A Rohingya refugee girl peeks through a hole made in a plastic wall dividing the shelters at Balu Kali Refugee Camp in Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh, 28 February, 2017 Reutersv Fears are growing for the lives of several thousand children in northwest Burma suffering from severe malnutrition and lack of medical care but denied vital aid after a sweeping military crackdown against suspected Rohingya militants. UN agencies were unable to maintain lifesaving services for more than 3,000 registered children, mostly from the minority Rohingya Muslim community, in two townships of northern Rakhine state after the military sealed off the area during operations in response to the killing of nine policemen in attacks on border posts on 9 October. Following an international outcry, the military allowed the UN to resume limited aid operations in Buthidaung township in mid-December and last month in Maungdaw North. But many of the children originally receiving aid still have not been reached while others needing help were feared also to be succumbing to severe malnourishment. Fears are growing for the lives of several thousand children in northwest Burma suffering from severe malnutrition and lack of medical care but denied vital aid after a sweeping military crackdown against suspected Rohingya militants. UN agencies were unable to maintain lifesaving services for more than 3,000 registered children, mostly from the minority Rohingya Muslim community, in two townships of northern Rakhine state after the military sealed off the area during operations in response to the killing of nine policemen in attacks on border posts on 9 October. Following an international outcry, the military allowed the UN to resume limited aid operations in Buthidaung township in mid-December and last month in Maungdaw North. But many of the children originally receiving aid still have not been reached while others needing help were feared also to be succumbing to severe malnourishment. The 3,466 children were among a total of 13,155 listed in surveys last year as suffering from severe acute malnutrition in the two townships. An additional 60,000 children had been categorised as suffering from moderate acute malnutrition. Most belong to the stateless Rohingya minority living in utter poverty and deprived of basic rights and services for years. “Children were receiving lifesaving and prevention treatment, and children in need who don’t receive it have a high risk of dying,” Sabah Barigou, head of the Burma nutrition unit at the World Food Programme (WFP), told The Independent. Children belonging to a second group of 3,200 under a separate “moderate acute malnutrition” programme are now feared to have fallen into the category of severely acutely malnourished, with their lives at risk if help is not promptly resumed, senior UN sources said. A reported increase in military checkpoints might have deterred families from travelling to obtain aid. “The reports we have been receiving indicate that some people are not leaving their villages out of fear, even when services are available,” said Mark Cutts, head of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. “The suspension of critical lifesaving humanitarian operations for over two months clearly had consequences, particularly for children who were already severely malnourished.” But without proper access it was difficult for the UN to quantify, he added. “Humanitarian action is not just about delivering food and other relief supplies. It's about ensuring that people are safe and that they have adequate access to health care and other essential services,” said Mr Cutts. Procedures to check whether some children had reached refugee camps in the port of Cox’s Bazar in Bangladesh are moving slowly as most lack any documentation. The crackdown is the worst since 2012 when communal violence between the Muslim minority and the military backed Buddhist majority resulted in more than 200 deaths and the forced detention of over 140,000 people, mostly Rohingya, in camps. According to Unicef, Burma is one of 36 countries with the highest burden of chronic malnutrition. A third of children under five are identified as “stunted”. Malnutrition has been exacerbated by decades of low-level conflict in ethnically mixed border areas, not just Rakhine where poverty is also widespread among the majority Buddhist population. However malnutrition rates are higher among the Rohingya, with one in five children acutely malnourished. In the conflict areas of Maungdaw and Buthidaung acute malnutrition was above the WHO emergency threshold even before the military crackdown began in October. The World Food Programme had been delivering therapeutic food fortified with supplements, and medical care. Mothers were also taught how to nourish children unable to eat or drink due to illnesses. Burma’s civilian government led by Aung San Suu Kyi, who has little or no control over the military in their nearly year-old power-sharing arrangement, is starting to react to mounting international pressure. A damning report by the UN human rights office prompted the government to set up a commission to investigate alleged human rights abuses despite its initial denials of reports of killings, rape and mass arrests. The military also established a commission. At a press conference on Tuesday, the military defended its actions as lawful. “I want to say that I am very sad because of these kind of reckless accusations and neglect of the good things that the government and the military have done for them,” said General Mya Tun Oo, chief of the General Staff, referring to media reports quoting Rohingya residents describing alleged rights abuses ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ (c) 2017 Independant

The Angolan government should urgently and impartially investigate police use of force to disperse a peaceful protest in the capital, Luanda. The police beat activists with batons and injured at least four protesters using police dogs. “The Angolan authorities are responding to peaceful protests with batons and police dogs,” said Daniel Bekele, senior Africa advocacy director at Human Rights Watch. “The government needs to investigate the police crackdown on protesters and hold those responsible to account.” On February 24, 2017, about 15 people gathered at 2 p.m. in the First of May Square (Largo Primeiro de Maio) to call for the resignation of the territorial administration minister, Bornito de Sousa. He is second on the list of candidates for the ruling Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) and would become vice president if the MPLA wins the parliamentary elections scheduled for August. Because he is in charge of the voter registration process for the elections, the protesters fear he could manipulate the election. Witnesses to the protests, as well as several participants, told Human Rights Watch by phone that the protesters were peaceful, and carried no banners or weapons. They were walking toward the square when the police set upon them and started beating them with batons. Video recorded by a resident in