film’s value was beyond that of “any gold on earth we could imagine” and praised Jolie and Ung for finding “the strength [to] put [the story] on the big screen for us all to understand”. The film’s creators did not respond to immediate requests for comment. The film was also nominated for best foreign language film for the upcoming Critics’ Choice Movie Awards. It has previously received the "Freedom of Expression Award" from the National Board of Review, best foreign film at the Hollywood Film Awards, as well as accolades from the Camerimage International Film Festival for its cinematography. http://www.phnompenhpost.com/post-life-arts-culture/nomination-no-win-golden-globes-first-they-killed-my-father (c) 2018 The Phenom Penh Post

The World Union of Jewish Students (WUJS) recently formally recognized the Armenian Genocide at its 44th World Congress in Israel. Jewish-Australian advocate, Ariel Zohar was among the key speakers for the motion, reported the Armenian National Committee of Australia (ANC-AU). Zohar, who was key behind the recent Victorian Young Labor motion recognizing the Armenian Genocide, was joined in his advocacy of this historic motion by Aaron Meyer and Yos Tarshish. ANC-AU Executive Director Haig Kayserian thanked the WUJS on this important statement for human rights. “We thank Ariel Zohar and his colleagues at the World Union of Jewish Students Congress for passing a motion that does not only recognize the genocide committed against the Armenians, Greeks, and Assyrians of the Ottoman Empire, it also ‘condemns’ and ‘rejects’ any ‘attempt to deny, distort, or ignore the historical reality of this genocide’,” Kayserian said. “This sends a strong message to the governments of Israel, and others like Australia, that human rights are not there to be bargained for diplomatic gain, no matter the circumstance,” he added. On his Facebook page, Zohar wrote: “Jewish students have a long proud history of perusing on the forefronts of social justice. Today is another important milestone in our activism history… WUJS will now be formally calling on governments of Israel, Australia and others to join a growing list of 28 countries around the world to formally recognize the sufferings and injustice of the Armenians and other minorities at the hand of the then Ottoman Empire (modern day Turkey).” The WUJS was founded in 1924 by Hersch Lauterpacht with Albert Einstein as its first President. The motion can be read below in its entirety. *** This Congress notes: That between 1915 and 1923 millions of Armenians, Pontian Greeks and Assyrians were murdered at the hands of the Ottoman Caliphate. The tragic crime was undisputedly carried out with the genocidal intention of eliminating these Christian communities. This was a premeditated and systematic execution of an estimated 2-3 million civilians; not a legitimate act of war. This Congress believes: That it is incumbent upon us as a Jewish organization to fight all forms of racism. This Congress resolves: To condemn and reject any attempt to deny, distort, or ignore the historical reality of this genocide. To recognize the importance of remembering and learning from this genocide, and to join the Armenian, Pontian Greek, and Assyrian communities in honoring the innocent people who fell victim to this crime. https://armenianweekly.com/2018/01/08/world-union-jewish-students-recognizes-armenian-genocide/ (c) 2018 The Armenian Weekly

A resistance group in Myanmar claimed responsibility on Sunday for an ambush of government forces in Rakhine State that left three people wounded, saying it had no choice but to defend the Rohingya from “state-sponsored terrorism.” In a statement posted on Twitter, Atta Ullah, who identifies himself as commander of the rebel group, the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, said the attack on Friday morning in Maungdaw had been staged in response to efforts by Myanmar’s security forces to drive the Rohingya, a Muslim minority in a Buddhist-majority country, from the area. Mr. Atta Ullah accused government forces of continuing to kill civilians, rape women and destroy villages in a campaign of genocide. More than 650,000 Rohingya have fled to Bangladesh since the Myanmar military began its campaign in late August, joining roughly 87,000 who had fled earlier. Survivors have given consistent, harrowing accounts of gang rapes, torture, random killings and the destruction of villages. The campaign against the Rohingya has been called “ethnic cleansing” by the United States and the United Nations. “Thousands of Rohingya are still fleeing to escape from endless inhumane persecutions of the Burmese terrorist army,” Mr. Atta Ullah said. Two security officers and a driver were injured in the ambush on Friday, according to a post on the Facebook page of Senior Gnl. Min Aung Hlaing, Myanmar’s military chief. Ten members of the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, or ARSA, took part in the attack, the post said. The rebel group, which is known locally as Harakah al-Yaqin, or the Faith Movement, is a small, underequiped group that has struggled to mount significant military operations. But it has claimed responsibility for a few deadly attacks on Myanmar’s security forces, including in August. Richard Horsey, an independent analyst in Yangon, the economic capital Myanmar, said that while the group is small and poorly armed, its actions provoke major responses from the government. “It’s uncertain whether they have the capacity to sustain an insurgency, but even occasional small attacks like this will have a big political impact in Myanmar,” he said. Small operations by the group against security forces in August prompted brutal retaliation from government forces, which in turn contributed to the mass exodus of Rohingya from Rakhine. The international aid group Doctors Without Borders estimated last month that at least 6,700 Rohingya, including 730 young children, had met with violent deaths in the month after the military campaign began in August. General Min Aung Hlaing, the country’s most powerful figure, has denied that the army committed atrocities against the Rohingya. In November, the military released the results of an internal inquiry that cleared all soldiers in Rakhine of any misconduct. Not a single innocent civilian had been raped or killed by the security forces, the report said. The government has refused to grant access to the region to independent observers including United Nations officials, aid groups, representatives of foreign governments and journalists. The government of Myanmar, also known as Burma, has denied most Rohingya citizenship and considers them to be “illegal immigrants” from