A policeman in Myanmar fled the scene of a deadly mob attack on Rohingya Muslims that has put the troubled western state of Rakhine on edge, two police officials said on Wednesday. A group of Rakhine Buddhists threw bricks at Rohingya men in the state capital of Sittwe on Tuesday, killing one - identified as Maung Nu, also known as Monir Ahmad, 55 - the office of State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi said in a statement. Two police officers told Reuters an unarmed junior policeman was with the Muslim men at the time of the attack but was unable to protect them from the mob. "We questioned the young policeman. He said he tried to stop them but he wasn't able to and ran away back to the police station," said Colonel Myo Thu Soe, spokesman for the home affairs ministry in the capital, Naypyitaw. No one had been arrested for the attack, but an investigation was going on, he said. Rakhine State has seen the most serious religious violence in predominantly Buddhist Myanmar since the military began to end its decades of strict rule, with hundreds of Rohingya Muslims killed and more than 140,000 people displaced there in communal unrest in 2012. Suu Kyi, who came to power last year as part of the transition from military rule, has emphasized the importance of the rule of law in solving conflict between Buddhists and minority Muslims. Tension has been running high in the state since an army crackdown in response to Rohingya insurgent attacks in October, but Sittwe has not seen a repeat of the communal clashes of 2012. On Tuesday, seven Muslim men had traveled into Sittwe from a camp on its outskirts housing people displaced in 2012. They got into an argument with a Buddhist ethnic Rakhine man over the purchase of a boat, attracting the attention of residents who began to attack them. "The people didn’t attack the police because he's the same race," said Lieutenant Colonel Win Naung of Sittwe district police. Myanmar does not recognize the more than 1 million Rohingya Muslims in Rakhine as citizens. Many in Myanmar consider the them illegal immigrants from Bangladesh. Myo Thu Soe said the policeman on the scene was unarmed and inexperienced and unable to protect the Rohingya men. Despite the fact they had a police escort, Myo Thu Soe said the Muslim men were not authorized to travel to the area. Since the 2012 violence the city's Muslims have been confined to camps or a single city ward, unable to travel freely without a police escort. _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ (c) 2017 Reuters

On this Independence Day, when we remember those who fled England in search of a place where they could have freedom of conscience, it is difficult to ignore all those in the world who suffer at the hands of governments that deny this freedom. Mazen (Mah-ZEEN), a Syrian pastor, questioned, “Terrorists are killing our men, raping our women and burning our churches. And the church in the West doesn’t even care. Why?” Is Mazen correct? Is the church in the West unconcerned about the 77 percent of the world’s people who live under religious oppression or persecution? Do we not care that genocide is being committed against Christians and other religious minorities in the Middle East, where the Christian population in Iraq has dropped from 1.5 million in 2003 to an estimated 250,000 today? Are we deaf to the cries of five million mainstream Muslims and minority Christians who are displaced in Northern Nigeria at the hands of Boko Haram and the Fulani militants? Have we turned our backs on the Coptic and Ethiopian Christians beheaded on the Mediterranean coast? Christians in China are facing the worst persecution since the country’s Cultural Revolution in the 1960s and 1970s. Nations such as Russia and Nepal have recently passed laws outlawing proselytizing. North Korea holds thousands in prisons for nothing more than having a Bible or other religious paraphernalia. Pakistan’s courts have sentenced Christian Asia Bibi to death for alleged blasphemy after an argument broke out when she “contaminated” water that she and Muslim workers were sharing. What is your church or synagogue or faith community doing about these sufferers? Do you pray for them regularly? Do you offer humanitarian assistance? Do you meet with their leaders and listen to their concerns? Do you advocate for these people with local, national and international governments? I’m afraid most will answer that standing with the persecuted is a minor concern. The problem is ignored, sympathetically dismissed or neglected, and we are guilty of assuming others will solve the problem. Around the world, there are about 1.3 billion Roman Catholics, 600 million affiliated with the World Evangelical Alliance, 200 million associated with Eastern Orthodoxy, 100 million Baptists, and 20 million baptized believers in the Seventh-day Adventist Church. If these 2.2 million were to speak with one voice demanding religious freedom for all, changes would take place. Why aren’t there more summits on religious persecution? Who are the international religious freedom champions? Why don’t pastors preach on biblical texts such as Hebrews 13:3: “Remember those who are in prison as though you were in prison with them”? On an average day, twenty Christians are killed for their faith. It is time for the Church to hear the cries of men like Mazen and stand up for the persecuted of all faiths. If we don’t, it won’t be long before we, too, might join the ranks of the persecuted. Randel Everett President and Founder Take Action: 1. Find out what your faith community is doing about religious persecution, and become a leading advocate for religious liberty. 2. Utilize resources such as prayer guides, illustrations, videos and guest speakers from www.21wilberforce.org/resources and www.standwithnigeria.org/resources. 3. Texas churches should participate in Speak Freedom Texas, Sunday November 5. Information about this state-wide event will be available soon. ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ (c) 2017 Wilberforce