a nearby building shows the police hitting the protesters with batons and using police dogs to disperse the group. The video reveals no aggressive actions by the demonstrators. Amateur video shows the police striking the protesters with batons and threatening them with dogs, February 24, 2017. A protest organizer, Luaty Beirao, said he saw about a dozen police officers when he arrived and another group of officers soon emerged with a Rottweiler and two German shepherd dogs on leashes. “We argued with them for a few minutes, before one of the commanders started chasing people away and beating people who had come to watch the situation,” Beirao said. The police then set the dogs on the protesters. “The Rottweiler bit my left arm, while one of the German shepherds bit the right side of my waist,” Beirao said. “The wound to the waist was not as big as the one to my left arm.” Beirao provided two photos that are consistent with his account. One photo from the protest shows him with a bloody left arm. The other, taken after the protest, shows him with deep bruising on the back, side, and buttocks, which he said was from baton strikes. Another activist, Samussuku Chiconda, said police officers beat him with batons and then dragged him into a police van. A photo he provided showed a deep gash on his forehead, which he said required stitches. “I went to ask the officers why they were stopping us from getting to the square,” Chiconda said. “They threw me to the ground and started kicking me and beating me. I tried to run away, but they chased me and dragged me into the van. I think they wanted to take me to the police station but a police commander told them to release me.” The police also used force to break up another peaceful protest against de Sousa in Angola’s western Benguela Province on February 24. Two activists in Benguela said that the police briefly detained at least two members of the Revolutionary Movement, an anti-government group, then released the protesters without charges. Neither the Luanda nor Benguela protests were authorized by the local governments. Three activists who spoke with Human Rights Watch said that they sought permission from the authorities in Luanda, but received no reply. A document from the Benguela provincial government seen by Human Rights Watch contended that the protest could not take place because it was scheduled during the work day and near a school. Such an overbroad basis for denying a protest violates the right to peaceful assembly under international human rights law, Human Rights Watch said. Among the people injured during the Luanda protest were three members of the group known as “15+2” – a book club inspired by Gene Sharp’s book From Dictatorship to Democracy – whose members were jailed in June 2015 after discussing peaceful protest and democracy at a meeting. A court in Luanda had convicted them in March 2016 for plotting a rebellion against the government and sentenced them to up to eight years in prison. The Supreme Court ordered the group’s conditional release in June, pending a final decision on their appeal. In September, all 17 people were released from prison following parliament’s approval of an amnesty law. Article 47 of Angola’s Constitution allows citizens to protest without pre-authorization, provided they inform authorities in advance. But the Angolan government has consistently blocked and dispersed peaceful anti-government protests using unnecessary or excessive force and arbitrary arrests. “Fair elections require respect for freedom of association, expression, and peaceful assembly,” Bekele said. “The police assault on these peaceful protesters sends a chilling message to others who want to criticize the government and is a red flag for the fairness of this year’s elections.” _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ (c) 2017 Human Rights Watch

The life of a politician is made infinitely easier when, as the saying goes, their actions are judged by their reputation, and not the other way around. Such a phrase is befitting of Myanmar’s de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi, whom the media can describe with a number of glowing phrases: Nobel prize laureate, democracy icon, human rights defender, champion of the Myanmar people. However, Keith Harper, who served as former U.S. President Barack Obama’s ambassador to the UN Human Rights Council, had these words to say about her on Monday: Unfortunately, what has become increasingly clear over the ensuing months, is that while Daw Suu Kyi was perfectly comfortable reaping benefits as a human rights icon for her own pro-democracy struggle, she is not prepared to display the political courage necessary to take a stand for an unpopular Muslim minority group and prevent the grave and systematic denial of their human rights. A few more choice extracts from the statement include: For far too many, her iconic status as pro-democracy crusader makes it difficult to hold accountable a Suu Kyi-led government no matter the well-documented human rights violations… Her Nobel Prize has become a most awful kind of shield from proper scrutiny… Even accepting that Suu Kyi does not sufficiently control the military, she has utterly failed to utilize her considerable bully pulpit which would undoubtedly be impactful. The phrase“scathing attack” might have been apt to describe this statement if it wasn’t for the clarity and logic of its argument. But when one criticizes Suu Kyi there is the sneaking suspicion that you will be palmed off as just an iconoclast or, perhaps worse, unfair. I can already hear the thoughts of her apologists: “Leave her alone, she’s trying her best. Look at what she’s up against.” Very well. She is up against a military (Tatmadaw) that still automatically controls a quarter of seats in the parliament and three key ministries and has proven to be largely independent of the NLD government. And then there is a resurgent movement of chauvinist Buddhists, openly calling for the persecution of the Rohingya and finding a good deal support among the general public. But Suu Kyi has known what she is up against for decades (these are hardly new developments) and, even under the perilous situation of house arrest, was happy to deride her opponents for what they were: dictators and murderers and oppressors of the people of Myanmar. Yet, we are to believe that it is perfectly defensible, now she has achieved a position of power, that her once famed audacity to stand up to the forces of the Tatmadaw and chauvinists in society has become conspicuously quiet. A recent article in the Harvard Political Review intoned an odd mixture of feebleness and sophistry: While Suu Kyi deserves some of the criticism for her failure to effectively deal with the violence against the Rohingya, her silence does not stem from a naive hatred of the group, but from a careful standoff between her, Myanmar’s military forces, and Buddhist nationalists. Of course she doesn’t hate the Rohingya. Few sensible people claim as much. And the use of the word “careful” appears odd, since in this reading the NLD is in the most perilous