Bangladesh, factors that complicate their status and their ability to be recognized as refugees or to apply for asylum. U Zaw Htay, a former army major who serves as a spokesman for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar’s top civilian leader, said the ambush on Friday had been intended to derail the repatriation of Rohingya under an agreement between Myanmar and Bangladesh. “We will start the repatriation process on Jan. 23,” he said. “That’s why ARSA carried out a terrorist attack on Jan. 5, just to delay the repatriation process.” U Win Myat Aye, the minister of social welfare and resettlement, said that refugees would have the choice of living at a temporary center while their homes are being rebuilt, or of returning to their villages to help rebuild the housing themselves, with the government bearing the construction costs. The relocation center is expected to accommodate up to 30,000 people in tents from Belgium and China, he said. “After the construction of their original place is done, they can live in their own place and they can work freely as before,” he said. Despite such assurances, it is unclear how many Rohingya will want to return home given the violent campaign of the past few months. In his statement, Mr. Atta Ullah said ARSA had “no other option but to combat ‘Burmese state-sponsored terrorism’ against the Rohingya population for the purpose of defending, salvaging and protecting the Rohingya community.” Mr. Horsey, who has closely followed the group, said the rare statement from the rebel leader was a bid to position the organization as a political representative of the Rohingya. “We declare, loud and clear, that we will continue our legitimate struggles in hand-in-hand cooperation with the civilized international community until all our demands are fulfilled,” Mr. Atta Ullah said. “Rohingya people must be consulted in all decision-making that affects their humanitarian needs and political future.” https://www.nytimes.com/2018/01/07/world/asia/myanmar-rohingya-militants.html (c) 2017 The New York Times

My recent op-eds in The Daily Star on Rohingya repatriation and resettlement sparked many responses from readers in Bangladesh as well as expatriate Bangladeshis. While most readers seemed to have liked my views and analysis of this complex issue and the stake involved in any hasty repatriation, others expressed mixed reactions to my proposal for third-country resettlement as an option and my remarks that relocation of refugees to Bashan Char would be a great mistake. It is difficult to fathom how the victims of genocide and ethnic cleansing can return to Myanmar anytime soon if the root causes of this carnage against humanity by the Myanmar military are not addressed in the first place. According to all available reports, conditions are far from congenial for the return of Rohingya refugees due to the ongoing violence and wholesale destruction of villages. Despite this, a repatriation agreement between Bangladesh and Myanmar was signed on November 23, 2017 and the first batch of 450 refugees will return to Myanmar on January 22, 2018. The returnees will live in camps like others—an estimated 120,000—who are living in squalid camps in Myanmar. There are no other details regarding the repatriation programme; for instance, whether they will be allowed to return to their original villages, when and how they will build their houses, when and how they will get back their lands/livelihoods, and whether their citizenship and basic rights are guaranteed under the repatriation agreement. For the returnee, this may drag out for generations. It goes without saying that Bangladesh has shown to the world an unparalleled humanitarian gesture by stepping up and taking on such a huge burden. It was a major challenge and a real test for Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina who has been lauded internationally for her support to the Rohingya refugees. However, the repatriation of close to a million refugees on a fast track without creating the requisite conditions and building confidence among the returnees raises serious doubts about the road ahead. It is very likely that the repatriation scheme will face many roadblocks on the way. Indeed, there are plenty of reasons for skepticism. The announcement on December 28, 2017 by Myanmar of the 450 refugees' repatriation allegedly without consultation with Bangladesh was not cause for celebration; on the contrary, the Bangladesh officials were caught off guard with the announcement. For Myanmar, the rush for repatriation is more symbolic to ward off international pressure on the country. The details of the arrangement for repatriation are to be finalised in the first meeting of the Bangladesh-Myanmar Joint Working Group (JWG) in Naypyitaw around mid-January 2018. According to an official of the Rohingya Relief and Repatriation Commission (RRRC), Bangladesh would hand over a list of one lakh (100,000) refugees to the Myanmar representative at the JWG at the mid-January meeting. The returnees would be randomly picked without discrimination by religion, sex or age. The repatriation process may cause more tensions and dispute with regards to the returnees, i.e. who can return and/or considered ineligible as per the agreed verification procedures by Myanmar. Ultimately, it should not surprise anyone if Myanmar refuses to take all refugees and/or it takes years to resolve this crisis. Therefore, the repatriation arrangements must be accompanied and monitored carefully by the UNHCR. The international community must also address in parallel the root causes of the crisis, and push for full implementation of the findings of the Annan Commission, including measures for reconciliation between the largely Buddhist and Rohingya communities. Bob Rae, the Canadian Rohingya envoy, has already raised the issues in his interim report to the Government of Canada. In view of the above, it appears that there are many challenging tasks ahead, perhaps dating back to the first wave of Rohingyas (1978–1990) in Bangladesh. Many issues are very old and sensitive, and largely geo-political and economic in nature for countries in the region (China, Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam and the Philippines). This reality was truly reflected when these countries, including Russia, joined Myanmar in voting against the UN resolution calling Myanmar to allow access to aid workers, ensure the return of all refugees, grant full citizenship rights to Rohingyas, and appointment of a UN special envoy for Myanmar. Since the UN system appears to have failed to resolve the crisis, Bangladesh must engage in serious diplomacy and dialogue with China, India and other