TRAINING FOR UNIVERSITY LECTURERS IN CAMBODIA. EDUCATION ON THE KHMER ROUGE HISTORY IN CAMBODIA (1975-1979). Genocide Education is Genocide Prevention. "This is a proposed Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia judicial reparation project that has been developed for the benefit of Civil Parties in Case 002/02." From 25-27 July, 2017, a third round of training will be held, hosting more than one hundred lecturers, in an intensive course on the teaching of the history of the Khmer Rouge period, known as the Democratic Kampuchea period (1975‐1979). The first two rounds consisted of five-day workshops for commune level teachers in two different provinces: Kampong Cham and Battambang. This three-day seminar will be given to university lecturers in Phnom Penh. The Documentation Center of Cambodia’s (DC-Cam) Genocide Education Project will conduct the training and has designed it to be a transformative mechanism for memory, peace, tolerance, and reconciliation. Since its inception in 2009, the Genocide Education Project has succeeded in providing intensive training on this important historical period to approximately 3,000 teachers. A primary mission of the Genocide Education Project is not only to piece together an accurate portrayal of Khmer Rouge history, but to promote the integration of this history into the classroom so that students may begin to explore and understand its implications for their lives today. A structured inquiry into the history of Democratic Kampuchea will ultimately yield critical lessons for an investigation into human behavior, ideology, beliefs, and justice, and will encourage learners to think about their own world views and how the past ultimately shapes the future. By equipping educators with the teaching skills and methodology necessary to teach about genocide, teachers will successfully engage students in dialogue about their country’s complex past. Through a constructive and reflective examination of history, it is hoped that students will understand how such atrocities came to be, and how they can be prevented in the future. Additionally, the Genocide Education Project has made extensive efforts to reach out to all spectrums of society, ranging from the military, the police, Khmer Rouge victims, and the courts. It is evident that the question of why the Khmer Rouge caused so much suffering remains the subject of critical debate, therefore; the Genocide Education Project will continue to work with the Cambodian people to search for ever more revealing responses to these vital questions. The course will feature renowned legal and historical scholars, and incorporate interactive training sessions for attendees. Professor Son Soubert of the University of Archaeology in Phnom Penh and appointee to the Constitutional Council will speak about the genesis of the Khmer People’s National Liberation Front (KPNLF). Professor Ros Chantraboth of the Royal Academy of Cambodia will present and analyze the historical events leading up to the Khmer Rouge’s takeover of Cambodia. International Co-Prosecutors Nicholas Koumjian and Coman Kenny will present on the legacy of the Khmer Rouge Tribunal, and the important evidence of the Khmer Rouge policies established in the Khmer Rouge Tribunal case 02/002. Also, Ambassador Dr. Julio A. Jeldres, Royal Biographer of King Father Norodom Sihanouk, will present on the foreign policy of the Democratic Kampuchea and the influence of the Chinese Cultural Revolution. Finally, in coordination with the Civil Party Lead Co-Lawyers Section (CPLCLS), DC-Cam has invited two Civil Parties to present their personal stories on this historical period. These influential voices represent just a few of the featured presenters who will partake in the training. Although the Khmer Rouge regime was overthrown almost 40 years ago, the adverse effects of the period and the stigmatization that have consequently emerged remain prevalent in Cambodian society. Efforts to restore a sense of humanity and to work toward a shared future are largely subject to the mercy of time. However, the Documentation Center of Cambodia believes the path to remembering this tragic past involves the regular incorporation of Khmer Rouge history in Cambodia’s educational system so that students from one generation to the next can study and remember their country’s past. This belief is expounded by the words of William Faulkner: “The past is not dead. It is not even the past.” The training for university lecturers would not be possible without the close collaboration of Documentation Center of Cambodia, the Ministry of Education, Youth, and Sports and, in particular, without the generous support of the European Union (EU) through the United Nations Office for Project Services (UNOPS). Documentation Center of Cambodia is supported through long-term financial aid by the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID). The hope is that the training will inspire the academic community to engage and intensify their critical research on this history. BOU MENG, A SURVIVOR FROM KHMER ROUGE PRISON S-21 Bou Meng filed a Civil Party application on the basis of his detention at S-21 from mid 1977 to January 1979. Bou Meng joined the Khmer Rouge in 1970 following Norodom Sihanoukís call to join the resistance against the Lon Nol regime. After April 17 1975, he was assigned to the technical school of Russey Keo in Phnom Penh. A year later following the arrest of his superior, he was sent to a reeducation site in Kandal province. In mid-1977 he and his wife were called to "teach drawing at the Royal University of Fine Arts", but instead were arrested and transferred to S-21. He has never seen his wife since. As a Civil Party, Bou Meng testified on the detention conditions in the "common room" of Building C where he was detained before his interrogation started. He recounted how detainees were sprayed with a hose, naked, while being mocked by guards. Bou Meng also recalled the "several months or weeks" of interrogation he endured, which left him with emotional problems and physical scarring. He told the Trial Chamber that five interrogators took turns beating him with a whip until blood "flow[ed] from [his] back" and how on one occasion torturers inflicted electroshocks near his genitals until he lost consciousness. In late 1977 when painters were needed at S-21, he was transferred to Building E to work in the workshop and paint portraits. Bou Meng wanted to know from the Accused whether his wife was killed at S-21 or in Choeung Ek "so that [he] could collect the ashes or remains so that [he] can make her soul rest in peace". (Source: Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia) According to the Office of Co-Prosecutors (filed 8 June 2017), the number people who died at S-21 is 18,063 persons. For more information, please contact: Dr. Ly Sok-Kheang Director of Anlong Veng Peace Center Documentation Center of Cambodia P: (855) 12 570 465 E: truthlysokkheang@dccam.org Ms. Ivy Taylor DC-Cam Legal Associate Seattle University School of Law P: (855) 85 986761 E: taylori@seattleu.edu Venue: Sleuk Rith Contemporary Arts Gallery (Building H inside National Institute of Education) For direction, please contact: Men Pechet, Curator E: truthmpechet@dccam.org ____________________________________________________________________________________ (c) 2017 DCCam