position. Nevertheless, the intent of this opinion has become something of an orthodox view of many commentators, warranting two questions. First, isn’t it an indication of opportunism and cynicism, not careful or sensible politics, to negate one’s principles when in a position of power? Indeed, how else can one look at the situation other than that Suu Kyi possessed greater courage to stand up to the military junta and its civilian frontmen when under house arrest (with no power) than she does now as the de facto leader of an elected government, with a number of ministries to her name and the freedom to travel the world as an elected official (with the apparent ability to raise awareness of the issue and cash through the goodwill she is owed by some international statesman). In a 1989 essay, Suu Kyi wrote that “it is undeniably easier to ignore the hardships of those who are too weak to demand their rights than to respond sensitively to their needs.” How the prophetic becomes the pathetic. Moreover, and this is important: she has not been “silent” on the persecution of Rohingya as some people like to say. Instead she called the accusations of human rights violations “fabrications.” This is not avoiding the issue; it’s taking the side of the perpetrator. Let us, for a moment, quickly look at what Suu Kyi believes to be fabrications. Here is just one story of many documented in a February report by the UNCHR on the Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, which also stated that as many as 66,000 Rohingya have fled to Bangladesh since October escape what has been called “human rights violations.” This is told by an 11-year-old girl: The next time the military came, there were eight to 10 of them, they were asking where my father and sisters were. They were also saying that they were searching for people from Bangladesh. They removed all my clothes and all my mother’s clothes and kicked us with their boots. Then they left. I do not know why. But the next day they came again. This time there were seven of them. They dragged my mother outside the house and locked themselves in the room with me. I do not know if they all abused me, I lost consciousness at some point. My mother woke me up with water. I was bleeding a lot. In 2011 Suu Kyi was lauded by then-Secretary of State Hillary Clinton when the pair met for the first time. During this address at the meeting, Clinton spoke warmly about the famed speech Suu Kyi delivered at a UN conference in Beijing in 1995 on women’s rights. During that speech Suu Kyi oscillated between the blatantly false and the blatantly obvious, but it had a powerful effect anyway. “To the best of my knowledge,” she said, “no war was ever started by women. But it is women and children who have always suffered most in situations of conflict.” Two decades on, all Suu Kyi had to say on a conflict in which girls as young as 11 were gang-raped by the military personnel of the country she represents was that the claims were “fabrications.” As for no woman starting a war, she might have overlooked other cases such as the fact that Queen Victoria was on the throne during the Second and Third Anglo-Burmese War. (Or was Victoria as “passive” in these wars as Suu Kyi is in Myanmar’s persecution of the Rohingya? Hardly). Nevertheless, it is clear that Suu Kyi hasn’t also done much to end the current war on the Rohingya, only fanned some of the flames. Now, returning to the orthodox view, the second line of argument is that her supposed reticence to speak out about the violations against the Rohingya and the actions of Buddhist chauvinists is a calculated decision, somehow reasoned to be for the greater good. She is gradually building a democratic society and does not want to anger the Tatmadaw, sparking a possible coup against the NLD, so the argument goes. If this reason is to be accepted, then it is clear Suu Kyi has placed politics and pragmatism above any ideals. Fair enough, but then one should see her for what she has become, a mere mortal politician, not the icon she is still thought of as (the Asian Nelson Mandela shown in the likes of Luc Besson’s The Lady). Moreover, if it is some calculated decision, she had better show some results soon. At the moment, the social change the electorate thought it was voting for is happening at snail’s pace, if at all. The NLD ran its 2015 campaign on the slogan, “Time for Change.” “Vote for us, just look to the party flag,” Suu Kyi told a crowd in August that year. “It’s time for change, let’s vote for NLD and have real change!” Instead of the change, the NLD government has cracked down on free speech, allegedly formed close ties with “crony capitalists,” and seen hundreds of NLD activists quit, claiming the party’s leaders have become too authoritarian. It has failed utterly to deal with demands of the various ethnic groups and the economy has hardly surged as predicted. Moreover, the whole saga of Suu Kyi not being able to become president left a bad taste in the mouth. Today, NLD members and Suu Kyi seldom speak to the media, one might guess because they will be asked difficult questions they don’t want to answer. It even took her a month to make a public comment on the murder of prominent Muslim lawyer and activist U Ko Ni, an old comrade and friend. Of course, some reforms have taken place. But they are nothing like the ones promised. On the issue of change, Suu Kyi has offered only excuses. She said last month: “Our citizens who have been struggling hard for many decades may think it’s a very long time. But for the history of a country, for the history of a government, 10 months or one year is not much. This is just a short period.” Wasn’t this the same line of the ancien regime (give us more time to reform and change)? And where is the sense of urgency that motivated the NLD before their victory? Some apologists have tried the line that expectations were simply too high after the NLD won in 2015, consciously turning the blame on the electorate, not the NLD. I have even seen in print the suggestion that Suu Kyi’s fawning over the military is, perhaps, akin to Stockholm syndrome (which is either hyperbole or an admission that she is unfit to lead). One conclusion, drawn by Kirsten McConnachie of the University of Warwick, writing in The Conversation in February, is that “the new government looks much like the old regime.” Another is that the whole saga speaks not of patient or clever politics (however unsavory that would be given the context) but of a government and a leader completely out of their depth. Maybe rumors of declining health also factor into this. Towards the end of F. Scott Fitzgerald’s The Great Gatsby, the character of Nick Carraway comments that “the loneliest moment in someone’s life is when they are watching their whole world fall apart, and all they can do is stare blankly.” There is a stirring emotion to feel some sympathy for Suu Kyi; she has fought for decades and sacrificed a great deal (more than most would forego) to get to where she is. But such sympathy quickly fades when one considers that it is the people of Myanmar who have truly suffered, and that these are the same people being let down by the person who promised them genuine change and has, so far, failed to deliver. Then again, another emotion stirs: I desire nothing more than to be proven wrong. ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ (c) 2017 The Diplomat