East Asian countries to solve the problem. For Bangladesh, the repatriation of the Rohingya refugees with dignity and full citizenship rights remains the only viable solution, but the circumstances surrounding the Rohingya crisis do not look promising for them to safely return to their homeland anytime soon and rebuild their future. Meanwhile, the Rohingyas need protection and support in the refugee camps in Cox's Bazar. The government, instead of dumping USD 280 million for infrastructure development on an offshore and uninhabited island named Bashan Char for refugee relocation, can invest the money for improving the precarious conditions of the existing camps. The refugees need better shelter (instead of tarpaulin and bamboo shacks), drinking water, sanitation, roads, schools, and more support and services in those rough makeshift camps. Relocation to Bashan Char of 100,000 Rohingya refugees, which is one-tenth of the total refugee population, is not going to help resolve issues like lack of space for resettlement, or minimise conflicts between Bangladeshis and Rohingyas, as claimed by the government. Relocation of refugees to this isolated island, I am afraid, would eventually lead to a situation resembling a detention camp for refugees. Many UN agencies as well as Human Rights Watch have already condemned this proposal as it would deprive the refugees of their rights to freedom of movement; this will also constitute violation of Bangladesh's obligations under international human rights laws. Relocation to Bashan Char is a terrible idea and should be abandoned altogether. Finally, despite all good intentions and efforts, Myanmar will likely not accept all refugees for one or more reasons. This is very clear even today. Therefore, the government should take a three-fold approach to refugee repatriation and resettlement. The first approach is voluntary repatriation to Myanmar with full rights of citizenship. The second is third-country resettlement of refugees who are unable to return and/or refused re-entry by the Myanmar government. This will require harnessing sympathy from countries such as Australia, Canada, and other European countries for resettlement of refugees on humanitarian grounds. Other potential countries for Rohingya resettlement may include Malaysia, Indonesia, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates. Third, the government should seek help from donor countries in helping Bangladesh cope with the many Rohingyas who are likely to remain in camps in Bangladesh over the next several years. http://www.thedailystar.net/opinion/rohingyas-need-protection-not-relocation-bashan-char-1515880 (c) 2018 The Daily Star

After dozens of journalists were prevented from covering opposition protests in recent days in Iraqi Kurdistan and opposition TV broadcaster NRT was closed in Sulaymaniyah on 19 December, Reporters Without Borders (RSF) calls on the Kurdish authorities and demonstrators to allow the media to freely report the news. Members of the security forces have subjected dozens of journaliststo violence and intimidation with the aim of preventing them from covering the demonstrations, which in some cases have been accompanied by bloodshed. KNN television reporter Ari Luqman sustained a hand injury while covering a protest in Chamchamal, a city located between Sulaymaniyah and Kirkuk, on 19 December. His cameraman, Hemn Ahmed, sustained an ankle injury that was inflicted by the security forces, and his equipment was smashed. Many other cases of heavy-handed intimidation were reported. The victims included Choman Osman, a KNN reporter covering a demonstration in Halabja, a city in southeastern Iraqi Kurdistan, on 20 December. Xendan news agency reporter Dana Sohpi Braim said a bodyguard hit him on the head when he asked one of the security chiefs of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) for a comment about the situation in Ranya, a town in Sulaymaniyah province. He said the members of the security forces arrested him in the street three days later and interrogated him for an entire day because they suspected him of being responsible for opposition pages on social networks. Journalists threatened and arrested Detention and interrogation have sometimes lasted several days. This was the case with Bahoz Nesradin, a reporter for TV broadcaster NRT’s website, who was held from 22 to 27 December in the city of Sulaymaniyah. NRT digital media director Suhaib Ahmed was arrested at Sulaymaniyah airport on the night of 24 December as he was about to fly to Baghdad. NRT managing director Awat Ali says he has beenin hiding since NRT’s closure for fear of arrest. Dozens of other individuals, including politically engaged journalists, activists and human rights defenders, have also had to go into hiding. Erbil-based NRT reporter Hersh Qader said six members of the Asayesh (security forces) stopped him as he was travelling to Sulaymaniyah for personal reasons on 21 December. After asking him to confirm that he worked for NRT, they insulted him, pointed their guns at him and ordered him to return to Erbil. One of them even hit him, according to a local NGO that defends journalists. Although NRT’s journalists have been particularly targeted, they are not the only ones. For example, Ali Qader, a Roj News reporter based in Qaladiza (140 km north of Sulaymaniyah), was detained for several hours on 19 December. “Covering protests is a right and should not be regarded as inciting violence,” RSF said. “On the contrary, the authorities should pay particular attention to the safety of journalists when they cover protests, as stated in UN Human Rights Council Resolution 25/38 of 2014. Furthermore, intimidating journalists by means of arrest campaigns or closing a TV broadcaster linked to the opposition undermines media pluralism, which is essential in a democracy.” NRT’s closure The Iraqi Kurdish authorities said NRT was being closed for seven days when they raided its headquarters in Sulaymaniyah on 19 December and suspended broadcasting by all of its channels (NRT1, NRT2 and NRT Arab). But the security forces confiscated all of its equipment, which suggests that the closure could continue for longer. The authorities accuse NRT of encouraging the protests and the violence, while NRT disputes the legal basis for its closure. The authorities also shut down NRT’s website on 20 December. NRT describes itself as independent but it has close links to the political opposition, which opposes the Kurdistan government’s current push for independence from Iraq. NRT’s founder, who left the NRT management a few months ago to form an opposition partycalled New Generation, was arrested at Sulaymaniyah airport