A mob in Myanmar's western Rakhine State killed a member of the Muslim Rohingya ethnic minority and injured six others who were on a police-guarded trip Tuesday from the displacement camp where they live to the city that many Rohingya were forced to flee five years ago. The seven were given a ride by police to the dock area of Sittwe, the Rakhine capital, to purchase some boats. The Rohingya are normally confined to the camp, and police provide rides in a closed truck to both restrict and protect them. A police officer and one of the men said the group was attacked by about 100 members of the Buddhist Rakhine ethnic group, whose violent assaults in 2012 drove most Rohingya residents from their Sittwe homes. Communal tensions have not eased much since the 2012 violence, which killed hundreds and drove about 140,000 people — predominantly Rohingya — to camps for the internally displaced, where most remain. The Rohingya face severe discrimination in Buddhist-majority Myanmar, where they are widely regarded as illegal immigrants from Bangladesh stealing Myanmar land, although many have been settled in the country for generations. Violence in recent years has been more widespread in northern Rakhine, where there is a bigger Rohingya population but spread across unguarded villages. Last October, the army launched counterinsurgency operations there after the killing of nine border guards. U.N. human rights investigators and independent rights organizations charge that soldiers and police killed and raped civilians and burned down more than 1,000 homes during the operations. The camps near Sittwe are generally safer from attack but with unhealthy conditions and little chance to make a living. The Dar Paing camp from which Tuesday's victims came houses about 8,000 people. A small group of Rohingya remain in Sittwe in a closed-off ghetto. "As one of the Kalars got off from the truck and was talking to another guy, some of the Rakhine Buddhists started shouting 'the Kalars are entering the city' and attracted the mob," police officer Phyo Wai Kyaw told The Associated Press. "Kalar" is a widely used derogatory term referring to Rohingya. "The Rakhine started beating the Muslims up. One of the Kalars died on the spot and six were taken right away to the hospital. The two police guarding the Muslim guys couldn't do anything as it was a big mob. The mob even followed the injured guys to the Sittwe hospital. The hospital gate needed to be shut because of the big mob." Abdu Alam, 65, one of the injured men, was hit in the head by a brick. His account of the attack was similar to the police officer's. He said that when one of the seven people in the police truck got out to talk with the boat seller, some Rakhine men saw him and started shouting, drawing others to attack them. "They started stoning us. Some guys grabbed wooded sticks to beat us. Things happened so fast that we were stuck in the vehicle and the mob started attacking us," said Abdu Alam, who was able to return to his camp later from the hospital. "The policemen tried to stop them but there were too many of them and it was impossible to stop them. Finally we all got injured and taken to the hospital by the police." _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ (c) 2017 The New York Times

Dear Supporters, We are launching a petition to urge the US to keep sanctions on Sudan as a measure to end the longstanding genocide and to dismantle terrorist ties with the government of Sudan. Lifting sanctions is the equivalent of enabling genocide. What does lifting sanctions mean? More trades, more investment, and more money will be in the hands of Sudanese government leaders, who have committed crimes of genocide against their own citizens and who have built strong relations with terrorism that also poses serious threats to US national security. Background on Darfur- the longest genocide in history: Towards the end of 2002, the government of Sudan began a genocidal campaign in Darfur. It started with the use Arab militias, the Janjaweed, and Sudanese Armed Forces targeting the indigenous people. Many of those targeted were from the Fur, the Massalete or the Zagawa tribes. The genocidal campaign appalling actions include burning villages and destroying food and water sources. They also kill innocents and rape women and girls. Mukesh Kapila, a UN representative in Darfur, has characterized the situation as "the worst humanitarian crises in the world." By 2006, over 300,000 civilians, most of whom were women and children, had been slaughtered. Government soldiers continue to attack and to rape those who have survived. These soldiers utilize rape as a weapon of war and a method of terror and leave a trail of despair wherever they go. Millions have been forced out of their homes, with nowhere to go. Often, these people end up living in deplorable conditions, where they then against face attacks. As a response, in 2004, the United Nations created an international commission of inquiry. The commission investigated and found that the government of Sudan had committed genocidal activities, and acknowledged that about 150 government officials were partially responsible for the crimes committed in Darfur. As the result of the investigation, in 2005, member states of the United Nations Security Council unanimously referred the case of Darfur to the International Criminal Court. Simultaneously, the US, under President Bush's leadership, took a proactive approach by sending Secretary of State Colin Powell to Darfur on a fact-finding mission. Based on Mr. Powell's report, both the executive branch and the legislative branch of the US government declared the situation in Darfur as genocide in 2004. The US government called for an immediate end to the crises. They demanded accountability, and further authorized humanitarian assistance. However, the government of Sudan continued to obstruct and drain away any effort that was made to halt violence or bring peace to Darfur. To help resolve the crises, the US imposed economic sanctions on Sudan for the purpose of limiting Sudan government's financial resources. The condition of the sanctions requires that a verified change and significant progress toward peace, and accountability for perpetrators must take place before lifting sanctions. In 2008, during the presidential campaign, then-presidential candidate Barack Obama, Samantha Power (who at the time was Mr. Obama's Senior Campaign Advisor), and the then Senator Hillary used strong words to criticize the actions of the Sudanese government and to promise an end the genocide in Darfur. The affected communities, the advocates from the anti-genocide movement and the bipartisan members of Congress who have championed the cause from both side of the aisle, were very hopeful that, if elected, the Obama administration would do something to end the genocide in Darfur. Unfortunately, after taking office, President Obama and his entire administration except for Susan Rice merely took a conciliatory approach to the regime in Sudan. The approach of the Obama administration resulted in the continuation and escalation of the violence. Without any action taken by the US or any other country in the world, the Sudan government extended attacks even beyond Darfur to South Kordofan and the Blue Nile region. We were very disappointed realizing that the Obama campaign's promises were just a ticket for their campaign trail. We were even more shocked at the thought that the US government would lift sanctions. Instead of condemning Bashir's actions it became apparent that the US would reward the regime that committed genocide, continued to kill innocent people and hosted Osama bin Laden. Current Situation Sudanese President, Omar al-Bashir is currently