PM will ‘work constructively’ with antisemitism envoy but legal groups are concerned that threatening university and arts funding could affect freedom of speech. The Guardian July 10, 2025 By Josh Butler Australia’s special envoy to combat antisemitism Jillian Segal has handed down her action plan, which details ways governments and society can fight against hate. Photograph: Dan Himbrechts/AAP. The federal government’s expert adviser on antisemitism says universities should face funding cuts if they fail to fight antisemitism, mainstream news outlets and social media platforms should be put on notice, and more should be done to deport people spreading hate. Anthony Albanese is considering the plan from Jillian Segal , which also calls for stricter hate speech laws to prevent vilification of Jews, and more education in schools about antisemitism. It is unclear which ideas Labor will implement. While parts of the plan have bipartisan political support, others are more contested, with concerns raised by legal groups about impingements on free speech and genuine criticism. What is the plan? Segal, the federal special envoy to combat antisemitism, outlined her plan to address the issue on Thursday. There are 49 “key actions”, with some reinforcing existing government actions – like cancelling visas of non-citizens involved in antisemitism – and other ambitious and sometimes controversial proposals. Some ideas are in the federal domain, others are for state governments and civil society, and several will be undertaken by the envoy’s own office without legislation. What does it call for? Segal’s key recommendations include: Strengthening legislation on antisemitic conduct and “intimidating protest activity”. Tougher screening of visa applicants for antisemitic views, with a focus on addressing visa refusals or cancellations. A “report card” on universities’ handling of antisemitism on campus, suggesting blocking government funding if they fail to act. Withholding or terminating funding to universities, academics and arts organisations that promote antisemitic conduct or fail to act against it. Increasing education of antisemitism in school curriculums. Using “trusted voices to publicly refute antisemitic views” on social media. A plan to “monitor media organisations … to avoid accepting false or distorted narratives”. On the ABC, Segal said stripping uni funding would be a “last resort”. In a broader proposal, Segal suggests collaborating with other antisemitism envoys worldwide to change content moderation on social media platforms and boost protections against hate speech online. That would include efforts to increase transparency around social media moderation, clamp down on anonymous hate accounts, and “ensure AI does not amplify antisemitic content”. Will the government follow the plan? Government sources said they would now take time to consider its recommendations before giving a formal response. The federal education minister, Jason Clare, has already backed better antisemitism teaching in schools. Albanese said his government was already undertaking some of the actions recommended by Segal, but indicated at least some of the new recommendations “can be implemented quickly”. “There are a number of things that will require work over a period of time,” he said. Albanese did not give a timeline for the government’s response, but promised to “work constructively with the envoy”. How does the report define antisemitism? It recommended all levels of government adopt the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s (IHRA) working definition of antisemitism. However, that definition is contested in some quarters , with some concerns it was increasingly being used to conflate antisemitism with criticism of Israel. Segal told the ABC she would not “distribute guidelines” on antisemitism, because it was contingent on context, but cited “saying Israel has no right to exist and that all the Jews in Israel should be wiped off the face of the Earth” as an example. Noting repeated and high-profile arson attacks at synagogues and vandalism of Jewish schools or cultural sites, the report cites figures that from October 2023 to September 2024 more than 2,000 cases of antisemitism – including threats, assaults, vandalism and intimidation – were reported. However, some critics have questioned such figures. In analysis of a separate dataset of 389 reported antisemitic incidents against different criteria, the Jewish Council of Australia – a liberal group that has been critical of Israel’s actions in Gaza – classified just one in five of those (79) as antisemitic under its definition of “discrimination, prejudice, hostility, or violence against Jews as Jews, or Jewish institutions as Jewish”. The JCA concluded almost half of those amounted to support for Palestine or criticism of Israel or Zionism, but did not meet its definition of antisemitism, including use of the phrase “ from the river to the sea ”. Segal’s report states that research commissioned by the special envoy “highlights a stark divide between Australians under 35 and those over 35” on attitudes toward the Jewish community and “the existence of the state of Israel”, claiming younger Australians were more likely to hold antisemitic views. What have been the reactions? Peak Jewish groups backed the envoy’s plan. The Executive Council of Australian Jewry “strongly endorsed” the “urgently needed” measures in the plan. “We call upon all sectors of society, including government, law enforcement, the media, the university sector, education authorities and online platform providers to co-operate with the special envoy and the Jewish community to give this action plan full force and effect,” said the ECAJ president, Daniel Aghion. The opposition leader, Sussan Ley, backed the plan but demanded clarity on the government’s intentions, while the shadow home affairs minister, Andrew Hastie, called for “a whole-of-government response” to antisemitism. The independent MP Allegra Spender also urged the government to act swiftly. What concerns have been raised? The prominent barrister Greg Barns SC, of the Australian Lawyers Alliance, was concerned that threatening funding of academic or arts bodies could lead institutions to censor members, or set stronger internal rules, which he warned could impinge on freedom of speech or expression. He noted the government had strengthened hate crime laws only in February, specifically to better protect places of worship, and urged more time be allowed for existing laws to be enforced. “We’re concerned universities and cultural institutions will feel compelled to impose regulations that severely curtail those rights, with draconian penalties attached to them,” Barns said. “It’s the wrong approach, you can’t legislate a problem out of existence. The best way forward is prevention, using the existing suite of laws to enforce the law, and prevention through education – engagement with community groups, police, to ensure protests etc are within the law.” Doug Cameron, a former leftwing Labor senator who quit parliament in 2019, called on his former colleagues to “find their voice, examine the implications of adopting the Segal report and ensure that there are no restrictions to opposing Israeli genocide in Gaza”. “Recognise Palestine, condemn the slaughter of innocents and antisemitism will decline,” he wrote on X . The Jewish Council of Australia claimed Segal’s plan risked “undermining Australia’s democratic freedoms” and “inflaming community divisions”. The group said the plan would “risk censoring criticism of Israel” and not address the root causes of antisemitism. Would the plan stop criticism of Israel’s actions in Gaza? Segal and Albanese both denied legitimate criticism would be classed as antisemitism. The prime minister noted he himself had criticised the Netanyahu government’s military actions in Gaza, including the deaths of thousands of Palestinian civilians. “But you can put forward those views respectfully,” he said. “Whatever your issue in the Middle East, it is not advanced by attacking people here in Australia because of who they are, because of their faith, because of their identity.” The Labor MP Josh Burns, who is Jewish, wrote in the Guardian this week “there must be space for legitimate criticism of the Israeli government”. © 2025 Guardian News & Media Limited or its affiliated companies. All rights reserved. (dcr)