Source: CNN (CNN) - From an altar in a dingy backyard four hours from Beijing, Paul Dong is conducting mass. He's also breaking the law. Dong and his parishioners are among millions of illegal Christians worshiping in officially atheist China. According to a new report from US-based NGO Freedom House, persecution of Chinese Christians and other faith groups has "intensified" in recent years. "Combining both violent and nonviolent methods, the (Communist) Party's policies are designed to curb the rapid growth of religious communities and eliminate certain beliefs and practices," the report said. Its release comes amid hot speculation over whether the Vatican and Beijing will strike a potentially historic deal on the ordination of Chinese bishops, ending decades of frosty ties. Such a deal would not be welcomed by Dong and many of his fellow illegal worshipers. "Jesus said one person cannot serve two gods, now the Vatican is willing to serve God and the Communist Party," he said. Persecution Since President Xi Jinping came to power in late 2012, Freedom House said, the scale of religious oppression has increased at all levels of society, despite widespread resistance from believers of all stripes. "The scale and severity of controls over religion, and the trajectory of both growing persecution and pushback, are affecting Chinese society and politics far beyond the realm of religious policy alone," researcher Sarah Cook said in a statement. Religious practice in China is tightly controlled by the government, with the five recognized faiths -- Chinese Buddhism, Islam, Catholicism, Protestantism and Taoism -- supervised by official organizations such as the Protestant Three-Self Patriotic Movement or the Buddhist Association of China. "Places of worship are registered, religious leaders are monitored, theological content is managed, and annual festivals or pilgrimages like the Muslim Hajj are organized under official auspices," Freedom House said. Chinese Muslims have faced restrictions on traditional practices in recent years. The report documented particularly onerous restrictions on Muslims -- who have been prevented or discouraged from fasting for Ramadan or wearing veils -- and Tibetan Buddhists. The Dalai Lama is regarded as a separatist by Beijing, and sharing his teachings has landed some Buddhists in jail, according to Tibetan human rights groups. Falun Gong -- a banned spiritual movement Beijing regards as a "cult" -- has been subject to an intense crackdown for decades. Freedom House said the number of prisoners of conscience in China is in the "tens of thousands," with the majority of those being Falun Gong practitioners. "Many spiritual activities practiced freely around the world -- from fasting during Ramadan to praying with one's children or performing Falun Gong meditation exercises -- are restricted and can be harshly punished in China," Cook said. Christian crackdown There are an estimated 72 to 92 million Christians in China, the second largest faith group behind Chinese Buddhists. The majority of those are unaffiliated with the officially-sanctioned churches. More than half of Protestants are unregistered, according to Freedom House. According to US-based Christian NGO ChinaAid, this leaves them vulnerable to oppression and abuse. In Zhejiang province alone, the group has documented the forced demolition of more than 20 Protestant and Catholic churches, and the removal of more than 1,000 crosses in recent years. Hundreds of Christians have also been detained or arrested attempting to resist those demolitions, ChinaAid said. As the larger of the Christian denominations in China, Freedom House said Protestants had been "particularly affected by cross-removal and church-demolition campaigns, punishment of state-sanctioned leaders, and the arrest of human rights lawyers who take up Christians' cases." However, Ian Johnson, author of new book "The Souls of China: The Return of Religion After Mao," said the focus on the cross removal misses the big picture. "I'd say that the most important point is that virtually none of these churches have been closed," he said in a piece for CNN Opinion. "All continue to have worshipers and services just like before. In addition, the campaign never spread beyond the one province. Some pessimists see it as a precursor for a campaign that might spread nationally, but so far that hasn't happened and there is no indication it will." There are millions of Catholics in China, but around half practice their religion outside the government-run church. Warming ties As the situation has worsened for Protestants, relations between the Vatican and Beijing are at their strongest level in years. Pope Francis has expressed his desire to visit China, and reports last year suggested the two sides were moving closer to a deal on the ordination of bishops, long a sticking point. Beijing does not recognize the authority of the Pope, and requires bishops to be appointed by local Chinese Catholic bodies. The Vatican refuses to permit bishops ordained without papal approval to take part in liturgical acts and has excommunicated Chinese bishops who do so. Asked about the potential for a deal, the Vatican would not comment, with a spokesman saying it was a "work in progress." Father Simon Zhu, a Chinese priest in an officially-sanctioned church, told CNN "we pray for this normalization between Rome and Beijing." Cardinal Joseph Zen, former Bishop of Hong Kong, has criticized a potential deal between the Vatican and Beijing. But other leading Catholics in the region have been less supportive. Retired Cardinal Joseph Zen, former Bishop of Hong Kong, told CNN such a deal risked "selling out" underground Catholics and undermining the authority of the Pope. Zen said that the situation for Catholics in China has worsened in recent years as the Vatican has sought compromise with Beijing. "We are afraid it's going to be a bad deal," he said. "There's no reason to hope the Communists will change. They already have very tight control of the above ground church, their hope is to have the underground church under their control as well." Any deal by which the Beijing-dominated Chinese bishops conference nominated candidates for the Pope to appoint would be unacceptable, Zen said: "How can an atheist government choose bishops for us?" But he suggested that the reverse method, in which bishops put forward by the Pope could be vetoed by Beijing, offers a potential way forward. "If they veto (the candidate) it is still up to the Pope to suggest another name," he said. "The initiative always comes from the Pope." Christians, and other believers, have long faced oppression within China. Flawed policy While the Freedom House report documents widespread abuse of religious practitioners, Cook said Beijing's continued difficulty in controlling the spread of religion shows the "remarkable failure" of its policy. "It would appear that in the long term battle for China's spirit, an unreformed Communist Party will ultimately lose," she said. US Senator Marco Rubio, chair of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China, told CNN that "despite Beijing's recent crackdown on human rights lawyers and civil society, and the deteriorating situation for religious freedom, faith communities continue to grow in China." Millions of Chinese -- particularly Christians -- practice their religion outside the control of the Party, worshiping in private or at so-called "house churches" like Paul Dong's. Dong ministers to hundreds of underground Catholics, some of whom were dismissive of the officially sanctioned body. "I would never join the patriotic church," one elderly parishioner told CNN. "They aren't real churches." James Griffiths reported from Hong Kong. Matt Rivers reported from Beijing. CNN's Yuli Yang and Delia Gallagher contributed reporting. (C) 2017 CNN