wanted by the International Criminal Court for genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity in Darfur. He continues to carry out his genocidal policy with impunity because the international community has failed to bring him to justice. Consequently, the situation in Darfur continues to deteriorate. The fact is that in the last four years Darfur had witnessed escalations of violence, destructions and horrific damages on people's lives and livelihood. President al-Bashir has used every effort to isolate Darfur including the prevention of international human rights agencies or journalists from obtaining information. Due to this, Darfur eventually dropped from the world's attention. Some of you may think the crisis in Darfur has ended because it is not being reported in the news, but the truth is that over 460,000 Darfuris were displaced in 2013. In 2014, another 500,000 were displaced. And in the span of twenty-four hours on October 14, 2014, 221 women and girls were raped in Tabit village. Those who committed such a vile act have suffered no consequences. What happened to those 221 women and girls is not an isolated incident, but it is a systematic tactic and deliberate policy of the regime. In the first three months of 2015, 233,000 people were, and 2016 saw 400,000 people displaced. While declaring a false cease-fire, the Sudanese Armed Forces have massacred 13 people and over injured over 50 in Nertiti, West Darfur. Similar attacks took place in Elgeneina, the capital of West Darfur, as recent in June of 2017 The government has indiscriminately attacked over 20 villages in North Darfur where thousands have fled their homes and are still in need of urgent humanitarian assistance. Recent Norwegian Aid released a report confirming the facts that there are over 4 million refugees in Sudan. Most of these refugees are Darfur genocide victims displaced for 14 years. Violence is still inflicted on the Darfuris at an alarming rate. However, world leaders keep remaining silent and not taking actions to stop the genocide against our people. That is why we are appealing to you today. Listen to the voices of the victims Despite the unimaginable pain and suffering the people of Darfur continued to face, in his last week in office, President Obama announced his decision to lift sanctions against Sudan, even though the government of Sudan had not complied with the conditions set for sanction removal. The conditions were to end the genocide in Darfur, to hold perpetrators accountable, to open an unhindered humanitarian assistance, to disarm Janjaweed militias, to stop human rights abuse, to bring lasting peace to Darfur and Sudan at large, and to demonstrate valid evidence of cutting its existing ties with international terrorist organizations. The disastrous results of lifting sanctions include providing Sudan with full access to international trade, giving Sudan access to foreign investment and to freely conduct international transactions. These results will increase the flow of currency and increase the amount of money in the hand of Sudan government to support further heinous crimes. We and many other advocates, including members of Congress, have expressed outrage and opposed the US government's decision to lift sanctions against Sudan. President Obama and his former special envoy for Sudan and South Sudan presented fictional justifications for their decision. These justifications were not in line with the voices of the victims on the ground in Darfur or those who are speaking on their behalf or working to end the crises in Sudan know to be true. The Obama administration's justification was that sanctions would hurt the people of Sudan. However, the truth is that the government of Sudan is the only thing hurting the Sudanese people. The Sudanese government attacks the people of Darfur, Nuba Mountains, and the Blue Nile, the most productive and hardworking Sudanese people, who provided over 60% of Sudan's total food production and contributed to the national general income by over 70% in agriculture, livestock and gum productions before the crises. These three regions were the strongest professional and domestic labor markets in the entire country. Today they are sadly driven out of their homes, which make them entirely dependent on food aid for survival instead of being dignified breadwinners for their families and contributors to the workforce in their society. As of today, millions of genocide victims are still in camps, facing a great deal of suffering, and are oppressed. Their fate is left to be decided by their killers: the rapid support forces who are in their full operating capacity to commit more atrocities and the government of Sudan led by the convicted international criminal President al-Bashir. Based on the international governing norms, the responsibility to protect is a primary responsibility of the nation's government, which means that the government shall safeguard and provide a conducive environment for all of its citizens and guarantee their lives with dignity regardless of ethnicity, religion, race or color. However, when a government targets its own citizens, such as the case of Darfur, the international community has the responsibility to provide protection for people facing systematic killing under the Genocide Convention, International Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights and humanitarian laws. What we are asking is one of the least - keep sanctions on Sudan. Keeping the sanctions will limit the government of Sudan's ability to buy more weapons to kill innocent civilians, by limiting their access to international trade. Thus, if we can convince the US to keep sanctions on Sudan, we will help save many lives that otherwise will be lost. That is why we ask for your support and your voice. And to reach out to others to add their voices as well so that we can make our cries louder to ensure that the Trump administration does the right thing by simply keeping the existing sanctions until we can build a sustainable and peaceful future for Darfur. By signing our petition, you demand that US leaders confront and eliminate the horrifying act of genocide. We as human beings have a moral and ethical obligation to do whatever is in our power to stop genocide. We have failed to do so in the past, and all humans bear the scars of ignorance. We ask you to think back to the mistakes of our previous leaders, who let so many innocents die through pure ignorance and help us ensure that humanity will never again have to suffer through another genocide. Please show your support by signing and sharing with others. Together we can work to build a peaceful and sustainable future for the people of Darfur. Click here to view our petition. Thanks for your continued support! Sincerely, Niemat Ahmadi Founder and President darfurwomenaction.org ___________________________________________________________________________________ (c) 2017 Darfur Women Action Group

