Legislative and Commune-Level Vote Dominated by Repression, Censorship A woman looks at a ballot paper during the Burundian legislative elections in Giheta Commune of Gitega Province in Burundi, June 5, 2025 © 2025 REUTERS/Evrard Ngendakumana (Nairobi) – Legislative and local elections in   Burundi on June 5, 2025, took place in a context of severely restricted free speech and political space, Human Rights Watch said today.  The Independent National Electoral Commission (Commission électorale nationale indépendante, CENI) announced on June 11 during a press conference that the ruling party had won 96.5 percent of votes and all elected national assembly seats. The ruling party also won almost every seat in the commune-level election. Ruling party officials and youths intimidated, harassed, and threatened the population and censored media coverage to secure a landslide victory.  “Burundians voted in an atmosphere devoid of genuine political competition as the ruling party further consolidated power,” said Clémentine de Montjoye , senior Great Lakes researcher at Human Rights Watch. “Against a backdrop of growing discontent over a deepening economic crisis and systemic human rights failings, the ruling party took no chances in the elections.” The National Council for the Defense of Democracy-Forces for the Defense of Democracy (Conseil national pour la défense de la démocratie-Forces pour la défense de la démocratie, CNDD–FDD), in power since 2005, has sought to dismantle all meaningful opposition, including from its main rival, the National Congress for Freedom (Congrès national pour la liberté, CNL). Several opposition parties, including the CNL , the Patriots’ Council (Conseil des Patriotes, CDP), and the Union for National Progress (Union pour le progrès national, UPRONA) denounced irregularities in the vote. Senatorial and further local elections are scheduled for July 23 and August 25, respectively, and the next presidential polls will be in 2027. In the days following the vote, Human Rights Watch spoke with local activists, journalists, private citizens, and a member of the ruling party’s youth league – the Imbonerakure – who spoke of intimidation and irregularities in both the lead-up to the election and during the voting. Media reports and witness accounts indicate that the voting on June 5 was overwhelmingly dominated by the ruling party . “The Imbonerakure were in front of the polling station telling people to vote for the ruling party,” said a voter in the town of Bururi. “All the workers at the polling station were members of the ruling party. The head of the polling station himself told me to vote for the ruling party.”  People interviewed in Bujumbura, the country’s largest city, Cibitoke, and Rumonge described similar scenes at their polling places. A Burundian civil society organization reported the same patterns in Bubanza, Gitega, Makamba, and Ngozi. “We were told to do everything necessary to make sure that people only voted for the CNDD-FDD,” the Imbonerakure member said.  Opposition parties and witnesses said that opposition party representatives, journalists, and observers were prevented from entering polling places, including when votes were being counted.  In several communes (municipalities), the number of votes cast reportedly exceeded the number of registered voters. Media and witnesses also reported ballot stuffing and the selective distribution of voter cards, excluding opposition members from voting. A coalition of radio stations, television channels, and print or online media outlets coordinated coverage of the elections, reportedly funded by the Ministry of Communication, Information Technology and Media, and all content produced had to be submitted to a central editorial team, which censored reports that did not align with the official narrative, media reported . A journalist told Human Rights Watch that officials of the electoral body told the media “not to talk about irregularities.” In December, the electoral commission barred opposition candidates, including members of the opposition Burundi for All (Burundi Bwa Bose in Kirundi) coalition and the CNL, from contesting the June elections, effectively sidelining major opposition voices. Some were able to appeal the decision at the Constitutional Court, but presidential runner-up and former leader of the CNL, Agathon Rwasa, was among those still barred from running. In January 2024, the interior minister accused the CNL of collaborating with a terrorist organization, after which the party’s general assembly voted to remove Rwasa from leadership. In April 2024, Burundi adopted a new electoral code that significantly raised candidate registration fees and imposed a two-year waiting period for those leaving political parties before they can run again, effectively ensuring that Rwasa would not be eligible. The authorities, aided by the Imbonerakure, forced the population to register to vote in late 2024, according to media reports and witness accounts. “The population wanted to show that they don’t see the point in this election, and tried to boycott the registration process,” said an observer in Cibitoke. “They were forced [to register], prevented from accessing markets, healthcare centers, administrative services or going to the fields. The Imbonerakure were everywhere to intimidate people.” The African Union deployed an observation mission and issued a preliminary report on June 7 praising the “peaceful” conduct of Burundi’s legislative and communal elections. It also praised high voter turnout, the “climate of freedom and transparency,” and media coverage. This stands in stark contrast to the AU’s own normative framework on democracy, elections, and human rights, which emphasizes credible, inclusive, and transparent electoral processes. The International Conference on the Great Lakes Region and the Economic Community of Central African States also deployed observer missions. The Catholic Church, which has criticized previous elections , deployed observers but some were turned away from polling places. General elections in May 2020 took place in a   highly repressive environment , marred by allegations of irregularities. Throughout the pre-election period, Imbonerakure members   committed widespread abuses , especially against people perceived to be against the ruling party, including killings, enforced disappearances, arbitrary arrests, beatings, extortion, and intimidation.  