Concluding a four-day visit to parts of Bangladesh where she met with members of Myanmar's Rohingya community who fled the violence there following attacks on a border post in early October and the ensuing military operations, a United Nations expert called for urgent action by the Government of Myanmar to end the suffering of the Rohingya population in the country. "The magnitude of violence that these families have witnessed and experienced is far more extensive than I had originally speculated," highlighted Yanghee Lee, the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar. She recounted several allegations of horrific attacks including the slitting of some people's throats, indiscriminate shootings, houses being set alight with people tied up inside and very young children being thrown into the fire, as well as gang rapes and other sexual violence. Earlier this month, the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) issued a flash report, based on its interviews with the people who fled Myanmar, in which it documented mass gang-rape, killings, including of babies and young children, brutal beatings, disappearances and other serious human rights violations by the country's security forces. In addition to the alleged human rights violations occurring within the context of the security operations that followed the 9 October attacks, Ms. Lee also highlighted today how the Government of Myanmar appears to have taken, and continues to take, actions which discriminate against the Rohingya and make their lives even more difficult. RELATED: UN report details 'devastating cruelty' against Rohingya population in Myanmar's Rakhine province "I urge the Government of Myanmar to immediately cease the discrimination that the community continues to face, to act now to prevent any further serious rights violations and to conduct prompt, thorough, independent and impartial investigations into those already alleged to have occurred," said the UN rights expert. "We all owe it to those I have met and their fellow community members to do everything in our power to ensure this is done and to give the Rohingya people reason to hope again," she added. During her mission to Bangladesh, Ms. Lee visited the capital Dhaka and the town of Cox's Bazar, located near its border with Myanmar, where many members of the Rohingya community had fled to. Ms. Lee will present her full report to the UN Human Rights Council on 13 March. Special Rapporteurs and independent experts are appointed by the Geneva-based Human Rights Council to examine and report back on a specific human rights theme or a country situation. The positions are honorary and the experts are not UN staff, nor are they paid for their work. _______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ (c) 2017 Malaysia Sun

Myanmar's military has used a rare news conference to defend its crackdown on the Rohingya Muslim minority as a lawful counterinsurgency operation, adding it was necessary to defend the country. Key points: Military calls accusations it has waged a campaign of ethnic cleansing against Rohingyas "reckless" Claims investigations have been conducted and that villagers denied any knowledge of abuses More than 70,000 Rohingyas have fled to Bangladesh since turmoil erupted It was the first time the top generals directly addressed the mounting accusations of human rights abuses which, according to UN experts, may amount to crimes against humanity and ethnic cleansing. "I want to say that I am very sad because of these kind of reckless accusations and neglect of the good things that the government and the military have done for them," said General Mya Tun Oo, chief of the General Staff, referring to the reports in the media quoting Rohingya residents describing the alleged abuses such as burning of houses in the area. He presented a series of slides with selected media reports claiming the military had "investigated" them and that the villagers told military investigators they did not know about any abuses. The military launched the operation after nine policemen were killed in attacks on security posts near the Bangladesh border on October 9. More than 70,000 Rohingya have since fled from Myanmar to Bangladesh, according to UN estimates. Rights abuses in Myanmar Tensions have run high in Myanmar's Rahkine State since 2012, where a lockdown on humanitarian and media access makes it difficult to verify the often horrific allegations that emerge. At the conference, the military supported its claims by quoting international observers who have briefly visited some villages in the area as saying that they did not find any evidence of abuses. But the visitors, such as the UN independent human rights expert Yanghee Lee and Western diplomats based in Yangon, have said the point of their visits has never been to conclusively investigate the media reports. General Mya Tun Oo said the military was continuing its probe. "If we find that these cases are really happening as per the accusations in the media, we will take very serious action according to the military rules and current laws," he said. But the results of the investigation appeared to have been pre-empted by the head of the military, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing. A few hours before the conference, he posted on his Facebook page an exchange with visitors in which he said the "accusations are much wrong in comparison with the ground situation" in the troubled north-west state of Rakhine. "The security troops are discharging their duty in line with the law. Correct information on the incidents is released on time." (c) ABC News 2017