When Myanmar transitioned from military rule to civilian democracy, many hoped the new government would make efforts to resolve the Rohingya Muslim crisis that began in 2012. Many believed the de facto leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, who is a former Nobel Peace Prize winner, would fight for the rights of the ethnic Muslim community, which is considered an outcast in its own country, despite living there for centuries. However, all hopes of peace were dashed after Suu Kyi, in the very first 100 days of her rule, banned the usage of the term "Rohingya" to appease Buddhist extremists, who wield considerable influence in Burmese politics. Suu Kyi, a woman who spent nearly 15 years under house arrest for her human rights advocacy, made it very clear that she was not going to alienate the Buddhist majority for the sake of an unrecognized minority. In fact, as per latest reports emerging from the region, she appears to be wholly complicit in the discrimination against Rohingya Muslims. As minister of foreign affairs, Suu Kyi recently refused entry to members of a United Nations investigation focusing on widely reported allegations of killings, rape and torture by security forces against Rohingya Muslims. “If they are going to send someone with regards to the fact-finding mission, then there’s no reason for us to let them come,” said Kyaw Zeya, permanent secretary at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. “Our missions worldwide are advised accordingly,” he added. The U.N. mission was announced in the wake of the controversial military crackdown against Rohingya Muslims in October in the Rakhine State. Scores have been killed while hundreds of others, around 75,000, have fled the country into neighboring countries for refuge in what human rights watchdogs believe is part of a systematic ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya Muslim community. The Burmese army has also been accused of burning down Rohingya Muslim villages and raping the women belonging to the embattled group. Despite numerous reports citing the aforementioned abuses against Rohingya Muslims, Suu Kyi remains reluctant to let U.N. investigators into the country, arguing it “would have created greater hostility between the different communities." (But does withholding information about the crisis help in resolving it? Of course not.) If Myanmar has nothing to hide, why isn't Aung San Suu Kyi allowing U.N. investigators to visit the country? __________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________(c) 2017 Reuters

In our long-running civil wars and waves of racial and religious violence, how many Aung La Nsangs have we killed, maimed or otherwise destroyed? On Friday, in Yangon, something extraordinary happened to lift the spirit of all Myanmar’s peoples—the generals, the cronies, the National League for Democracy (NLD) supporters, the political exiles, the journalists, and the multi-ethnic population at large. Mixed martial arts fighter Aung La Nsang made history by becoming the first-ever world champion from Myanmar in any sport. Three judges unanimously declared him the winner in the nationally televised match against the defending ONE middleweight champion Vitaly Bigdash from Russia. Following Nsang’s victory at Thuwunna Stadium, something else extraordinary happened. Myanmar army commander-in-chief Senior-General Min Aung Hlaing issued an official statement of congratulations, claiming the ethnic Kachin fighter embodies the indomitable spirit of Myanmar, the pride of the nation. Nsang was invited to the Ministry of Defense and presented with a cash award as a token of appreciation and recognition by representatives of all three branches of the Myanmar armed forces—the army, navy, and the air force. As an ethnic Burmese on the other end of the political spectrum from the Tatmadaw’s leaders, I uncharacteristically welcomed the military’s gesture towards Nsang as symbolically and psychologically significant. I celebrated what I saw as a son of Myanmar making the entire nation proud, one that has been so fractured along ethnic and religious lines, and for so long. While the country’s Aung San Suu Kyi-led, military-backed peace process is running aground, and the United Nations Human Rights Council bangs on the country’s door to allow a fact-finding mission to visit conflict zones in Myanmar, the emergence of a world champion is an extremely rare moment of jubilation. But as a son of Myanmar myself, I can’t help but ask a painful question: in our long-running civil wars and waves of racial and religious violence, how many Aung La Nsangs have we killed, maimed or otherwise destroyed? The new MMA world champion Nsang is no ordinary fighter. In earlier wins outside of Myanmar, Nsang wrapped himself in the flag of the Kachin Independence Organization and publicly expressed his desire for peace in his war-torn birthplace of Kachin State. On Saturday, the South China Morning Post quoted the new champion as saying: “I hope to be an inspiration to the people of Myanmar. This is for them…. It feels like I am very blessed, and hopefully I can bring blessings to other people as well.” Hearing this, I am inspired to suspend my skepticism, which is born out of nearly 30 years of political involvement in Burmese affairs as a grassroots activist, hoping that such a nationwide moment of pride may awaken our own better selves, along with a realization that we are bound as those who “drink the same water and live on the same land.” This bond may have been damaged by decades of war and political strife, but it certainly is not dead. War, danger, and strife Almost 250 years after the founding—on ethnic Mon land, no less—of Myanmar’s former capital of Yangon, whose name means “end of war, danger and strife,” the country’s conflicts have multiplied, expanded, and deepened. This is largely thanks to misguided political decisions that compound the violence and suffering we have inherited. The result is the ongoing displacement of communities, so much so that Myanmar is nowranked eighth in the world in its outflow of refugees. The number of forced migrants, according to the recently released United Nations Global Trends report, topped 490,000 at the end of 2016. This increase is largely due to large numbers of Muslim Rohingya refugees fleeing the western region of Rakhine, or Arakan, to Bangladesh. Here, a 50-year-old strategy aimed at controlling and managing cross-border migration among Rohingya Muslims in Northern Rakhine has degenerated into one of widespread concern for sustained atrocities. In the Shan and Kachin highlands, the breakdown of a 17-year ceasefire agreement between the KIO and Myanmar’s former government led by President Thein Sein has had a devastating impact on the country’s commercial and political transformation, as well as on the many different ethnic communities that live in the strategic Sino-Burmese borderlands. Within the society at large, Islamophobia dating back to the colonial era, and violent anti-Rohingya racism, have poisoned the minds of a generally acquiescing and decent public. In addition to this, the