as he returned to Kurdistan on 19 December and was held for a week. Journalists also targeted by demonstrators On 19 December, demonstrators in Ranya attacked and set fire to the buildings that house Raparin TV and two radio stations, Mashxalanand Yekgrtw. On the same day, demonstrators also set fire to the KNNbureau in Koy Sanjaq, a town 120 km northwest of Sulaymaniyah. The headquarters of many parties, regardless of their political positions, were also the targets of angry protests. Stones were even thrown at Roj News reporter Hawkar Mustafa in Said Sadiq, a city 50 km southeast of Sulaymaniyah, on 18 December. Attacks of this kind against journalists and media outlets recur from time to time and are exacerbated by national and regional tension, the security situation and economic problems. RSF has often had to condemn threats to journalists in its press releases. Iraq is ranked 158th out of 180 countries in RSF's 2017 World Press Freedom Index. https://rsf.org/en/news/journalists-arrested-prevent-coverage-iraqi-kurdistan-protests (c) 2017 Reporters Without Boarders

Twenty-four Jewish groups encompassing all major religious streams urged a Senate panel to advance a bill that would penalize Myanmar — also known as Burma — for its treatment of its Rohingya Muslim minority. “Passing this legislation through your committee and the full Senate would send a powerful message to the Burmese military and the global community that the United States will not be silent or inactive in the face of mass atrocities,” said the letter sent Friday to Republican Senator Bob Corker (Tennessee) and Democrat Senator Ben Cardin (Maryland), respectively the top Republican and Democrat on the Foreign Relations Committee. Among those signing were Reform, Conservative, Orthodox and Reconstructionist umbrella bodies as well as major civil rights groups including the American Jewish Committee and the Anti-Defamation League. Also signing was the Jewish Council for Public Affairs, the consensus-driven umbrella for Jewish public policy groups. The bill, as described in the letter, “would mandate targeted US sanctions to help end the Myanmar military’s atrocities against the Rohingya people, provide refugee assistance for the Rohingya, and establish a mechanism to address accountability around crimes committed against the Rohingya and other ethnic minorities in Burma.” Cardin, who is Jewish, has told reporters in recent days that he believes the bill will advance soon. “We cannot remain silent as Jews, for whom the words ‘never again’ require us to act, nor as global citizens, in the face of senseless acts of brutality,” the letter says. Myanmar has been accused of ethnically cleansing Rohingya from its country. The hundreds of thousands of Rohingya fleeing the country since August is believed to be the world’s fastest-growing refugee crisis. Myanmar, a Buddhist majority country, says it is only targeting militants. Israeli human rights groups have sued to stop Israel from selling arms to Myanmar. https://www.timesofisrael.com/jewish-groups-push-bill-targeting-myanmar-for-persecution-of-muslims/ (c) 2018 Times of Israel

Violence, especially sexual violence against girls and women, remains unchecked in Darfur; violence associated with the ruthless Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and its campaign of “disarmament,” also remains a threat throughout Darfur. The militia force is undisciplined and given a free hand to steal, intimidate, extort, rape, and murder. Much of this occurs under cover of Khartoum’s ghastly “disarmament” campaign for Darfur. The UN/African Union Mission in Darfur (UNAMID), which took up its civilian protection mandate exactly ten years ago, has never seemed more impotent and unresponsive to civilian needs. And yet it is all the international community is willing to offer to protect the 3 million people internally displaced in Darfur or refugees from Darfur in eastern Chad. Coupled with declining humanitarian resources and continuing regime hostility to international relief efforts, the future looks unspeakably grim for the non-Arab/African people of Darfur who make up the overwhelming majority of those displaced—and the some 600,000 pe The catastrophic new budget proposed by the National Islamic Front/National Congress Party regime promises to have catastrophic effects on poorer civilians throughout Sudan, but certainly Darfur as well. It is difficult to recall that ten years ago Darfur was a cause célèbre among activists, human rights groups, anti-genocide campaigners, journalists, and even politicians. Today Darfur’s agony is shamefully, disgracefully invisible… • Nine injured, 20 detained in South Darfur RSF raid | Radio Dabanga, December 28, 2017 | GIREIDA Nine people were injured and 20 others detained during a raid by the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) government militia on the Sadoun area of Gireida locality in South Darfur. A large force of RSF is currently assigned to collect illegal weapons and vehicles in Darfur. Witnesses told Radio Dabanga that a force of the rapid support militia surrounded Sadoun area from all sides on Saturday. They drove men, women, and children into one place, and beat them with whips and sticks, seized the amount of SDG 7,000 and 14 mobile phones. Among those detained include Ahmed Gamar, Jedo Mohamed Ahmed, Bashir Abakar, Abdelrahim Yagoub, El Ghali Haroun, Adam Yagoub, Azrag Mohamed, Adam Daoud and others whose names were not identified. The residents of Gireida called on the authorities to form a committee of inquiry into these violations and return the seized items and money. Central Darfur In Wadi Saleh locality in Central Darfur, the RSF attacked Abuja market at camp Aradeiba in Garsila, raided the displaced people, and robbed them of money and a number of mobile phones. Witnesses told Radio Dabanga that elements of the RSF in a Land Cruiser led by a lieutenant named Sabour raided Abuja market, beat the displaced people and wounded Abdelmahmoud Ibrahim with a bullet, seized the amount of SDG 7,000 from merchant Ahmed and 17 mobile phones from the displaced people. Witnesses said those affected reported the incident to Garsila prosecution. Residents of Tullus have complained of being beaten and tortured by RSF militiamen to force them to confess to weapons possession. They said 11 people had been subjected to torture during a raid by the militia on a number of markets. • RSF raids wound at least ten in South, Central Darfur | Radio Dabanga, December 26, 2017 | GIREIDA / WADI SALEH / TULLUS Militiamen carried out a raid in Gireida locality in South Darfur and wounded nine people on Saturday. Money and phones were stolen during a raid in