Nigerian Emmeka Uhanna, 47, is a shop-owner in South Africa's economic hub Johannesburg. He tells the BBC's Pumza Fihlani that he is worried following the recent xenophobic attacks in parts of the city and wants the government to intervene for the sake of all Africans. I've been living in South Africa since 1997, my wife is South African and we have two children, aged 14 and 16. My wife is worried about what future our children will have if the xenophobic attacks become the norm. We don't know how to explain the hatred against Nigerians to our families, to our children. This is the third round of attacks against foreigners; one was in 2008 where people were killed, again in 2015. I now get calls from home, my family members want to know if we're safe, they see the stories in the news. I do feel safe, I feel safe because I live in the suburbs away from where the unrest and violence has been happening but I don't know if I could say that if I was living in a poorer area. There are parts of this city that are no-man's land, where the police have no control over what happens, where there are no consequences for wrong-doing, that is unfortunately where the xenophobia has thrived. There is just lawlessness from all sides, by all nationalities and that sort of environment is a ticking time-bomb. Life is different in the suburbs but I do worry about my fellow Africans who become victims in these incidents, while they have nothing to do with crime. I love this country, I consider it my home and it breaks my heart to see what is happening. The government needs to seriously address the concerns people are raising - both South Africans and foreigners. Fighting stereotypes People here are saying that Nigerians are bringing drugs and prostitution but can I tell you something, while I don't condone crime, Nigerians are not the only ones involved in crime here. It's all too easy to profile one group and that is not right, it's also dangerous and puts people's lives in danger. In 2015, thousands of people from all walks of life took part in 'peace marches' in South Africa's main cities calling for an end to xenophobia It's important for South Africans to know that not all of us are criminals, the same way not all South Africans are engaged in crime. They need to understand that you cannot paint people with one brush. I am a hard-working man and there are many law-abiding foreigners who are helping to building the country. I own a restaurant in Randburg, we make Nigerian food and South African dishes. I also own a liquor store which has been in business since 2007. All I want to do is provide for my family and help people make a living too - some of my employees are South African. It has been a long road to get to this point. Leaving your home with nothing is not easy. There was a time when I had nothing: No money, no food, no-one. I didn't have a place to sleep and would sleep in police stations and in the streets. I moved here to study but when I came into the country, life was more difficult than I imagined it would be. It was not easy for me to register because of financial constraints but I stayed because South Africa is one of the best countries in Africa - in terms of facilities. There are better opportunities. Everyone wants a better life for themselves and their family and South Africa is seen as the best place for that but it's not easy. After years of working part-time jobs I raised enough to finally take myself to school, I completed a business management course in 2010 and that has helped me with running my businesses. Home away from home South Africa is my home now, everything I own is here - that's why I am also unhappy about the crime and the high unemployment here. These things make life difficult. Emmeka Uhanna has been running a successful liquor store for 10 years I understand where the anger is coming from - obviously if you are poor and see your neighbor, who is not even from here, succeeding it will create tensions. Nigerians love being in the lime-light and have a basket-mouth [trash-talker] and are showy. When we have money, even if it's a little, we want people to know - this makes us more noticeable than other nationalities. I think the Nigerians living here need to be aware of that and be sensitive to the issues that may cause. As for the crime, I know that sometimes people do bad things to earn a living but imagine if that was your own child that was addicted to drugs or being used as a prostitute. I'm a parent and I worry about that, that's why I don't support crime at all. Other nationalities need to respect the laws of the country, we are visitors here and need to remember that. We came to South Africa for different reasons, some of us can never return to our countries, what happens then if you ruin your chances here? We don't want to live in fear, I'm pleading with the government to address the problems that have come with migration, for the sake of our children. _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ (c) 2017 BBC News

In the post-apartheid South Africa, resurgence of xenophobic violence is a symptom of the deep leadership deficit. For the fourth consecutive week now, South Africa is witnessing what many analysts call a "resurgence" of xenophobic violence in parts of Johannesburg and Pretoria, the country's capital city. The reality is that this type of violence is a daily occurrence in the country, although it does not always get media attention. It has, in fact, become a long-standing feature in post-apartheid South Africa. Since 1994, tens of thousands of people have been harassed, attacked or killed because of their status as outsiders or foreign nationals. Despite claims to the contrary by the government, violence against foreign nationals in South Africa did not end in June 2008 when the massive outbreak that started a month earlier subsided. As the current incidents illustrate, hostility towards foreign nationals is still pervasive in the country and continues to result in more cases of murder, injuries, threats of mob violence, looting and the destruction of residential property and businesses, as well as mass displacement. And yes, the violence is xenophobic (and not "just crime", as many in government prefer labelling it) because it is - as the scholar Belinda Dodson reminds us - "an explicit targeting of foreign nationals or outsiders for violent attacks despite other material, political, cultural or social forces that might be at play". It is a hate crime whose logic goes beyond the often accompanying and misleading criminal opportunism. The real motive of the violence, as unambiguously expressed by the perpetrators themselves, is to drive foreign populations out of communities. Xenophobic violence as a symptom of leadership deficit A quick analytical look reveals that the drivers of ongoing xenophobic violence in South Africa, as well as the lack of effective response and preventive interventions, reflect a dreadful lack of competent, decisive and trusted leadership at all levels of government. The drivers of xenophobic violence in South Africa are inevitably multiple and embedded in a complex interplay of the country's past and present structural - political, social and economic - factors. Chief among underlying causal factors is obviously the prevailing anti-immigrant sentiment easily fuelled by political scapegoating. Political leaders and officials of the national, provincial and local government often blame foreign nationals for their systemic failures to deliver on the political promises and satisfy the citizenry's