military’s arrest of Burmese journalists from The Irrawaddy and the Democratic Voice of Burma, and the NLD government’s dismissal of the outrage over media freedom as “low priority” marks a re-emergence of hostilities between the country’s ruling institutions and the press—a crucial pillar of civil society. While blame and responsibility may be apportioned, Myanmar now needs to take a deep, collective breath as a multi-ethnic nation so that we may regain our common moral sense of what is in the nation’s long-term best interests. A cathartic moment While our shared sentiments of jubilation over last weekend’s supreme victory are still fresh, every one of us who cares about the well-being and future of our shared birthplace must honestly and critically reflect on the futility of continuing conflicts over claims and counter-claims of our contributions, histories, territories, revenues, resources, and entitlements. Myanmar is blessed with trillions of dollars’ worth of natural resources, both above and below ground, tapped and untapped. But more importantly, Myanmar’s peoples are our greatest assets, our most potent creative energies. Our strength in unity as an incredibly diverse ethnic community has been damaged, and even destroyed, with each passing year of unresolved conflict. Having worked intimately and transparently with Burmese military leaders, I do know that there are members of the Tatmadaw who are keen to push for a more representative government in our country. Despite our differences of opinion in how to go about instituting such a government, we share a common desire for a peaceful, prosperous and democratic Union of Myanmar. A youngish colonel I knew, who is now a four-star general in the Commander-in-Chief’s office, asked me ten years ago: “Do you think Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is the only person among us who can bring about democratization in our country?” He didn’t mean it rhetorically, and was keen to know my honest answer. My response then was: “No.” It remains unequivocally so. But neither the military nor the NLD leaders can expect to succeed in their one-year-old joint efforts at facilitating a democratic transition without the inspired participation of the public. Nor can these powerful military figures and popular political parties accomplish their stated objectives of defending and developing a multi-ethnic Myanmar until and unless there is a fundamental shift in their mindsets. Sometimes a national tragedy or a moment of collective jubilation can serve as a cathartic moment from which springs a nation’s revival, renewal, and reconciliation. Again as a Burmese whose family has, over three generations, had organic ties with the military, I am hoping that Aung La Nsang’s world championship may turn out to be one such moment for our country. Nurture, rather than destroy Leaders from both the NLD and the military must see in every person who calls Myanmar their birthplace a potential Aung La Nsang, an embodiment of pride for our multi-ethnic nation, an asset to our national defense, and a building block for our development. We are, in fact, blessed with many Aung La Nsangs in the various fields of journalism, civil society development, human rights promotion, minority rights protection, as well as in the creative domains of art and literature, and in science and technology, medicine and engineering, agriculture and forestry, interfaith harmony and peace-building, environmental protection, and scholarship. Internationally, many of Myanmar’s distinguished sons and daughters have—as refugees, expatriates, and exiles—worked in “world class” institutions or independently. Myanmar does not need to wait for a new generation of citizens to emerge. The country’s leaders just need to realize and appreciate the potentially invaluable contributions that the as yet unrecognized Aung La Nsangs could make towards peace, security, development and harmony. Militaries, political parties, religious organizations, and virtually all communities have made mistakes, some grave and consequential. No nation or national institution is complete, finished, or beyond redemption. Therefore, it is not too late for us as a Myanmar community to turn the land we love into one that nurtures, rather than destroys, future Aung La Nsangs, irrespective of our differences in migratory histories, faiths, or opinions. Wouldn’t it be wonderful if our fellow citizens could be brought together into a national program in which they were encouraged to share their opinions and expertise, publicly and privately, toward the shared goal of building a true democratic Union of Myanmar? ​As evidenced in Brexit Britain and Donald Trump’s America, racism and prejudice divide and weaken nations. Let us overcome the weight of our past and embrace a reality where every one of us—soldier and civilian, majority and minority, Buddhist and Christian and Muslim—sees our individual achievements celebrated as those of one nation. ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ (c) 2017 Coconuts Yangon

Genocide and war-crimes charges have long shadowed Sudan’s president, sometimes forcing him to scrap or alter travel abroad to avoid the risk of arrest and extradition to the International Criminal Court. Still, Sudan said Monday, he had accepted an invitation to visit Russia next month. The invitation to the president, Omar Hassan al-Bashir, from President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia, presents a new test of Mr. Bashir’s defiance of the international court at The Hague, which issued arrest warrants for him years ago over the genocide in Sudan’s Darfur region. Mr. Bashir’s refusal to heed the warrants has come to symbolize a broader impunity shown toward the court, the international judicial authority that was created to deal with egregious crimes in which victims have no other recourse. The invitation to Mr. Bashir also may partly reflect a concerted effort by Mr. Putin to reassert Russian influence at a time of retreat for the United States in parts of the Middle East and sub-Saharan Africa. Sudan announced the impending visit a few weeks before the United States will decide whether to lift a 20-year-old trade embargo against the country. Those plans were first announced on Jan. 13, but the United States said it would wait 180 days to assess whether Sudan further improves its human rights record and addresses longstanding internal strife and insurgencies including the Darfur conflict. On Sunday, in possible anticipation of an American relaxation of sanctions, Mr. Bashir extended a cease-fire with rebels, in place for nine months, until the end of October. Rights advocates who have closely followed Mr. Bashir said it remained possible that he could cancel what would be his first trip to Russia. He has reneged on invitations before, including one from Saudi Arabia to the Arab summit in May, where in theory Mr. Bashir could have hobnobbed with President Trump. American diplomats had urged Mr. Bashir to stay away. But the tone of the announcement about