GENOCIDE EMERGENCY: GAZA 11 JULY 2025 A man holds the body of a dead child after Israeli airstrikes at the morgue of the hospital in Khan Younis, Gaza Strip, on March 18, 2025. | Mohammad Jahjouh/AP On Monday, 7 July 2025, Israeli Defence Minister Israel Katz announced in a press conference  that he has directed his ministry and the Israel Defence Forces (IDF) to formulate a plan for removing all Gazans to what he termed a “humanitarian city” is Southern Gaza. According to this plan, which is supported  by Prime Minister Netanyahu, the “humanitarian city” would be built on the ruins of Rafah. As part of the removal process, “relocated” Gazans would be screened to ensure they are not Hamas operatives. Selected Palestinians who are accepted for “resettlement” in the new city, would not be permitted to leave it. Minister Katz asserted that Israel-approved, unnamed “international organizations” would facilitate daily life within the planned “city.”  Israeli Defence Forces would ensure its security, Minister Katz explained. At the same press conference, Defence Minister Katz asserted that all Gazans will also be encouraged to “voluntarily” emigrate to other countries. Several Israeli ministers including Finance Minister, Bezalel Smotrich, have expressed enthusiasm for establishment of new Jewish settlements in Gaza. Reuters  reported on 7 July that the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), backed by the U.S., has put forward a  two-billion-dollar plan to build large transit camps within and outside of Gaza to hold Palestinian civilians. While the GHF denies that the plan is under consideration, Reuters reports that it has, in fact, been presented to the Trump administration and is being discussed in the White House. Dr. Gregory Stanton. President of Genocide Watch and other  Legal experts , including Israeli military lawyers , have expressed opposition to these plans by Israel and the GHF. Forcing Palestinians to live in this new “city” and in transit camps constitutes “forced transfer of a population,” a crime against humanity in violation of the Rome Statute  of the International Criminal Court, Article 7(1)(d). Confinement in this city and in transit camps is a severe deprivation of physical liberty in violation of Rome Statute Article 7(1)(e). Confining Gazans to segregated areas constitutes the crime of apartheid under customary international law , the Rome Statute Article 7(1)(j), and the International Convention that outlaws the crime of apartheid. This Israeli plan is not to construct a cynically named “humanitarian city.” It is to build a concentration camp. Since May, Israel Defence Forces have shot and killed over 500 Palestinian civilians seeking food, following an Israeli blockade of all food shipments into Gaza for three months. Many of those killed were children who were shot in the head or the back. These murders and the destruction of hospitals and medical clinics  by Israeli Defence Forces are war crimes, crimes against humanity of extermination, and acts of genocide. Israel with full support of the Trump administration is engaged in the genocide  of Palestinian people in Gaza.   Israel has engaged in all of the processes of genocide described in Genocide Watch’s powerful model of the genocidal process, the Ten Stages  of genocide: classification, symbolization, discrimination, dehumanization, organization, polarization, preparation, persecution, extermination, and denial. The U.S. supplies Israel with the missiles, planes, and ammunition used by Israel. The U.S. blocks all United Nations condemnations of these crimes. The US is complicit in and aiding and abetting Israel’s genocide in Gaza.   The U.S. and all nations must: Cease all arms sales to Israel. Freeze Israel’s state assets held in international banks. Deploy NATO and UN peacekeeping forces to Gaza and the West Bank.

Interested in interning or volunteering for Genocide Watch? Genocide Watch interns at work ​Genocide Watch, Inc., the world’s first anti-genocide NGO, and the founder and Chair of the Alliance Against Genocide, offers unpaid staff positions for students and volunteers every Winter/Spring, Summer and Fall. Genocide Watch is currently offering virtual staff positions for the Fall of 2025. The deadline for applications is July 20, 2025. Applications received for our special internship positions will still be reviewed on a rolling basis after this deadline. The http://www.genocide-watch.com  and http://www.genocidewatch.net  archive is the deepest in the field and received over 100 million hits from 2000 through 2024. It is relied on by genocide scholars and activists around the world. Since 2016, Genocide Watch has used its current website, http://www.genocidewatch.com  to better connect website users through Genocide Watch’s social media platforms, including Facebook, Instagram, LinkedIn and X. ​The website receives hits from over 100,000 individual users per month. Our Alliance Against Genocide website, against-genocide.org  is a connector for over one hundred thirty organizations that belong to the Alliance Against Genocide, the first and largest alliance of anti-genocide organizations in the world. Volunteer staff and interns work virtually from wherever they live. Genocide Watch currently has staff members from the U.S., Canada, U.K., Nigeria, Kenya, Netherlands, France, Italy, Austria, Spain, Malaysia, and India. We especially seek interns and volunteer staff from Africa, Asia, and Latin America. ​ Genocide Watch interns and volunteers will be supervised by the Genocide Watch Management Team,  which consists of former Genocide Watch interns now working for several human rights NGOs, and faculty members and students at several graduate schools, and law schools. The Management Team is led by Founding President Dr. Gregory Stanton. ​ All interns report on warning signs of genocidal processes in the five countries they are assigned to monitor.  They post relevant news articles on the Genocide Watch website www.genocidewatch.com . Each Intern writes three country reports on countries they monitor. ​ Research Team interns write special reports about topics of concern to be posted as a Genocide Watch Special Report or as a Blogpost on the  GenocideWatchBlog.com website. ​ Podcast Team  members create and publish podcasts for our Conversations on Genocide podcasts on Spotify and other platforms. The podcasts are of interviews with experts on genocide, survivors, and members of ethnic and religious groups targeted in past or present genocides. ​ Alliance  interns work with 130 members of the Alliance Against Genocide. They work with Alliance members on campaigns concerning active and potential genocides. They recruit new members of the Alliance and maintain communications with Alliance member organizations. They coordinate monthly meetings of the Alliance Against Genocide/International Religious Freedom Roundtable Genocide Working Group to develop strategies to prevent or stop current genocides. They compose communications to government and UN officials concerning situations of concern. They write UN Security Council and UN General Assembly Resolutions and get them introduced at the UN. They develop contacts with Congressional staff members, State Department and UN personnel, and representatives of other Alliance members.  ​ Communications team  members post to X, Facebook, LinkedIn, and Instagram about recent reports by Genocide Watch and notable events. ​ Anti-hate speech Artificial Intelligence Team  members work with Dr. Stanton to implement our partnership with the UN Office on Genocide Prevention to create a joint venture with AI and social media companies to develop Artificial Intelligence tools to identify and answer, rather than take down, hate speech. Interns with IT, corporate law, and business skills are especially sought for this team. ​ Legal team  interns must be law school graduates or law students. They work on projects to bring perpetrators to justice, file legal cases against inciters of genocide, and write legal articles and briefs on issues related to genocide and the Genocide Convention. During 2024, the Legal Team drafted Applications to Intervene in the Gambia v Myanmar case at the International Court of Justice. They are drafting an application to be taken to the ICJ against Sudan for violating the Genocide Convention. Prof. Stanton co-authored a Policy Manual on Preventing Ethnic Genocide for a workshop in Kigali, Rwanda sponsored the by UN Special Advisor's Office and the Aegis Trust. The Legal Team wrote a Training Manual on the Law of Genocide for a Workshop for 100 African lawyers sponsored by the Pan African Lawyers Union in conjunction with Genocide Watch and the Aegis Trust in Arusha, Tanzania in March 2025. ​ Internship schedule: All internships and volunteer positions are virtual. Staff members can work on their local schedules, keeping records of their hours with Clockify, a time-keeping program.  Interns and staff volunteers meet weekly at an agreed time with their Teams and Task Forces at times determined by a scheduling program with their managers. All staff members meet together weekly at 12:00 PM noon EST on Fridays. New Volunteer staff must do the full Genocide Watch training in their first week and then devote fifteen to twenty hours per week to the work. After their initial three months, staff may apply to continue working as volunteers for Genocide Watch. If selected, they will be expected to work at least ten hours per week for Genocide Watch. Student interns are expected to work the number of hours per week required for credit from their academic institutions. During the school year, internships have hours and start dates depending on the intern’s internship program and course schedule.  