a Central Darfur camp. Members of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) surrounded Sadoun in Gireida from all sides, witnesses told Radio Dabanga. “They brought the women, children and men to one place where they beat them with whips and sticks,” a witness said. Nine people were injured. In addition, 20 people were arrested. A total of SDG 7 million ($994,412) and 14 mobile phones were seized. Among those arrested were Ahmad Gamar, Jedo Mohamed Ahmed, Bashir Abakar Hassan, Abdelrahim Yagoub, El Ghali Haroun, Adam Yagoub, Azraq Mohamed, Adam Daoud Adam and others whose names were not identified. The motive for the raid is unknown, the witnesses said. The residents called on the local authorities to form a committee of inquiry that researches the attack. Central Darfur In Wadi Saleh locality, RSF members attacked the Abuja market in Ardeba camp for displaced people. A number of displaced people were robbed of their money and mobile phones. The militiamen beat some of the camp residents and wounded Abdelmahmoud Ibrahim, among others. A merchant named Ahmad lost SDG 7,000 ($994) to the militiamen. 17 phones were stolen. The incident has been reported to the police and the prosecutor in Garsila, a witness said. Residents of Tullus locality in South Darfur also reported being assaulted by RSF members in the past week and said they were forced to confess their possession of weapons. Reportedly eleven people were subjected to beatings. Arms collection In July, Khartoum announced a large disarmament campaign in the country, to begin with in Darfur and Kordofan. Members of the Rapid Support Forces, Sudan’s main government militia, and the army began collecting illegal arms and unlicensed vehicles from civilians in the regions the following month. The campaign has entered the stage of compulsory collection of weapons by the reinforcements of RSF and the Sudanese army. In North Darfur alone, 12,500 RSF and police have been deployed to assist with the arms collection and the controls of unregistered vehicles. • More rapes in Nierteti, Central Darfur | Radio Dabanga, December 25, 2017 | NIERTETI Three members of the paramilitary Border Guards raped two girls in Nierteti locality in Central Darfur on Saturday. According to the New York-based African Centre for Justice and Peace Studies (ACJPS) the Sudanese criminal law does not protect rape victims. The girls, aged 13 and 12, were collecting firewood south of Nierteti, when they were ambushed, a witness reported to Radio Dabanga. [Such violent sexual assaults on such very young girls is a mark of just how cruel the sustained of raped has been, but a sign of the racist discounting of non-Arab/African lives and families by their Arab rapists. The clearly racial animus in sexual violence is almost never mentioned, even by Radio Dabanga; but it is a fact that must be reckoned with when there are talks about “peace and reconciliation in Darfur.” The longer the epidemic of rape continues, the more difficult any reconciliation will be. And yet UNAMID does nothing in the way of preventing or even reporting such sexual violence. It is the great unspoken in reporting on Darfur–ER] The militiamen repeatedly raped them at gunpoint. The source added that army and police forces arrested one of the perpetrators. The other two fled. The incident was reported to the police, and the two victims were taken to Nierteti Hospital. Investigation Last week, three young firewood collectors were raped by gunmen in separate incidents in the same area. In response, ACJPS called on the Sudanese authorities to investigate the rapes. “A special prosecutor should be appointed to the case should the victims wish to proceed with a criminal prosecution. Local authorities must guarantee the victims protection from reprisal.” The African Centre further called for measures to protect civilians, especially the vulnerable groups in and around Nierteti camps for the displaced. The international community, particularly the EU, AU, and the USA, to “publicly and privately press the Sudanese government to meet its obligations under international human rights and humanitarian law and to ensure unfettered access by UNAMID peacekeepers and humanitarian actors to all parts of Darfur.” Impunity ACJPS further criticised the serious barriers to justice and the climate of endemic impunity for perpetrators in Darfur. “The scale of sexual violence in Darfur is likely much greater than any reports indicate. Independent monitors are unable to access most of Sudan’s conflict affected areas and survivors often do not report incidents, owing to insecurity, stigma, the fear of reprisal and other obstacles.” [The under-reporting of sexual violence in Darfur is without question a shameful reality–one that the Khartoum regime has no intention of responding to. See: “Continuing Mass Rape of Girls in Darfur: The most heinous crime generates no international outrage” January 2016 Eric Reeves, author | Maya Baca, research and editing | http://wp.me/p45rOG-1QG [Arabic translation of this report | http://wp.me/p45rOG-1Rr ] “Among the obstacles are laws and policies that fail to ensure a safe environment for reporting sexual and gender based violence incidents and a consistent failure to prosecute these crimes,” ACJPS stated. Despite changes to the definition of rape in Sudan’s criminal law in 2015, the law remains unclear about evidence standards that apply and women who report sexual offences remain at risk of prosecution for adultery or committing “immoral acts” if they fail to prove a rape case. “To date, the Government of Sudan has not ratified the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa, or the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), alongside the Optional Protocol to it of 2000.” • Firewood collectors injured in beating by herders in North Darfur | Radio Dabanga, December 21, 2017 | TABIT Eight women were severely injured in a beating from herders near Tabit north of Tawila in North Darfur on Wednesday. One of the victims told Radio Dabanga that a group of displaced women were collecting firewood and straw when about 12 armed herders on camels attacked them beat them with rifle butts, sticks and whips and severely injured eight of them. The vulnerability of women gathering firewood and cooking materials, including water, has been a critical issue since the beginning of the Darfur genocide in 2003; nothing has changed. Dhe alleges that the group that attacked them is known to the people of the area as affiliates of Omda Dagahsh. She pointed out that the group used to beat and expel the people on the pretext that the area is liberated and has become grazing land not for farming or wood collection. The