the Russia visit, made by Foreign Minister Ibrahim Ghandour of Sudan and carried via the official Sudan News Agency, suggested that Mr. Bashir intended to go through with it. Mr. Ghandour said the “two sides will discuss during the visit a number of important files on the economic and trade relations as well as the political consultation and the exchange of support at the different international forums.” In Russia, there was no official announcement of the planned visit. Some Russian news agencies carried a Reuters dispatch about it, and the headline by one agency, RBC, said, “President who is defendant at the International Criminal Court invited to Moscow.” There was no immediate comment from the International Criminal Court. Fadi El Abdallah, a spokesman, did not return telephone or email messages. Rights advocates, however, quickly responded. “Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir is a fugitive sought by the I.C.C. for heinous crimes committed in Darfur,” said Elise Keppler, associate director of the International Justice Program at Human Rights Watch. “The victims deserve to see him travel to one place only: The Hague, to face the charges against him.” Mr. Bashir has two warrants against him issued by the court, in 2009 and 2010. He is facing seven counts of war crimes and crimes against humanity as well as three counts of genocide. While Mr. Bashir has visited numerous nations since, he could be arrested if he visits member countries of the International Criminal Court. He must also use caution in avoiding any flight plan that includes the airspace of a court member. Neither Russia nor the United States are members. But the longstanding American policy has been to isolate Mr. Bashir and encourage other countries to respect the court’s arrest warrants. Mr. Bashir was nearly arrested at a 2015 African Union meeting in South Africa, a court member. He was unable to leave while South African judges pondered whether he should be arrested. President Jacob Zuma of South Africa intervened, permitting Mr. Bashir to depart. __________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ (c) 2017 The New York Times

Germany passed a bill designed to curb Holocaust denial on social networks. Under the measure passed Friday by the parliament, social media platforms like Facebook, Twitter and YouTube must remove material with obviously illegal content and fake defamatory “news” within 24 hours of it having been reported. Previously, illegal material did not have to be removed after being reported. The law places the onus on the social media platforms to remove the material or be subject to heavy fines, reportedly as much as about $56 million. Heiko Maas, Germany’s federal minister of justice, who submitted the proposed law for consideration in March, said the internet would now be held to the same legal standards as other printed material. A study showed that major social media platforms were slow to react to reported illegal content — including slander, incitement to hate, Holocaust denial and glorification of national socialism, all of which are illegal in Germany. The parliament passed the bill in its last meeting before summer break. Josef Schuster, head of the Central Council of Jews in Germany, praised the new law as a strong instrument against online hate speech and said an evaluation period would help determine its efficacy. In an official statement, Schuster noted that social media has become a hotbed of anti-Semitic incitement, which is easily spread worldwide. Since platform operators generally failed to stick to agreements of a voluntary nature, “this law is the logical consequence,” he said. Legislators from the Left Party and the Greens criticized the law over fears about granting internet companies the power to set the boundaries for free speech online. But Schuster said in his statement that curbing hate speech against minorities or religious groups “has nothing to do with freedom of expression. … The Internet must not become a free space.” World Jewish Congress CEO Robert Singer had supported the bill. __________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ © 2017 Jewish Telegraphic Agency

Malaysia will consider action against its Asean counterpart Myanmar following its decision to deny a United Nations fact-finding mission on alleged abuse of the Rohingya. Deputy Prime Minister Ahmad Zahid Hamidi said the Government will seek Wisma Putra's advice on whether humanitarian or diplomatic action would be taken. "I will discuss with Foreign Minister Datuk Seri Anifah Aman. We will look into the latest report of the ongoings in Myanmar," Dr Ahmad Zahid told a press conference at his Hari Raya open house at Sri Satria. Recently, the Aung San Suu Kyi-led Myanmar government said it would refuse entry to members of a UN probe focusing on allegations of killings, rape and torture by security forces against Rohingya Muslims. On another matter, he said Malaysia's upgrade to Tier 2 in the Trafficking in Persons (TiP) Report 2017 shows the Government's commitment to tackling the issue of human trafficking. When Malaysia was last on Tier 3, there was a lack of awareness on the issue of human trafficking, Dr Ahmad Zahid said. As the Government took drastic measures, the country was upgraded to Tier 2, he said. "We formed a high-level committee (HLC), which involves seven ministries and 10 government departments and agencies. "All the respective ministers were in the HLC meetings. "I took the initiative to chair the committee because I want to improve Malaysia's image in the world. "We deserve this rating because of our efforts," Dr Ahmad Zahid said, adding that during the visit of former US president Barack Obama to Malaysia, the country was given the opportunity to apply for the visa waiver programme. "This was because we have achieved all seven terms and conditions to be part of the programme. "This includes keeping the percentage of rejected US visa applications below 3 per cent. This proves that Malaysia is on a high level in terms of security and anti-human trafficking efforts," said Dr Ahmad Zahid, who is also Home Minister. _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ (c) 2017 The Straits Times