Application deadlines:  ○ Fall (September 2025– December 2025): July 20, 2025   ○ Winter/Spring (January 2026 – May 2026): ​November 1, 2025 ​ ​ Application Instructions: To apply, please fill out this form  and attach the required documents in ONE PDF:   ​ https://form.jotform.com/251748430349057    Required Documents: Cover letter explaining why you hope to work for Genocide Watch Resumé, including foreign language skills Short writing sample (2-3 pages – an excerpt from a longer paper is fine) Transcripts (may be unofficial)​ Names and contact information for 2 professional or academic references Applications must include all the documents above to be considered. Genocide Watch will contact applicants to schedule Zoom interviews with Dr. Stanton. ​ Questions may be directed to  president@genocidewatch.org ,  ssuntok@genocidewatch.org , or gsahni@genocidewatch.org ​ Interns and volunteer staff are selected based on language and computer skills, work experience, academic performance, and enthusiasm for promoting Genocide Watch’s mission. Interns may apply for one of the accredited internship programs that give academic credit for their work. Genocide Watch will cooperate with colleges, universities, or professional schools for graded academic credit. ​ Who are we looking for? ​​ You are a champion for human rights and are passionate about genocide prevention. You are a strong independent worker and effective team player who enjoys collaborating with others. You know how to foster relationships. You thrive in fast-paced environments while working on multiple projects at a time. You have excellent research, writing, and analytical skills, in addition to sharp attention to detail. You are a strong communicator who provides constructive feedback to contribute to the team. Other basic requirements: Self-motivated persons who are passionate about genocide prevention; Previous experience studying, researching, and writing about genocides; Eagerness to get involved in a variety of activities and to learn on the job; Fluency in written English; Ability to use Microsoft 365 Office Suite; Some experience working with X (formerly Twitter), LinkedIn, Instagram, and Facebook; Fluency in a second language is a plus; Training in the use of Microsoft Teams will be provided; ​ Compensation    This is an unpaid, virtual internship or volunteer opportunity.  Applicants are encouraged to seek outside funding sources, including but not limited to grants, stipends, or fellowships. We will gladly assist with this process as needed. Students may also receive credit for work completed at Genocide Watch through their academic programs. Interns are permitted to simultaneously engage in paid employment to support themselves so long as they can also manage the 15 - 20 hour per week workload as a Genocide Watch intern. Interns are not permitted to hold a second internship due to competing time commitments and potential conflicts of interest. Genocide Watch is committed to equal opportunity and promotes equity and transparency as core values. Genocide Watch practices inclusiveness in decision-making through the use of consultation with employees throughout the organization. Genocide Watch does not discriminate against any person on the basis of actual or perceived race, color, religion, national origin, ancestry, citizenship status, age, ability, gender, marital status, veteran status, sexual orientation, genetic information, arrest record, or any other characteristic protected by applicable federal, state or local laws. Applicants committed to equity from all backgrounds, experiences, abilities, and identities are encouraged to apply.  ​ ​ Genocide Watch offers special internships for Fall 2025 In addition to memberships on our five main Teams, Genocide Watch is offering several special internships for Fall 2025 . ​ These are unpaid internship positions for Fall 2025, with a commitment of 15-20 hours per week. The internship will be conducted remotely, with regular communication and virtual meetings with the team. Applicants may work from anywhere in the world but must be fluent in English. Internships are for volunteers and are unpaid. All are virtual/remote. Please note in your cover letter and resume if you are fluent in any additional languages. To apply, please fill out the intern application form with your resume, cover letter, writing sample, reference information, academic transcript (unofficial will be accepted) in ONE PDF. Begin with your name and your preferences for the internship(s) you are applying to. ​ Podcast Specialist Intern As a Podcast Specialist Intern, you will work with our Podcast Team to create engaging and informative podcasts about genocide prevention. You will conduct research, identify interviewees, draft interview questions, contact, schedule, and conduct interviews, and edit audio content for production.   Responsibilities: Conduct research on current events and topics related to genocide prevention. Collaborate with team members to brainstorm new podcast ideas and develop content. Identify experts who would give good podcast interviews on those topics. Develop interview questions and scripts for podcast episodes. Invite, schedule, and conduct interviews with experts in the field. Edit and produce audio content using podcast software. Requirements: Strong interest in human rights, genocide prevention, and public communication. Excellent research and writing skills. Ability to conduct lively dialogues with interviewees. Self-motivation, ability to work independently, and as a member of a team. Preferred qualifications: While experience with sound editing software is not required, it would be a plus for candidates applying for this job. Any experience in planning, recording, or editing podcasts should be highlighted. ​ Website Design Intern As a Website Design Intern, you will work closely with our Director of Administration to enhance the organization's websites, which are built on the Wix platform. This will involve assessing the current websites' design and functionality, identifying areas for improvement, and implementing changes to enhance user experience and promote the organization's mission.   Responsibilities: With the Director of Administration, assess our current websites' design, content, and functionality. Identify potential improvements, including website structure, navigation, and user experience. Develop and implement improvements in website performance and search engine optimization (SEO). Collaborate with team members to create new website content and improve existing content. Update and maintain the website's content management system (CMS) using Wix. Qualifications: Excellent organizational skills and attention to detail. Ability to work independently and as part of a team. Strong written and verbal communication skills. Proficiency with Wix is preferred but not required. Familiarity with website design and development principles is also preferred. Knowledge of HTML, CSS, and JavaScript is preferred but not required. ​ Fundraising and Development Intern Genocide Watch is currently seeking a Fundraising and Development Intern for the Fall of 2025. This is an unpaid internship that will provide valuable experience in nonprofit fundraising and development. The successful candidate will work closely with our Director of Administration to assist with fundraising initiatives and donor outreach.   Responsibilities: Assist with donor research and outreach Draft fundraising communications and marketing materials Maintain accurate records of donor information and contributions Assist with other development-related tasks as needed Qualifications: Strong interest in nonprofit fundraising and development Excellent written and verbal communication skills Detail-oriented with strong organizational skills Ability to work independently and as part of a team Proficiency in Microsoft Office Suite and Google Suite Experience in fundraising for other organizations is a plus Familiarity with fundraising software is a plus ​ Legislative Intern Genocide Watch is currently seeking a Legislative Intern for the Fall of 2025. This is an unpaid internship that will provide valuable experience in researching and analyzing legislative initiatives related to genocide prevention. Ideally this intern will be located in Washington, DC, New York City, London, or Paris with responsibility for working with policy makers at those capital cities or the United Nations.   