growing expectations. Due to political scapegoating, many South African citizens perceive foreign nationals as a serious threat that needs to be eliminated by any means necessary. This perception is stronger among the majority of citizens living in poor townships and informal settlements where they meet and fiercely compete with equally poor African immigrants for scarce resources and opportunities. The result is that local residents in these areas have become increasingly convinced that foreign nationals are to blame for all their socioeconomic ills and hardships including poverty, unemployment, poor service delivery, lack of business space and opportunities; crime; prostitution; drug and alcohol abuse; and deadly diseases. By blaming foreign nationals for its failures to deliver on its core functions and responsibilities, the South African government is unfortunately displaying an obvious if sorry sign of weak and incompetent leadership. The triggers of the violence paint an even more worrying picture of the leadership deficit in the "rainbow" nation. Indeed, the strong anti-immigrant sentiment alone cannot explain the occurrence of violence in some areas and not in others where such negative attitudes are equally strong. Attitudes are not always a good predictor of behaviour. Rather ample research evidence indicates that the triggers of the violence are located in the "micropolitics" at play in many of country's towns townships and informal settlements. Instigators and perpetrators of xenophobic violence are well known in their respective communities, but the de facto impunity they enjoy only means that they are likely - as they have in many cases - to strike again. Violent attacks on foreign nationals are usually triggered by political mobilisation led by local economic and/or political players and informal community leadership groups (in the form of civic organisations, community policing forums, business associations, concerned residents' associations, etc) for their economic and political interests. This violence is essentially "politics by other means". It has proved a useful tool for these local politicians to consolidate their power and community leadership monopoly needed to expand their client base and the economic revenues it represents. These "violence entrepreneurs" capitalise on people's sentiments and frustrations and have no difficulty co-opting local residents for participation in the violence given the pervasive negative attitudes. Xenophobic violence is triggered by the mobilisation of the existing collective discontent. With denialism and impunity, violence continues It is common knowledge that the official South African government's response to xenophobia and related violence has been characterised by "denialism". Such denialism is rooted in a discourse which labels all xenophobic violence as "just crime and not xenophobia", a categorisation that demands few specific and sustained interventions or policy changes. Both President Jacob Zuma and Minister of Home Affairs Malusi Gigaba repeated the popular if infamous refrain this week. Perhaps understandably, admitting the existence of a xenophobic citizenry is both ideologically and politically uncomfortable for the ruling African National Congress, which is now the custodian of the multiracial, multi-ethnic "rainbow" nation and sees itself as the champion of human rights and unity in diversity. In addition to the lack of effective policy response, the government unwillingness to recognise xenophobia coupled with a general weak judicial system has also led to an alarming culture of impunity and lack of accountability for perpetrators and mandated institutions: foreign nationals have been repeatedly attacked in South Africa since 1994 but few perpetrators have been charged, even fewer convicted. In some instances, state agents have actively protected those accused of anti-foreigner violence. Similarly, there have been no efforts to hold mandated institutions such as the police and the intelligence community accountable for their failure to prevent and stop violence despite visible warning signs. As an example, government promises to set up special courts to enable quick prosecutions after the 2008 and 2015 violence never materialised. Instigators and perpetrators of xenophobic violence are well known in their respective communities, but the de facto impunity they enjoy only means that they are likely - as they have in many cases - to strike again. Unfortunately, the government's unwillingness to acknowledge that this violence is xenophobic and its failure to work on finding appropriate solutions are a sign of ineffective leadership. Without appropriate intervention violence will continue. _______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ (c) 2017 Africa Focus

A Myanmar Navy delegation has asked Indian Navy to set up training facilities on meteorology and oceanography.(HT File) The Indian Navy on Wednesday responded positively to a visiting Myanmar Navy delegation’s request for training facilities, asking the nation to send a proposal. The request was made by visiting Myanmar Navy (MN) delegation, comprising three officers -- Lt Cdr ThureinTun, Lt Cdr Kyaw Zeya Oo and Lt Ye WintTun. They are on a four-day official visit to Kochi from February 26 to March 2. The visit is primarily aimed at familiarising the MN officers on Indian Naval Meteorology and Oceanography (METOC) operational/ training facilities and exploring avenues for defence cooperation in the field. The delegation called on Chief of Staff, Southern Naval Command, Rear Admiral RJ Nadkarni, who assured them all assistance in terms of training and setting up of meteorological facilities for the Myanmar Navy, a navy release said here. “He requested the delegation to send a proposal for the Southern Naval Command to take up the same with higher authorities,” it said. The officers visited the Indian Naval Meteorological and Analysis Centre, as well as the School of Naval Oceanology and Meteorology, to get an understanding of the meteorological forecasting capabilities, as well as the training imparted on Oceanology and Meteorology by the Indian Navy. They also visited other training/simulator facilities at Kochi, including Flight and Tactical Simulator, Water Survival Training Facility and other training schools, as well as Hydro graphic Survey Unit. Towards fostering closer and warmer relations with Myanmar, the Indian Navy has always tried to strengthen defence cooperation with the Myanmar Navy by providing assistance, especially in the fields of training, weapon/ equipment sales and hydro graphic assistance, the release said. The strong links between the two countries was amply demonstrated by the very warm welcome accorded by Myanmar to Chief of Naval Staff, Admiral Sunil Lanba, during his recent visit in November last year. ___________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ (c) 2017 Hindustan Times