Burma will refuse entry to members of the UN trying to investigate the alleged killing, violence and abuse against the Rohingya people, an official said. The government of Aung San Suu Kyi has already said it would refuse to cooperate with a UN missionfollowing a resolution adopted by the Human Rights Council in March. Kyaw Zeya, permanent secretary at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, said: "If they are going to send someone with regards to the fact-finding mission, then there's no reason for us to let them come." Mr Zeya added that visas to enter Burma would not be issued to any staff working on the mission. The Burmese government has repeatedly denied claims that the Rohingya Muslim ethnic group is facing genocide in the country's remote Rakhine State. It previously brushed away evidence of human rights violations as fake news and "propaganda". It also deemed "exaggerated" a UN report published in February which found babies and children were reportedly slaughtered with knives amid "area clearance operations". The report concluded counter military operations by security forces were subjecting the Rohingya population to brutal beatings, disappearances, mass gang rape and killings. Ms Suu Kyi, who came to power last year as apart of a transition from military rule, has been criticised for failing to stand up to the more than one million stateless Rohingya Muslims. People in Burma, which is a Buddhist-majority country, have long seen the Rohingyas as illegal immigrants from Bangladesh. Some 75,000 Rohingyas fled the northwestern state of Rakhine to Bangladesh last year following security operations carried out by the Burmese army. In March, the EU called for a mission to look into the allegations of abuse in the north of the country. Indira Jaising, an advocate from the Supreme Court of India, was appointed to lead the mission in May. But Burma insists that a domestic investigation, which is headed by former lieutenant general and Vice President Myint Swe, is sufficient to look into the allegations in Rakhine. "Why do they try to use unwarranted pressure when the domestic mechanisms have not been exhausted?" said Kyaw Zeya. "It will not contribute to our efforts to solve the issues in a holistic manner," he said. Last month, Ms Suu Kyi clashed with the EU over the necessity to carry through the UN resolution and send an international fact-finding mission to Burma. Speaking in Brussels, Ms Suu Kyi said distrust between the two communities went as far back as the 18th century and that what the country needed was time. "We have not ignored allegations of rape or murder or anything. We have asked that these are placed before a court and trialled," she said. She added her government was disassociating itself from the UN resolution "because we don't think the resolution is in keeping with what is actually happening on the ground." During a trip to Sweden earlier this month she said the UN resolution "would have created greater hostility between the different communities." _______________________________________________________________________________ (c) 2017 Independent

IDC Chapter Activities On June 25, Steven Howard spoke with parishioners at St. Elias Melkite Catholic Church in San Jose, CA about ways in which the new San Francisco Bay Area chapter can advocate for and spread awareness about the plight of Christians in the Middle East. On June 23, Steven Howard met with Fr. Barouyr Shernezian of St. Gregory Armenian Apostolic Church of San Francisco and the Armenia National Committee of America San Francisco Bay Area chapter to discuss ways in which their community can work with IDC in the Bay Area to advocate for the protection of Christians in the Middle East. On June 21, IDC Executive Director Philippe Nassif and Steven Howard met with the new IDC Orange County Chapter, chaired by Dotty Hage, at St. John Maron Maronite Catholic Church in Orange County, CA to discuss the work that their chapter can do in advocacy and outreach in Southern California Above: Steven Howard (Left) and Philippe Nassif (Right) answer questions from the community about the Congressional meetings they are organizing for the Congressional Recess in August. On June 23, Fr. Toufic Nasr, parish priest at St. Ephrem Maronite Catholic Church in El Cajon, hosted a town hall for the IDC San Diego chapter with Steven Howard where the community was able to gather and learn about how they could advocate for Christians in the Middle East with their Congressmen. On June 17, the newly formed IDC Boston Chapter organized a Community Town Hall at St. Anthony’s Maronite Catholic Church in Lawrence, MA. Left: IDC Boston Chapter Chair Ziad Saab speaking with his fellow parishioners at St. Anthony’s. Right: Steven Howard speaks with the Lawrence community about the important advocacy work that IDC chapters do with their members of Congress. On June 16, IDC’s New Hampshire Chapter hosted their first chapter event, a community town hall with IDC National Outreach Associate Steven Howard at Our Lady of the Cedars Melkite Catholic Church. Above: Father Thomas Steinmetz, parish priest at Our Lady of the Cedars and IDC New Hampshire Chair, led the community in a word of prayer before the town hall began. On June 12, IDC National Board Member Tonia Khouri and the Chicago Chapter met with Cynthia Bajjalieh, Director for Constituent Services for the Office of Senator Dick Durbin, in Chicago to discuss the Security and Stability of Lebanon From Left to Right: Chicago Chapter Co-Chair Joe Khouri, Tonia Khouri, and Fr. Pierre Khoury, parish priest of Our Lady of Lebanon Maronite Catholic Church in Lombard, IL. Keep checking IDC National Office and Chapters' Events on our website. Click Here for any upcoming Event. IDC in the News Newsweek, June 28, Isis in Lebanon: The Courage of a Christian town on the frontline of Jihad. An Op-Ed by IDC Vice President and Senior Policy Adviser Andrew Doran. "One year after the suicide bombings, a monument to the five men who were killed stands near the St. Elias statue. Yosef does his best to care for George’s widow, who needs constant medical attention, and his brother’s two children." National Catholic Reporter, June 16, Chaldeans in US: Why aren't more Christians speaking out against deportations to Iraq? "..we aren't seeing a lot of these other larger voices in the community standing up for the Iraqi Christians," Christian Post, June 7, House Passes Bill That Would Fund Christian Relief Efforts for ISIS Genocide Victims "Unless Christians begin receiving assistance from the international community, including from the U.S. government, they are going to continue leaving Iraq, which I snot in the interests of the United States," IDC Executive Director Philippe Nassif said in a statement. Conservative Review, June 7, Emergency funding clears House as Christians face ‘tipping point’ “The situation on the ground is extremely fluid,” Philippe Nassif, executive director for In Defense of Christians, explained to CR. World Magazine, June 8, House advances genocide bill “This is an issue that everyone who works in this space has recognized,” Nassif said. “You have a situation where there are not enough people at State to handle everything being given to them. They are overwhelmed.” Christian Daily, June 10, US House passes bill to authorize government funding for relief efforts for ISIS victims IDC executive director Philippe Nassif explained that the new bill will ensure that U.S. funding will reach the displaced minorities who are in need of assistance. Politico, June 13, Trump’s move to deport Iraqi Christians stirs outcry “These are people that are deeply traumatized. They latched onto his message of ‘We’re going to protect you.’” Union Leader, June 16, Pro-Middle East Christians group to host town hall _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ (c) 2017 In Defense of Christians (IDC)