Responsibilities: Conduct research on relevant congressional committees, legislation, and hearings related to genocide prevention Monitor legislative updates and news related to genocide prevention and provide summaries to the team Draft reports, policy briefs, and other written materials related to legislative initiatives Lead advocacy related to legislative initiatives, including drafting letters to Congress. Participate in meetings with congressional staff and policymakers. Qualifications: Strong interest in international human rights, genocide prevention, and US foreign policy Excellent research, writing, and analytical skills Detail-oriented with strong organizational skills Ability to work independently and as part of a team Familiarity with the US legislative process and congressional committees Proficiency in Microsoft Office Suite and Google Suite Mapping Intern Genocide Watch is currently seeking a Mapping Intern for the Fall of 2025. This is an unpaid internship that will provide valuable experience in using mapping technologies to analyze and visualize data related to genocide prevention. This intern will reconstruct our Ten Stages map and provide maps to illustrate country reports.   Responsibilities: Assist with the creation and maintenance of maps and other visualizations using ArcGIS, Tableau, ACLED, and other software Conduct research and gather data related to genocide prevention and human rights violations Use ArcGIS software to analyze data and create visualizations related to genocide prevention and human rights violations Collaborate with other team members to develop and refine maps and visualizations to support advocacy and awareness-raising efforts Assist with other research and mapping-related tasks as needed Qualifications: Strong interest in human rights, genocide prevention, and the use of mapping technologies for social justice work Experience using ArcGIS or other software to create maps and visualizations Ability to conduct research and gather data related to genocide prevention and human rights violations Strong attention to detail and organizational skills Ability to work independently and as part of a team Proficiency in Microsoft Office Suite and Google Suite ​ ​

Celia Ramos was one of thousands of women subjected to government’s brutal policy in the 1990s. A ruling by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights could open way for reparations. Women protest on behalf of the victims of forced sterilisation in Lima in 2017. Photograph: Pacific Press/LightRocket/Getty Images The case of a forced sterilisation carried out in Peru in the 1990s will be heard by an international court on Thursday, 28 years after the procedure – one of many thousands – resulted in a woman’s death. Celia Ramos was 34 when she died in 1997, 19 days after surgery for a tubal ligation caused respiratory failure. The mother of three was “harassed” into accepting the procedure, which was part of a nationwide family planning programme. The mass sterilisation of hundreds of thousands of largely poor, rural and Indigenous women in the 1990s is regarded as one of the country’s most flagrant and widespread violations of human rights under the late former president Alberto Fujimori , but neither the leader nor his health ministers have ever been prosecuted for the campaign, which lasted years. In 2024, the UN committee on the elimination of discrimination against women urged Peru to compensate women who were forcibly sterilised in the 1990s , ruling that the state policy could constitute a “crime against humanity”. Marisela Monzón Ramos, 38, was just 10 years old when her mother died. The eldest of Ramos’s three daughters, she was in Guatemala City for Thursday’s hearing at the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. “This is a huge step for us, considering the years of struggle. It has been nearly three decades since my mother died,” she told the Guardian before the hearing. “[This hearing] gives us the opportunity that we have not had in our country. “We are looking for justice. The Peruvian state should be held responsible for the death of our mother, who was completely healthy,” she said. While this is the first case of a forced sterilisation in Peru to reach the Inter-American Court, the Celia Ramos case is representative of thousands of others, says Carmen Cecilia Martínez, an associate director at the Center for Reproductive Rights. “The court’s decision could force the Peruvian state to make reparations to the victims of this case and open the way to justice for others,” she said. Demus, a Peruvian NGO for women’s rights , presented the Celia Ramos case to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) in 2010. Eleven years later, an IACHR report declared that the Peruvian state was responsible for the violation of Ramos’ rights and recommended the adoption of measures of reparation and non-repetition. However, as Peru made no progress in complying with the recommendations, the commission sent the case to the Inter-American Court in June 2023. The legal representation was bolstered by the regional Center for Justice and International Law (Cejil) and the Center for Reproductive Rights , which joined in the same year. Martínez says successive health ministers under Fujimori turned the forced sterilisations into public policy, offering financial incentives to medical workers for each woman who was subjected to the procedure. “The objective was very clear: to recruit women from poor areas, Indigenous, rural peasant women and eliminate their reproductive capacity, violating, among other rights, their right to reproductive autonomy,” Martínez said. The legal team’s hope, she explained, is for the court to declare the policy a crime against humanity, which would eliminate any statute of limitations on opening investigations. “There is a very clear causal link between the violation of [Ramos’s] informed consent and her death,” Martínez said. Monzón, a biologist, says the whole family, who lived in Peru’s northern Piura region, were left “devastated” by her mother’s death. “Our life was cut short,” she said. She and her younger sister recall how nurses repeatedly put pressure on their mother, who initially refused the procedure. “She was a young woman, a very joyful woman, full of life,” she said. “She was a complete mother, a devoted wife, a lady who took care to be attentive for the good of all the beings she loved.” © 2025 Guardian News & Media Limited or its affiliated companies. All rights reserved. (dcr)

By Pius Adeleye | The Africa Report A Cameroonian elite Rapid Intervention Battalion (BIR) member walks past a burnt car while patrolling in the city of Buea in Anglophone Cameroon in 2018. (REUTERS/Zohra Bensemra) While Biya’s re-election in October seems all but inevitable, his prolonged stay in power – without meaningful dialogue or efforts toward a peaceful resolution – signals continued suffering and a deepening crisis for the Anglophone population. At 92, Paul Biya, Africa’s second-longest-serving leader, announced in January that he would seek his eighth presidential term in the October elections, ending months of speculation over his candidacy. In Anglophone Cameroon – the Northwest and Southwest regions – years of alleged electoral fraud, a deadly and protracted conflict and political exclusion have eroded faith in democratic participation. For the millions living there, daily life has become a constant struggle against fear, displacement and uncertainty. Anglophone Cameroon has been engulfed in a deadly conflict for years, characterised by violence and deepening mistrust between separatist groups and the central government, which many in the region accuse of systemic human rights violations. In search of recruits On some nights in Tiko, a coastal town in Cameroon’s troubled Southwest region, 39-year-old Mbuh Margaret* stays awake while her two young daughters, both under 12, sleep nearby. Her eyes remain fixed on the door, her mind racing with fear of what might come. “I don’t think I’ll ever recover,” she says, still haunted by the traumatic ordeal she endured in 2018 – an event that continues to cast a long shadow over her life. That year, just weeks before the presidential election, separatist fighters stormed her home in a remote part of Bamenda, the Anglophone capital of Cameroon’s Northwest region. They arrived at midnight, demanding that her 43-year-old husband join their movement. “They wanted more manpower against the government forces and were recruiting by any means necessary,” she recalls. When he refused, they shot him in the head. “I didn’t believe what I saw; everything happened in a second,” Margaret recalls. Two days later, fearing for their lives, she fled with her daughters to Tiko, her late husband’s hometown. Now working as a farm labourer in a nearby village, she earns between CFA2,500 ($4) and CFA7,500 ($12) a week – barely enough to survive. Her meagre income forces her to borrow constantly, and the debts continue to mount. Call