victims were Sadiya Yagoub, Hawa Suleiman, Shadia Yousif, Kubra Saleh, Nura Ishag, Darelsalam Yagoub, Aisha Zakariya, Halima Hassan and Fatima Ibrahim. • South Darfur: Three injured, 16 held in RSF market raid | Radio Dabanga, December 20, 2017 | DATO Three people were injured, 16 others arrested, and a quantity of cash and goods seized in a raid on the market of Dato in Gireida locality, South Darfur by members of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF). [The RSF is now a force unto itself in Darfur: officially part of the Khartoum regime, and extremely well-funded (especially in the new national budget), there are no checks on its most violent action; UNAMID does not dare confront the savage force Khartoum has created. The “disarmament” campaign has become an all-purpose cover for any and all predations–ER] Dato residents told Radio Dabanga that on Monday, a large force of RSF troops came from the state capital of Nyala and raided the market and districts of Dato administrative unit on the pretext of collecting weapons. They said that the RSF troops “indiscriminately beat a large number of residents in the market and the districts with rifle butts and sticks, causing injuries to three people who were transferred to Gireida hospital”. They allege that the RSF men stole cash and a number of mobile phones from the residents of Dato market. The residents said that the Rapid Support militia arrested 16 people, including a number of notables and took them to unknown places, this along with forcing the residents to stay indoors. Elders of Dato administrative unit suggest that the raid was carried out against the backdrop of the RSF accusing Dato residents of being members of the opposition (Torabura [Tora Bora]), as well as being behind the events between the localities of Gireida and Yassin in which two people were killed and another was injured on Saturday. • Three young women gang raped by herders in Central Darfur | Radio Dabanga, December 18, 2017 | NIERTETI Three young women from Nierteti camp for the displaced in Central Darfur were raped in separate incidents on Friday and Saturday. The coordinator of Nierteti camps told Radio Dabanga that six armed herders attacked two displaced women who were collecting firewood north of Nierteti. One of the victims is 16 years old, and the other 19 years old and eight months pregnant. The coordinator said that the armed herders took turns raping the women for two hours at gunpoint. He explained that the incident was reported to Nierteti unified police unit No. 716 and UNAMID, and a medical report was filed confirming the rapes. Also in Nierteti, two armed herders raped a displaced girl from the camp on Saturday. The coordinator told Radio Dabanga that two herders attacked a displaced woman while collecting firewood north of Nierteti and repeatedly raped her. He said that the incident was reported to the unified police unit at No. 69 and UNAMID. • Children missing after attack on Jebel Marra village | Radio Dabanga, December 15, 2017 | DABA NAIRA Seven children went missing and two people were wounded in an attack by armed men in Daba Naira in East Jebel Marra on Tuesday evening. A number of the victims are recent returnees from camps for the displaced. Witnesses who have fled the area following the attack, told Radio Dabanga that “militant herders,” driving a Land Cruiser and others riding camels, attacked villagers of Daba Naira at 8pm. They opened fire into the air and the bullets wounded a man and a woman. In addition seven children went missing during the attack. “Last week we returned to Daba Naira after staying in the Shangil Tobaya camp for displaced people,” one of the witnesses said. “But following the attack, about 150 people fled Daba Naira into different directions. Some people are still searching for their missing relatives.” Daba Naira is 15km east of Dobo El Omda. On 2 October, armed herders shot a farmer who later succumbed to his injuries. Camps for displaced people in this area were searched for illegal weapons in November, but the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces conducting the weapons collection did not find any weapons illegally held in the camps. • Six women gathering firewood attacked in North Darfur | Radio Dabanga, December 12, 2017 | TABIT Gunmen assaulted and injured six displaced women who were collecting straw in Tawila locality in North Darfur on Sunday. Three of the six women were seriously injured at Tabit. A victim informed Radio Dabanga that armed herdsmen, riding camels, attacked them when they were out collecting firewood and straw west of Tabit. “We were taken to the Tabit health centre,” she explained. “The armed herders killed three of our donkeys and burned straw and firewood.” In an attempt to improve the security and stability in these regions, the Sudanese government launched a large-scale campaign in August to disarm civilians and collect illegal weapons and vehicles in Darfur and states of Kordofan. In November the Governor of North Darfur reported the collection of 7,830 weapons and the arrest of more than 130 people suspected of several violations, including criminal records, drugs, weapons, unlicensed vehicles, or previous crimes. • Two girls raped in West Darfur | Radio Dabanga, December 11, 2017 | FORO BARANGA Two girls were raped in Foro Baranga in West Darfur on Saturday. Armed herders attacked a 12-year-old and a 17-year-old girl at Ras El Fil, where they were out collecting firewood. A witness told Radio Dabanga that the girls were repeatedly raped and beaten at gunpoint. The victims were treated at the local health centre in Ras El Fil and their families filed a report to police detective Sergeant Adam Nyala. It is important to remember the Khartoum’s regular Sudan Armed Forces are also guilty of extreme sexual violence: in October 2014 more than 200 girls and women were raped by SAF troops in Tabit (North Darfur), on command of their chief garrison officer. UNAMID failed to investigate meaningfully, but Human Rights Watch—on the basis of hundreds of interviews with victims, witnesses, and others— established facts that UNAMID was content to ignore. That ignorance was accepted by UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon, who had a terrible record of responding to the realities of sexual violence in Darfur. http://sudanreeves.org/2017/12/28/unrelenting-violence-in-darfur-recent-reporting-by-radio-dabanga/ (c) 2017 SUDAN Research, Analysis, and Advocacy