Many among us take pride in Pakistan’s position as one of the prime bastions of Islamic ideals in the modern Muslim world. The Islamic Republic’s ongoing negotiations with Myanmar, therefore, are a matter of some concern for an average Muslim patriot. In a global political climate where many Muslims already feel besieged by external colonial forces, a new name is fast emerging among our list of oppressed Muslim groups from Palestinians to Kashmiris. And that name is ‘Rohingya’. More commonly known to Pakistanis as simply “Burma ke Musalman”, the Rohingya people are a predominantly Muslim Indo-Aryan population from the Rakhine state in Myanmar. This new entry to the vernacular and argumentation ammunition of a Muslim nationalist constitutes a story of human misery that is mortifying by any objective standard. A great bulk of the Rohingya people inherited their perceived criminality from their forefathers in the 60s, who rebelled against the Buddhist-dominant authorities and their discriminatory policies. The resulting resentment against the Muslim population led to the promulgation of the Burmese Nationality Law, which denies the Rohingya people citizenship and essentially renders them stateless – not unlike the Palestinians. There has been some controversy in the past concerning the degree of the oppression by the state of Myanmar. Pakistani web spaces were flooded by fake images of devastation caused by the military forces. In a country where Pak Studies, among other Islamo-nationalist devices, has generated a fertile ground where stories of Muslim victimhood are taken at face value, the images were accepted largely uncontested. The liberal citizenry of Pakistan should make no mistake here. Irrespective of the accuracy of the visual aids found on the internet – the oppression of the Rohingya people is undeniably brutal. In 2015, a damning study by International State Crime Initiative (ISCI) concluded that the Rohingya “face the final stage of genocide” at the hands of the Buddhist extremist groups as well as the Burmese authorities themselves. The study has well maintained its validity till now, especially considering a recent government crackdown that may have killed more than a thousand Muslims. The survivors’ accounts of rape, torture, property destruction, and wanton murder that have emerged in the crackdown’s wake are harrowing. The same Burmese government, it seems, is now at the cusp of being rewarded with an arms agreement with none other the Islamic Republic of Pakistan itself. Myanmar and Pakistan are engaged in advanced negotiations to license-build the JF-17 Thunder – an agreement that could help markedly expand Myanmar’s local defence industry. This is the same military force whose brutality against the Muslims of Rohingya has been substantiated by grainy videos in circulation on the internet, as well as international journalists and human rights organizations. The JF-17 was developed in collaboration with China – a country tarnished by its own history of violations against the Uighur Muslims, which I have discussed in detail in my previous writings. This Pakistan is beyond our recognition. This is a state that has invested great effort into establishing its role as a political defender of oppressed Muslim brethren. This has been the foundational doctrine of all of Pakistan’s military and diplomatic policies regarding Kashmir, as well as the primary reason why your Pakistani passport says that it is not valid for travel to Israel. It is astonishing how rapidly the doctrine of solidarity with Muslim brethren is vaporized, when it comes to abetting the bane of the Muslim populations of Xinjiang and Rakhine for our own economic and military gains. By what marvel of mental gymnastics, do we settle the cognitive dissonance of rattling sabres in support of Kashmiri Muslims, while simultaneously pushing Musalmanan-e-Burma under the bus? The Ministry of Defence, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and Pakistan Air Force have so far declined to comment on the apparent mismatch. The JF-17 deal is an important one in the making; not simply because of its significance to the Myanmar Airforce, but as a determinant of Pakistan’s self-made identity as a vanguard of Muslim people. Do we now affirm this identity, or do we invite accusations of hypocrisy? ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ (c) 2017 Pakistan Today

_______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ (c) 2017 The Peoples Tribunal On Myanmar

State media billed the rallies as "anti-terror and stability oath-taking assemblies" Image Source: Reuters Chinese authorities have held mass "anti-terror" rallies involving armed troops across the restive region of Xinjiang, in an apparent show of force. More than 10,000 troops assembled at the capital, Urumqi, on Monday, with some later dispatched to other cities for similar rallies. Xinjiang has a history of violence which authorities blame on Islamist militants and separatists. Rights groups say that locals face repression from the government. Why is there tension between China and the Uighurs? State media billed the rallies as "anti-terror and stability oath-taking assemblies", and published photos and video footage showing armed police and soldiers gathered outside Urumqi's convention centre. They were accompanied by convoys of tanks, military vehicles and helicopters. "Bury the corpses of terrorists and terror gangs in the vast sea of the people's war," Xinjiang's Communist Party secretary Chen Quanguo told the assembly, in comments reported by state media. About 1,500 armed police were then sent to other cities like Hotan, Kashgar and Aksu, where similar rallies were held on Monday. Troops were flown from Urumqi to other cities in the region for similar rallies Image Source: Reuters China has greatly ramped up the security presence in many cities across Xinjiang Image Source: Reuters Xinjiang, home to the Muslim Uighur minority, has seen several high-profile mass attacks and clashes with police in recent years. Authorities say the attacks were conducted by Uighur militants aided by foreign terror groups, and have launched crackdowns and greatly ramped up the security presence in many cities. The Chinese government greatly restricts press coverage in the region, making it difficult for journalists to verify their claims. Uighurs and Xinjiang Uighurs are ethnically Turkic Muslims They make up about 45% of Xinjiang's population; 40% are Han Chinese China re-established control in 1949 after crushing the short-lived state of East Turkestan Since then, there has been large-scale immigration of Han Chinese Uighurs fear that their traditional culture will be eroded Who are the Uighurs? Human rights and exiled Uighur groups accuse the government of repressing the Muslim community, and say the violence is a consequence of tight controls on the Uighurs' religion and culture. Many Muslims in Xinjiang say they face widespread discrimination. In November, the Chinese government confiscated the passports of residents of Xinjiang, saying it was necessary to combat terrorism. Human Rights Watch called it a violation of freedom of movement. Last week authorities ordered all vehicles in the Bayingol area to be installed with satellite tracking devices. (C) 2017 BBC