for election boycott Biya’s announcement of his candidacy for the October elections has reignited calls from separatist groups to boycott the vote in the Anglophone regions. Despite ongoing government crackdowns, separatist leaders argue that participating would only serve to legitimise Biya’s decades-long rule over their communities. For Margaret and many others in the Anglophone regions, already enduring nearly nine years of conflict between separatist fighters and government forces, the election season brings renewed fear and uncertainty. “In 2018, separatist groups first warned us to stay away from the election, using threats and violence to enforce compliance,” Margaret tells The Africa Report. “At night, whenever I think about what led to my husband’s death, and how easily it could happen again, I lose my peace,” she says. More than 6,000 killed In October 2016, civil unrest broke out in Cameroon’s Anglophone regions when lawyers and teachers led protests against the marginalisation of English-speaking Cameroonians. The Francophone-led government in Yaoundé responded with force, shutting down internet services and branding the demonstrations a “terror procession”. By 2017, what began as peaceful protests had spiralled into a full-scale separatist rebellion. Rebel leaders declared the independence of the self-styled Federal Republic of Ambazonia, claiming the Anglophone Northwest and Southwest regions. Though these areas make up just 3% of Cameroon’s territory, they are home to nearly 20% of its population. As the conflict escalated, the government responded with a brutal crackdown, arresting thousands and opening fire on protesters. President Biya deployed the elite Rapid Intervention Battalion (BIR), a unit repeatedly accused of severe human rights abuses, to crush the separatist movement. Nearly a decade later, the war drags on. More than 6,000 people have been killed, thousands remain missing, and hundreds of thousands have been displaced – many of them children struggling with malnutrition and disease in overcrowded camps or remote villages. “It’s an ugly situation, and no one is safe,” says Beatrice*, 45, a resident of Kumba in the Southwest region. She lost her husband and three sons in a fire during a clash between separatists and government forces. She was the only one who survived. ‘We lost everything’ From Northwest’s Kumbo and Bamenda to Mamfe and Buea in the Southwest region, the scars of war are visible throughout Anglophone Cameroon. Bullet-riddled homes and abandoned buildings, left in ruins, have become common sights in communities where violence is now part of daily life. Entire villages lie empty, silent evidence of what many describe as a partial genocide and a host of underreported war crimes. In these conflict-affected areas, children are among the most vulnerable. Many are forced into harsh agricultural labour or degrading work just to help their families survive. “In late 2019, as government soldiers and separatist fighters exchanged gunfire in our village in Buea, my mother’s grocery shop was looted and set on fire,” says Peter*, a 15-year-old fisherman’s assistant in Limbe, a coastal town in the Southwest region. “I remember how we lost everything and became even poorer that night.” Peter now earns between CFA15,000 ($24) and CFA24,000 ($38) a week, most of which goes toward supporting his family of five. According to UNICEF, nearly 500,000 children – including Peter and his childhood friends – were out of school across Cameroon’s Anglophone regions in 2024, as the conflict continues to disrupt education and displace communities. As the crisis grinds on, Cameroon’s healthcare infrastructure continues to deteriorate, particularly in the English-speaking regions where medical facilities under Yaoundé’s control are often targeted in the conflict. The violence has forced many healthcare workers to flee, leaving residents to rely on private or religious clinics that are frequently overpriced, understaffed or ill-equipped. Joy Francis*, a 19-year-old from a small village near Bamenda, tells The Africa Report that menstrual hygiene has become an overlooked emergency. Menstrual pads have either become unaffordable or completely unavailable, forcing many girls to use old rags or even thick leaves. It’s a similar situation for Margaret, whose 12-year-old daughter also relies on scraps of old cotton during her period. “It is disgusting and cruel for Paul Biya, a man who calls himself the father of the nation, to ignore the plight of Anglophone Cameroonians,” says a Douala-based political analyst, speaking anonymously due to a media ban on openly criticising the president. “Without genuine political reform,” he warns, “we may be heading toward deeper anarchy in the English-speaking regions.” Wave of violence Ahead of the 2018 presidential election, Biya declared that Cameroon’s national unity was non-negotiable. Yet, both during his campaign and after securing re-election, he publicly acknowledged the severity of the Anglophone crisis, pledging to pursue a peaceful resolution. In 2019, he launched the Major National Dialogue aimed at addressing the grievances of the separatist movement. However, separatist leaders and political critics dismissed the initiative as inadequate and unrealistic, arguing that it excluded key secessionist figures and failed to address fundamental demands, such as power-sharing or the prospect of independence. “The crisis worsened, but Biya was not interested in recognising the separatist movement or their demands,” says a Yaoundé-based political analyst. “The peace plans were largely a political manoeuvre to convince the international community that the Anglophone unrest was merely a domestic issue that could be easily resolved.” In reality, critics argue, little changed. Separatist leaders continued to be arrested and allegedly tortured, and before long, the dialogue collapsed – triggering yet another wave of violence and deepening the crisis. Requests for comment from both the Cameroonian ministry of defence and the prime minister’s office went unanswered. Possibility of Biya election loss? Despite heavy media censorship in Yaoundé and state-controlled praise of Biya, French-speaking Cameroonians still discuss the future of their country, politics and economic policies in markets, offices and homes. However, “when Cameroonians speak about their country, regime change rarely comes up”, says a senior lecturer and political analyst in Yaoundé. He explains that beyond Biya’s deep-rooted ties to France and the West, his regime’s longevity is due in part to its ability to suppress dissent and avoid the mistakes that toppled other long-serving leaders. “From the Arab Spring to the rise of anti-French sentiment, Biya seems to learn from leadership gaps that have ended other regimes,” he says. English-speaking Cameroonians seldom debate the possibility of Biya losing an election – because survival, not politics, is their most pressing concern. “It’s about our lives first,” says Margaret. “We don’t know if we’ll be even more forgotten by our countrymen – and the world.” As external funding dries up, separatist fighters have increasingly turned on the very communities they claim to defend, looting homes, kidnapping civilians and extorting so-called “liberation taxes”. Women are often the most vulnerable. “I pay these taxes,” Margaret says. “Many women have been raped on the farms for failing to pay.” Though some separatist factions have allowed schools to reopen, fear still lingers. For Margaret, the risk is too great. “Until my daughters’ safety is assured, they stay at home,” she says. “It’s better they lose their education than their lives.” Names in the report have been changed or withheld to protect the identities of those mentioned for safety reasons. © 2025 The Africa Report