IPHRC expressed its dismay at the plight of the Rohingyas in Myanmar, who continue to suffer severe and institutionalized human rights violations at a mass scale The OIC Independent Permanent Human Rights Commission (IPHRC) said the situation of Rohingyas carry the hallmark of an organized campaign of ethnic cleansing, which is a crime against humanity under international law and must be stopped by all means. In a statement issued on Friday, IPHRC expressed its dismay at the plight of the Rohingyas in Myanmar, who continue to suffer severe and institutionalized human rights violations at a mass scale. Persecuted based on their race, religion and origin, the Rohingyas represents one of the worst examples of victims of ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity, it added. Based on the testimonies received from a wide range of Rohingya victims, the Commission affirmed that the situation carries the hallmark of an organized campaign of ethnic cleansing, which is a crime against humanity under international law and must be stopped by all means. The Commission reminded the Myanmar authorities that no amount of dragging its feet would help them get away with the denial of fundamental rights of its Rohingya population. It, accordingly, called upon the Myanmar government to take firm steps to immediately end the violence against Rohingyas and bring the perpetrators of violence to justice, revise and replace all discriminatory policies and practices against the minority group; ensure a sustainable and voluntary return of the refugees, ensure free and unfettered access to humanitarian aid agencies, accept UN and OIC fact finding missions for independent investigations into all alleged violations of international human rights law. The commission also asked Myanmar government to implement the recommendations of the Kofi Annan Advisory Commission, address the disinformation campaigns against Rohingya and foster reconciliation among affected communities through dialogue and greater integration; and take concrete steps to address root causes of deprivation and discrimination of the Rohingya. The Commission also called upon the international community in general and OIC Member States in particular to do all they can to urge Myanmar to fulfill its international human rights obligations towards its Rohingya minority in a concrete and time bound manner. OIC-IPHRC visited different Rohingya camps in Cox Bazar for three days to regularly monitor and report on the human rights situation of minority group. The IPHRC undertook a visit to Cox Bazar after the Myanmar authorities responded negatively to the repeated requests to undertake a fact-finding visit to Rakhine State to freely and objectively ascertain the human rights situation on the ground. The delegation included president of the OIC IPHRC Rashid Al Balushi, OIC vice-chairs SK Kaggwa and Raihana Binte Abdullah; OIC IPHRC members Ambassador Muhammad Zamir, Abdul Wahhab, Mahmud Mustafa Afifi and Adam Nana; and OIC executive directors Marghoob Saleem Butt, Hafid El Hachimi, Akem Al Ghamdi, Hassan Abedin, Maha Akil, Abdullah Kabi and Mohammad Kalaba. During the visit, the Rohingya refugees narrated horrifying tales of human rights violations to the delegation. IPHRC delegation appreciated the Bangladesh government for the unfettered access and full logistical support provided to undertake its mandated task with objectivity and neutrality. A detailed report of the findings of IPHRC delegation visit with concrete recommendations will be presented to the 45th session of the OIC CFM for its consideration. https://www.dhakatribune.com/bangladesh/nation/2018/01/06/oic-rights-body-finds-organized-campaign-ethnic-cleansing-rohingyas/ (c) 2018 Dhaka Tribune

The ICC has also been weakened by member countries refusing to enforce its statute. The most notorious case concerns Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir, who is accused of genocide in Darfur. When al-Bashir visited South Africa in 2015, South African President Jacob Zuma’s government ignored its legal obligation to arrest him. Following criticism of its behavior, South Africa and other African members have threatened to quit the ICC. Leading countries with the capacity to make a difference in places such as Myanmar or, for example, war-torn South Sudan, are also frequently guilty of failing to uphold international treaties, human rights conventions and resolutions that they previously signed up to through the UN system. A total of 143 countries backed the convention on the prevention and punishment of genocide, adopted by the UN General Assembly in 1948. At the time, the Holocaust was still a recent event, but memories fade and so, too, it seems, does political resolve. A more recent and egregious example of international backsliding is the failure to honor the principle of the collective “responsibility to protect.” Shamed by the failures in Rwanda and the Balkans in the 1990s, a UN world summit meeting in 2005 agreed all countries have shared responsibility to prevent and respond to the most serious violations of international human rights and humanitarian law. The summit agreed that the principle of state sovereignty carried with it the obligation of the state to protect its own citizens. If a state was unable or unwilling to do so, the international community was empowered to act. In Myanmar, where about 870,000 Rohingya have been forced to flee to Bangladesh and up to 10,000 people have been killed so far, their government has not only failed to protect them, it also appears directly culpable. This is precisely the sort of situation the 2005 UN declaration was intended to prevent. It promised, if and when such crises occurred, that member states would take “timely and decisive action, in accordance with the UN charter.” All over the world, this solemn promise is being broken on a daily basis. http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/editorials/archives/2018/01/06/2003685258/2 (c) 2018 The Guardian