Malian junta chief Assimi Goïta on Thursday approved a law granting him a five-year presidential mandate, renewable "as many times as necessary" and without election.  General Assimi Goita has been cleared to lead Mali until at least 2023 [File: Alexander Kazakov/EPA-EFE] by France 24 Mali 's junta chief has granted himself a five-year presidential mandate, renewable "as many times as necessary" and without election, in a law made public Thursday. General Assimi Goïta 's approval of the measure had been widely expected for several days, and comes after the country's military-appointed legislative body passed the bill last week . The law, which was leaked to the public after being signed by Goita Tuesday, allows him to lead the west African country until at least 2030, despite the military government's initial pledge to return to civilian rule in March 2024 . It is the latest in a series of restrictions on freedoms by Mali's military leadership to consolidate its power in the jihadist-hit Sahelian nation. The country's cabinet, the Council of Ministers, had already adopted the measure last month. Under the law Goita will be able to serve "as head of state for a term of five (05) years, renewable as many times as necessary, until the country is pacified". When Goïta took power, he insisted on Mali's commitment to the fight against jihadist violence and initially pledged a return to civilian rule. He was even celebrated in some quarters as a hero who might bring salvation to his troubled west African nation. But he ultimately failed to make good on his promise to cede power to elected civilians, which was to occur by March 2024. Earlier this year, a junta-led national consultation recommended proclaiming Goïta president without a vote for the five-year renewable term. The same assembly – boycotted by most political groups – also recommended the dissolution of political parties and tougher rules for their creation. Subsequently, the junta announced in May the dissolution of all political parties and organisations, as well as a ban on meetings. The ongoing squeeze on Mali's civic space comes against a backdrop of clamour by authorities for the country to unite behind the military. Turning point Goïta's rule has marked a turning point in Mali's relationship with the West. The country has broken ties with France and other former allies and pivoted toward Russia . Mali and its junta-led neighbours Burkina Faso and Niger have teamed up to create their own confederation, the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), and have announced the creation of a joint 5,000-strong force for joint military operations. Meanwhile its Russian mercenary allies from the Africa Corps, tasked in particular with tracking down jihadists, are regularly accused of rights violations against civilians alongside the Malian army. Since 2012, Mali has been mired in violence carried out by jihadist groups affiliated with al Qaeda and the Islamic State group , as well as other criminal organisations. Those attacks have only intensified in recent weeks. Despite Mali's multifaceted tumult, Goïta remains popular with a segment of the population, which views him as an architect of reform and newfound sovereignty. (FRANCE 24 with AFP) © 2025 Copyright France 24

Constitutional Committee of the Congress of the Republic of Peru, in Lima, June 5, 2024. © 2024 Congress of the Republic of Peru. Washington, DC—The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) urges the State of Peru to refrain from passing amnesties for serious human rights violations, in line with its international obligations and in compliance with judgments and monitoring decisions issued by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights concerning the country. It also calls on the State to guarantee victims' access to justice. The IACHR has been monitoring the legislative process surrounding Bill No. 7549/2023-CR, which was approved in a first vote and proposes granting amnesties to members of the Armed Forces, the National Police of Peru, and Self-Defense Committees who have been reported, investigated, or prosecuted for actions committed during counterterrorism operations between 1980 and 2000. The bill also provides so-called humanitarian amnesties for individuals over the age of 70 who have been convicted or whose prison sentences (be they effective or suspended) are pending enforcement for crimes committed during that period. The final approval of the bill by Congress still requires a second vote. The Peruvian State informed the IACHR that the bill has not yet come into force and therefore has not yet had any effect on human rights or caused any violation of these. It also confirmed that judges at all levels have the authority to assess whether laws are compatible with international human rights standards. The State noted that any concerns raised by the IACHR regarding the bill's potential incompatibility with the applicable human rights standards must respect the principle of subsidiarity inherent to the Inter-American Human Rights System. The State also reiterated its firm commitment to the protection and promotion of human rights, including respecting and guaranteeing access to justice and judicial protection. The bill under discussion is part of a broader set of measures aimed at preventing the criminal prosecution of State agents responsible for serious human rights violations committed against thousands of individuals as part of counterinsurgency security operations between 1980 and 2000. In 2024, both the IACHR and the IA Court expressed concern over legal measures aimed at applying statutes of limitations to such crimes. In particular, the National Human Rights Coordinator publicly stated that the current bill could affect 156 cases with convictions and more than 600 ongoing proceedings, including cases concerning extrajudicial executions, enforced disappearances, torture, sexual violence, and massacres, many of which have been reported by victims and their families. The prohibition on amnesties for serious human rights violations is an obligation under international law that has been recognized in the inter-American system since 1992 . In its ruling on the Barrios Altos case and as part of the joint monitoring of the La Cantuta case, the IA Court has consistentily noted the inadmissibility of amnesties, statutes of limitation, and exclusion of liability clauses that seek to impede the investigation and punishment of those responsible for serious human rights violations, such as torture; extralegal or arbitrary summary executions, and forced disappearance. The IA Court has clarified that so-called humanitarian amnesties based on beneficiaries' age are only permissible under international law when they concern nonviolent or lesser offenses. In 2018, the IA Court further stated that in cases of grave human rights violations, any legal measure aimed at protecting the health, life, or integrity of convicted individuals must impose the least possible restriction on victims' right of access to justice and should be applied only in exceptional cases where such measures are absolutely necessary. In accordance with Article 2 of the American Convention on Human Rights—which requires States to adopt domestic legal measures implementing their international human rights obligations—the IACHR reiterates its call for Peru to refrain from approving this bill. Instead, the State should adopt mechanisms to fast-track the resolution of ongoing cases and provide legal certainty to both victims and defendants. Likewise, any humanitarian measure must be consistent with the standards outlined by the IA Court to Peru concerning laws that extinguish, suspend, reduce, or modify penalties for serious human rights violations or crimes against humanity. The IACHR is a principal and autonomous body of the Organization of American States (OAS), whose mandate stems from the OAS Charter and the American Convention on Human Rights. The Inter-American Commission has the mandate to promote the observance and defense of human rights in the region and acts as an advisory body to the OAS on the matter. The IACHR is made up of seven independent members who are elected by the OAS General Assembly in their personal capacity, and do not represent their countries of origin or residence. No. 128/25 © Copyright 2025 OAS

By AP News, July 11th, 2025. Migrants rescued south of Crete wait to be registered on their arrival at the port of Lavrio, Greece on July 10th, 2025. (AP Photo/Petros Giannakouris Greece’s parliament approved a three-month suspension of asylum claims for migrants arriving from Libya on Friday, despite strong criticism from the United Nations refugee agency and Europe’s top human rights official. The measure suspends asylum application processing for those arriving by sea from North Africa, following a dramatic surge in Mediterranean crossings that has overwhelmed reception facilities on the island of Crete. The suspension passed by a vote of 177-74 despite fierce opposition from left-wing parties, which unsuccessfully challenged the amendment as unconstitutional. Thanos Plevris, the migration affairs minister, told lawmakers up to 1,000 migrants were arriving daily and described the situation as resembling an “invasion.” Authorities are continuing efforts to intercept boats south of Crete and take migrants directly to mainland facilities . The emergency measures drew sharp criticism from international human rights organizations. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees expressed “deep concern.” While acknowledging Greece’s right to manage borders, UNHCR said border control “must be in line with international and European law.” Michael O’Flaherty, the Council of Europe’s Commissioner for Human Rights, also condemned Athens’ response, arguing it “would legalize returning people to face a risk of torture and other serious violations, in breach of (Greece’s international) obligations.” Copyright 2025 The Associated Press.

Al Jazeera July 11, 2025 Separatist Baloch fighters have in past claimed responsibility for attacks in the southwestern Balochistan province. A casket containing the body of a passenger, killed during bus attacks by gunmen in southwestern Pakistan is unloaded by rescue workers and volunteers from an ambulance upon arrival in Dera Ghazi Khan, Friday, July 11, 2025 [Rescue 1122 Emergency Department via AP] Nine bus passengers have been killed after gunmen kidnapped them in Pakistan’s restive southwestern Balochistan province, officials have said. The passengers were taken from several buses on Thursday evening, the provincial government spokesman, Shahid Rind, said on Friday. The bus was travelling from Balochistan to the central region of Punjab. It is thought the travellers were targeted due to their Punjabi ethnicity, officials said. The bodies of the victims, riddled with bullet wounds, were found in the mountains overnight, another government official, Naveed Alam, said. Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi confirmed the incident and strongly condemned the killings. “The blood of innocent people will be avenged. The killing of innocent citizens is an open act of terrorism by India-sponsored terrorists,” Sharif said. There was no immediate reaction from India to his statement. No one has yet claimed responsibility for the attack. The Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA), separatist Baloch fighters, have in the past been involved in such incidents, killing passengers after identifying them as coming from the eastern Punjab province. The BLA is the strongest of a number of groups involved in a rebellion, who have for years operated in the area bordering Afghanistan and Iran, a mineral-rich region. The ethnic Baloch fighters blame the authorities in Pakistan for stealing their regional resources to fund spending in Punjab province. © 2025 Al Jazeera Media Network

"A Blueprint for Crimes Against Humanity" The Guardian Military ordered to turn ruins of Rafah into ‘humanitarian city’ but experts call the plan an internment camp for all Palestinians in Gaza By Emma Graham-Harrison July 7 2025 Palestinians will have to pass ‘security screening’ into the camp and then will not be allowed to leave, the defence minister told Israeli journalists. Photograph: Reuters Israel’s defence minister has laid out plans to force all Palestinians in Gaza into a camp on the ruins of Rafah, in a scheme that legal experts and academics described as a blueprint for crimes against humanity. Israel Katz said he has ordered Israel’s military to prepare for establishing a camp, which he called a “humanitarian city”, on the ruins of the city of Rafah, Haaretz newspaper reported. Palestinians would go through “security screening” before entering, and once inside would not be allowed to leave, Katz said at a briefing for Israeli journalists. Israeli forces would control the perimeter of the site and initially “move” 600,000 Palestinians into the area – mostly people currently displaced in the al-Mawasi area. Eventually the entire population of Gaza would be housed there, and Israel aims to implement “the emigration plan, which will happen”, Haaretz quoted him saying. Since Donald Trump suggested at the start of the year that large numbers of Palestinians should leave Gaza to “clean out” the strip, Israeli politicians including the prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, have enthusiastically promoted forced deportation, often presenting it as a US project. Katz’s scheme breaks international law, said Michael Sfard, one of Israel’s leading human rights lawyers. It also directly contradicted claims made hours earlier by the office of Israel’s military chief, which said in a letter that Palestinians were only displaced inside Gaza for their own protection. “(Katz) laid out an operational plan for a crime against humanity. It is nothing less than that,” Sfard said. “It is all about population transfer to the southern tip of the Gaza Strip in preparation for deportation outside the strip. “While the government still calls the deportation ‘voluntary’, people in Gaza are under so many coercive measures that no departure from the strip can be seen in legal terms as consensual. “When you drive someone out of their homeland that would be a war crime, in the context of a war. If it’s done on a massive scale like he plans, it becomes a crime against humanity,” Sfard added. Katz laid out his plans for Gaza shortly before Netanyahu arrived in Washington DC for meetings with Donald Trump, where he will be under heavy pressure to agree a ceasefire deal to end or at least pause the 21-month war. Work on the “humanitarian city” at the heart of Katz’s plans could start during a ceasefire, the defence minister said. Netanyahu is leading efforts to find countries willing to “take in” Palestinians, he added. Netanyahu nominates Trump for Nobel peace prize, touts 'free choice' of Gaza relocation – video Speaking from the White House on Monday, Netanyahu said the US and Israel were working with other countries who would give Palestinians a “better future.” “If people want to stay, they can stay, but if they want to leave, they should be able to leave,” Netanyahu said, as he prepared to have dinner with Trump. Israeli politicians including the finance minister, Bezalel Smotrich, have also been enthusiastic advocates of new Israeli settlements in Gaza. Plans for the construction of camps called “humanitarian transit areas”, to house Palestinians inside and possibly outside Gaza, had previously been presented to the Trump administration and discussed in the White House, Reuters reported on Monday. The $2bn plan bore the name of the US-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), Reuters said. GHF denied it had submitted a proposal and said slides seen by Reuters, which laid out the plan, “are not a GHF document”. Concerns about Israel’s plans to displace Palestinians had previously been raised by military orders for the operation launched this spring. Sfard represented three reservists who filed a petition to Israel’s courts, demanding the military revoke commands to “mobilise and concentrate” the civilian population of Gaza, and to prohibit any plans for the deportation of Palestinians out of the Gaza Strip. In a letter responding to their claims, the office of Israel’s chief of staff, Eyal Zamir, said that displacing Palestinians or concentrating the population in one part of Gaza were not among the objectives of the operation. That statement was directly contradicted by Katz, said Prof Amos Goldberg, historian of the Holocaust at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. The defence minister laid out clear plans for the ethnic cleansing of Gaza, Goldberg said, and the creation of “a concentration camp or a transit camp for Palestinians before they expel them”. “It is neither humanitarian nor a city,” he said of Katz’s planned holding area for Palestinians. “A city is a place where you have possibilities of work, of earning money, of making connections and freedom of movement. “There are hospitals, schools, universities and offices. This is not what they have in mind. It will not be a livable place, just as the ‘safe areas’ are unliveable now.” Katz’s plan also raised the immediate question of what would happen to Palestinians who refused to follow Israeli orders to move into the new compound, said Goldberg. He added: “What will happen if the Palestinians will not accept this solution and revolt, because they are not completely helpless?” © 2025 Guardian News & Media Limited or its affiliated companies. All rights reserved.

By David Gritten July 10 2025 At least 15 Palestinians, including eight children and two women, have been killed in an Israeli strike while queuing for nutritional supplements in front of a clinic in central Gaza, a hospital says. Video from al-Aqsa Martyrs hospital in Deir al-Balah showed the bodies of several children and others lying on the floor as medics treated their wounds. US-based aid group Project Hope, which runs the clinic, said the attack was a blatant violation of international law. The Israeli military said it struck a "Hamas terrorist" and regretted any harm to civilians. They were among 66 people reportedly killed in Israeli strikes on Thursday, as Israel and Hamas continued talks on a ceasefire deal. Despite optimism expressed by the US, which is acting as a mediator along with Qatar and Egypt, they do not so far seem to be close to a breakthrough. Project Hope said Thursday morning's strike in front of its Altayara health clinic in Deir al-Balah happened as patients had gathered outside, awaiting its opening to receive treatment for malnutrition, infections, chronic illnesses and more. "Suddenly, we heard the sound of a drone approaching, and then the explosion happened," witness Yousef al-Aydi told AFP news agency. "The ground shook beneath our feet, and everything around us turned into blood and deafening screams." Graphic footage posted on social media, which was verified by the BBC, showed the immediate aftermath of the attack, with adults and young children lying in a street, some severely wounded and others not moving. At the mortuary of nearby al-Aqsa hospital, relatives of those killed wept as they wrapped the dead children in white shrouds and body bags before performing funeral prayers. One woman told the BBC that her pregnant niece, Manal, and her daughter, Fatima, were among them, and that Manal's son was in the intensive care unit. "She was queuing to get the children supplements when the incident happened," Intisar said. Another woman standing nearby said: "For what sin were they killed?" "We are dying before the ears and eyes of the whole world. The whole world is watching the Gaza Strip. If people aren't killed by the Israeli army, they die trying to get aid." Project Hope's president and CEO, Rabih Torbay, said the aid group's clinics were "a place of refuge in Gaza where people bring their small children, women access pregnancy and postpartum care, people receive treatment for