Persecution of the Rohingya minority of Myanmar represents one of the worst examples of ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity, the Independent Permanent Human Rights Commission (IPHRC) of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) said after a fact-finding mission to Bangladesh. Persecuted because of their race, religion and origin, the Rohingya minority of Myanmar continue to suffer severe and institutionalized human rights violations on a mass scale. These comments were made at the end of a three-day fact-finding visit to Cox Bazar, Bangladesh, by the OIC-IPHRC. In the absence of any positive response from the Myanmar authorities to repeated IPHRC requests to undertake a fact-finding visit to Rakhine State to ascertain the human rights situation on the ground, the IPHRC undertook a visit to Cox Bazar to meet Rohingya refugees and other stakeholders to get first-hand information on the situation faced by the Rohingya in Myanmar. The IPHRC delegation squarely condemned the egregious human rights violations committed against the Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar, and declared it deplorable racist behavior, where a minority is abjectly discriminated against on the basis of race, religion and origin in all spheres of life, including their socio-economic and political rights. It called upon the government of Myanmar to take firm steps to immediately end the violence against the Rohingya, bring the perpetrators of violence to justice, and take concrete steps to address the root causes of discrimination against the Rohingya through a human rights-based approach. The commission also called on the international community in general, and OIC member states in particular, to do all they can to urge Myanmar to fulfill its international human rights obligations toward its Rohingya minority in a concrete and time-bound manner. It urged them to extend all humanitarian assistance to the Rohingya population both internally displaced in Myanmar and those living in refugee camps in neighboring countries. The IPHRC delegation extended its sincere appreciation to the government of Bangladesh for the unfettered access and full logistical support provided to undertake its mandated task with objectivity and neutrality. A detailed report of the IPHRC delegation’s findings with concrete recommendations will be presented to the 45th session of the OIC Council of Foreign Ministers for its consideration. http://www.arabnews.com/node/1219906/saudi-arabia (c) 2018 Arab News

With continued international concern over the treatment of Rohingyas in Myanmar, some commentators have suggested the use of sanctions to varying degrees. This would not be the first time that Myanmar faced sanctions. The United States imposed sanctions on Myanmar in 2003 and revoked them only in 2016, and Washington has recently also begun imposing some targeted sanctions following the Rohingya crisis. In this article, we discuss the impacts and coping strategies related to the sanctions imposed on Myanmar, which lasted over a decade. Sanctions aim to restrict the commercial relationship between the imposer country and the target country. Economic sanctions on Myanmar included cuts in financial aid, blocking access to assets, and reversing investment flows. The U.S. Treasury Department classifies sanctions as “selective” or “comprehensive.” Comprehensive sanctions include asset freezes, trade embargoes, and financial restrictions to inflict financial losses. Selective sanctions, on the other hand, are imposed on influential individuals in the target country. In 2003, the United States and OECD countries imposed comprehensive sanctions on Myanmar. Now that the sanctions are lifted, it is an opportune time to conduct a forensic analysis of the fallout from these long-lasting restrictions on Myanmar, particularly as calls increase for renewing the sanctions regime. There are several important takeaways. First, the sanctions enforced were highly asymmetric in nature. After enforcement, Myanmar’s exports to the United States dropped to zero, but the U.S. continued to export its products to Myanmar (see figure 1a). Second, even though sanctions were wide-ranging, an IFPRI study shows that at the aggregate level, the impact of sanctions on Myanmar’s trade was insignificant. In 2001, before the sanctions, Myanmar’s total trade stood at $6.28 billion, which increased to $6.54 billion in 2003. The total trade of Myanmar increased without interruption even after the sanctions. In 2004, its overall trade rose to $7.1 billion and further increased to $8.57 billion in 2006. During sanctions, Myanmar diversified both its products and its trading partners. While data clearly shows that the textile industry of Myanmar (one of its principal exports) took a hit from sanctions, there was a substantive market reallocation effect. ASEAN+6 emerged as a significant shock absorber for textile exports. Table 1 shows a sizable readjustment just as exports to one of the main markets for Myanmar textiles — the United States — dried up. In 2001, before the sanctions, Myanmar exported around 46 percent of its apparel to United States. After the sanctions enforcement, total apparel exports of Myanmar fell by nearly 58 percent in 2005. At the same time, Myanmar diverted its exports to South Korea and Japan quite significantly. Table 1 is inspired by Koji Kubo’s 2014 study, “Myanmar’s non-resource export potential after the lifting of economic sanctions: a gravity model analysis” Unlike textiles, the export of jadeite and rubies from Myanmar was allowed on a condition of re-export from the United States to other countries. This tweak preserved one of Myanmar’s most important exports. Further, one of the more remarkable impacts of sanctions was the structural break in natural gas exports. To what extent this spurt in gas exports was caused by the sanctions remains an important research question to address. Our analysis shows that during the period of sanctions, Myanmar increased the supply of its natural gas very significantly. In 2003, before sanctions were imposed, Myanmar exports of natural gas stood at $819 million. By 2015, it had risen to $4.4 billion (figure 1b). Moreover, it rose consistently, growing at a compound rate of over 26 percent, sterling growth by any yardstick. Myanmar exported natural gas mainly to Thailand, China, and Singapore, thus bypassing sanctions. What are the main takeaways from the experience of sanctions in Myanmar? First, Myanmar would benefit from further export diversification. Sanctions are just one example of an economic shock; natural calamities and political rifts elsewhere in the world also underline the need for diversification. In 2015, 93 percent of Myanmar’s trade was with its top 10 trading partners, out of which China and Thailand together accounted for 65 to 67 percent. Second, Myanmar must identify products in which it has a relative advantage over other exporters. Pulses might be one such commodity, which would allow for increased exports to India, a major importer of pulses. An excessive focus on rice, for example, is not likely to be beneficial in the long run. Myanmar should consider ways to integrate itself better with the ASEAN+6 and South Asia in order to cope with such shocks in the future. In this regard, a focus on infrastructure development is key. Finally, Myanmar could encourage research based on hard data to understand economic changes and their impacts nationally, regionally, and globally. https://thediplomat.com/2018/01/how-did-sanctions-impact-myanmar/ (c) 2018 The Diplomat