malnutrition, and more". "Yet, this morning, innocent families were mercilessly attacked as they stood in line waiting for the doors to open," he added. "Horrified and heartbroken cannot properly communicate how we feel anymore." "This is a blatant violation of international humanitarian law, and a stark reminder that no-one and no place is safe in Gaza, even as ceasefire talks continue. This cannot continue." Unicef boss Catherine Russell said: "The killing of families trying to access life-saving aid is unconscionable." The Israel Defense Forces (IDF) said in a statement that it struck a member of the elite Nukhba forces of Hamas's military wing who had taken part in the 7 October 2023 attack on Israel. "The IDF is aware of reports regarding a number of injured individuals in the area. The incident is under review," it added. "The IDF regrets any harm to uninvolved individuals." Funeral prayers were held outside al-Aqsa hospital for those killed outside the clinic Elsewhere, five people were killed when an Israeli drone struck tents in the coastal al-Mawasi area, in southern Gaza, according to the Hamas-run Civil Defence agency. It posted a video showing first responders recovering the bodies of three young children buried beneath sand and debris. The attacks happened as mediators attempted to build momentum towards a ceasefire deal at indirect proximity talks in Doha. However, significant gaps between Israel and Hamas appear to remain. On Wednesday night, a senior Israeli official told journalists in Washington that it could take one or two weeks to reach an agreement. The official, who was speaking during a visit to the US by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, also said that if an agreement was reached on a 60-day ceasefire, Israel would use that time to offer a permanent end to the war that would require Hamas to disarm. On Thursday Netanyahu confirmed that "in the beginning of that ceasefire we will enter negotiations on a permanent end to the war, that is, a permanent ceasefire" and that Israel's conditions were that Hamas must disarm and Gaza be demilitarised. "If this can be achieved in negotiations - so much the better. If this will not be achieved in negotiations after 60 days, we will achieve it in other ways; by applying the might of our heroic army," he said. Netanyahu told the right-wing US media outlet Newsmax, Hamas still held 50 hostages, "20 definitely alive, and some 30 that are not alive". "We now have a deal that supposedly we'll get half of the living and half of the dead out" he added, telling Newsmax "it's been hell" for them. Earlier, Hamas issued a statement saying that the talks had been difficult, blaming Israeli "intransigence". The group said it had shown flexibility in agreeing to release 10 hostages, but it reiterated that it was seeking a "comprehensive" agreement that would end the Israeli offensive. Meanwhile the EU said on Thursday said it had struck a deal with Israel to open more crossings for aid, as well as to repair infrastructure and protect aid workers. "We count on Israel to implement every measure agreed," EU foreign affairs chief Kaja Kallas said. The UN said it had delivered the first fuel consignment to Gaza in four months, but warned that the 75,000 litres fell short of even a single day's demand. A spokesman warned that vital services would cease unless adequate fuel supplies arrived immediately. The Israeli military launched a campaign in Gaza in response to the Hamas-led attack on southern Israel on 7 October 2023, in which about 1,200 people were killed and 251 others were taken hostage. At least 57,762 people have been killed in Gaza since then, according to the territory's Hamas-run health ministry. Most of Gaza's population has also been displaced multiple times. More than 90% of homes are estimated to be damaged or destroyed; the healthcare, water, sanitation and hygiene systems have collapsed; and there are shortages of food, fuel, medicine and shelter. Copyright 2025 BBC. All rights reserved.

Used to prosecuting civilians, Uganda’s military courts help entrench repression ahead of the 2026 elections. © BADRU KATUMBA/AFP via Getty Images By Amnesty International Uganda is gearing up for general elections in January 2026 – the seventh since President Yoweri Museveni came to power in 1986. As in the lead-up to previous polls, repression is on the rise. This time, however, it has extended beyond Uganda’s own borders. On November 16, 2024, opposition politician Kizza Besigye and his aide Obeid Lutale were abducted in Nairobi, Kenya. Four days later, they resurfaced in Uganda’s capital Kampala arraigned in a military court on security charges. Rendered to Uganda, in clear violation of international laws prohibiting extraordinary rendition and due process, the two civilians faced military justice. Outraged by this militarisation of justice, Besigye and Lutale attracted a 40-strong defence team led by Martha Karua, Kenya’s former minister of justice. If the state antics were intended to silence dissenting voices, they have done just the opposite. Far from dissuading others from speaking up, these trials have sparked a national conversation on human rights and the role of the military. Uganda’s Chief of Defence Forces (CDF), General Muhoozi Kainerugaba, Museveni’s son, has regularly commented on Besigye’s case on X. Widely seen as a potential successor to his ageing father, Kainerugaba heads a political pressure group, the Patriotic League of Uganda (PLU), despite legislation currently prohibiting serving military officers from involvement in partisan politics. If the state antics were intended to silence dissenting voices, they have done just the opposite. Far from dissuading others from speaking up, these trials have sparked a national conversation on human rights and the role of the military. - Tigere Chagutah, Amnesty International’s Regional Director for East and Southern Africa Since 2016, Uganda’s Supreme Court had delayed ruling on a case, brought by Michael Kabaziguruka, a former member of parliament, challenging the trial of civilians before military courts. Kabaziguruka, who was accused of treason, argued that his trial in a military tribunal violated fair trial rights. As a civilian, he contended he was not subject to military law. Besigye and Lutale’s case gave renewed impetus to this. On January 31, 2025, the Supreme Court ruled that trying civilians in military courts is unconstitutional, ordering that all ongoing or pending criminal trials involving civilians must immediately stop and be transferred to ordinary courts. Despite this ruling, President Museveni and his son have vowed to continue using military courts in civilian trials. Besigye went on hunger strike for 10 days in protest against delays in transferring his case to an ordinary court. The case has now become a litmus test for Uganda’s military justice system ahead of the 2026 elections. Besigye and Lutale are not the only opposition politicians to face military justice. Tens of supporters of the National Unity Platform (NUP), led by Robert Kyagulanyi, popularly known as Bobi Wine, have been convicted by military courts for various offences. These include wearing NUP’s trademark red berets and other party attire that authorities claimed resembled military uniforms, despite their distinct differences. Numerous lesser-known political activists are facing charges in military courts, too. Over 1,000 civilians have been prosecuted in Uganda’s military courts since 2002 for offences such as murder and armed robbery. Military trials of civilians flout international and regional standards. They open possibilities of a flurry of human rights violations, including coerced confessions, opaque processes, unfair trials and executions. - Tigere Chagutah For context, in 2005, the state amended the UPDF Act to create a legal framework which allowed the military to try civilians in military courts. It was no coincidence that these amendments happened as the military was trying civilians arrested between 2001 and 2004, including Kizza Besigye. Military trials of civilians flout international and regional standards. They open possibilities of a flurry of human rights violations, including coerced confessions, opaque processes, unfair trials and executions. Trying civilians in military courts violates Article 7 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights and the 2001 Principles and Guidelines on Fair Trial and Legal Assistance in Africa. The African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, the region’s premier human rights body, has long  condemned their practice in Uganda . Opposition to military justice has not just come from the usual quarters. Religious leaders  expressed concern  about Besigye’s continued detention after the Supreme Court ruling, as did Anita Among, speaker of Uganda’s Parliament and member of the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM), who  remarked : “Injustice to anyone is injustice to everybody. Today it is happening to Dr Besigye, tomorrow it will happen to any one of us”. Following the court order and widespread outcry, Besigye and Lutale were transferred to a civilian court on February 21. Besigye called off his hunger strike. They remain in detention, as does their lawyer. However, their transfer without release, in a process begun by an illegality, remains flawed. Despite the transfer of their case, scores of more civilians have their cases still pending before military courts, with little hope that they will be transferred to civilian courts. For this reason, 11 groups including Amnesty Kenya, the Pan-African Lawyers Union, the Law Society of Kenya, the Kenya Human Rights Commission and Kenya Medical Practitioners, Pharmacists, and Dentists Union (KMPDU) call for their immediate release. As Uganda approaches elections, it is evident that the military courts are now a tool in President Museveni’s shed for use to silence dissent. It is time for Uganda to heed the Supreme Court ruling – for now though, military justice is on trial, too. © 2025 Amnesty International