Burundians have told Human Rights Watch that they feel growing frustration at the ruling party’s governance, at a time when the population is facing a 40 percent annual inflation rate , chronic shortages, significant discrepancies between official and unofficial exchange rates, limited foreign currency reserves, and a fuel crisis that has crippled transport for years. The escalating conflict in neighboring Democratic Republic of Congo, which has jeopardized cross-border trade and prompted the arrival of over 70,000 refugees and asylum seekers since January 2025, as well as cuts in donor funding have further compounded the situation. In February, Burundian authorities expelled the director and security officer of the United Nations World Food Programme from the country, after they reportedly advised staff to stock up on essential goods. Civil society and opposition figures continue to report ongoing harassment, extortion, arbitrary detention, and beatings by the Imbonerakure and the authorities as the government remains deeply hostile to perceived criticism.  Article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which Burundi is a party, states, “Every citizen shall have the right and the opportunity … [t]o vote and to be elected at genuine periodic elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret ballot, guaranteeing the free expression of the will of the electors.” “Burundi’s democracy has been hollowed out, with a ruling party unaccountable to its people and unwilling to tolerate dissent, even as economic desperation grows,” de Montjoye said. “Without credible opposition, this election only further entrenches authoritarian rule and pushes Burundians further into a deeply rooted governance crisis.” © 2025 Human Rights Watch

Israel May Be Considering an Attack on Iran’s Nuclear Sites The New York Times June 12, 2025 By Aaron Boxerman Reporting from Jerusalem Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has vowed to prevent Tehran from building a nuclear bomb, “one way or the other.” A security perimeter is being constructed around multiple peaks of Mount Kolang Gaz La, which holds two underground tunnel complexes.   Israel has long envisioned a military attack on Iran’s nuclear sites. Many in the Middle East, the United States and Europe are now wondering whether that moment has arrived. On Wednesday, The New York Times reported  that officials in the United States and Europe believe that Israel seems to be gearing up for a potential strike, even as the Trump administration is seeking a deal with Tehran to curb its nuclear program. An Israeli attack would risk igniting a regional war that could pull in the United States, which withdrew some diplomats and personnel from the Middle East this week, fearing an Iranian retaliatory strike. President Trump has warned  Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel against attacking Iran, increasing tensions between the two leaders. It is still unclear whether the heightened tensions reflect a genuine Israeli plan to carry out an attack, or are an attempt at saber rattling to influence the nuclear talks between the United States and Iran. Here’s what you need to know: Why might Israel attack now? What’s the status of U.S.-Iran nuclear talks? Why are Israel and Iran at odds? Could Israel go it alone? Why might Israel attack now? Israel has long been determined to prevent Iran, its fiercest enemy, from obtaining a nuclear weapon. Since the rise of the Islamic Republic at the end of the 1970s, Iran’s rulers have repeatedly pledged to destroy Israel. Aaron Boxerman  is a Times reporter covering Israel and Gaza. He is based in Jerusalem. Copyright 2025 The New York Times Company   Trump Acknowledges Israel Could Attack Iran Soon The New York Times June 12, 2025 By David E. Sanger Reporting from Washington President Trump cautioned that he does not want Israel to launch an attack while negotiations were going on. President Trump acknowledged on Thursday that there was a significant risk that Israel could soon attack Iran, but he said that “I don’t want them going in” at a moment when progress was being made toward an agreement to shut down Iran’s easiest pathway to building a nuclear weapon. Mr. Trump said that an attack would likely destroy the chances for a diplomatic solution. “I think it would blow it,” he said, before adding, “might help it actually, but it could also blow it.” His statement came just hours after the administration announced that Steve Witkoff, Mr. Trump’s special envoy to the Middle East, planned to meet the Iranian foreign minister in Oman on Sunday for another negotiating session. The somewhat contradictory signals from the White House came amid growing signs that Israel was preparing for a strike of unknown proportions against Iranian sites. Mr. Trump refused to give details of a conversation he held on Monday with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, or to say whether, in that conversation, he had given any kind of go-ahead to the Israeli leader to proceed with a strike. In recent weeks, Mr. Trump has said that he told Mr. Netanyahu to hold off on any military action while negotiations were ongoing. Just hours before Mr. Trump spoke, the board of the International Atomic Energy Agency, the United Nations body that inspects nuclear programs to assure there is no diversion of fuel for weapons use, condemned Iran in a resolution for failing to answer questions that have mounted in recent years about possible past military nuclear activity at several sites around the country. In response, Iranian officials vowed to produce even more near-bomb-grade uranium and to open a third nuclear enrichment site, deep underground. In recent days, Iran has rejected a key demand from the Trump administration: that it must cease all enrichment of uranium, a key fuel for making nuclear weapons. Under a proposal Mr. Witkoff sent to his Iranian counterparts two weeks ago, the country would be able to make that transition slowly, continuing to produce fuel. David E. Sanger  covers the Trump administration and a range of national security issues. He has been a Times journalist for more than four decades and has written four books on foreign policy and national security challenges. Copyright 2025 The New York Times Company

Khmer Times June 13, 2025 By Taing Rinith A CamboCorp volunteer interviewing a Khmer Rouge survivor in Kratie province. DC-Cam Synopsis: DC-Cam urges swift action to preserve survivor stories and provide the victims with health support. The Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) has issued a call for greater efforts in documenting the stories and improving the health conditions of Khmer Rouge survivors, warning that time is running out as the ageing survivor population continues to dwindle. Youk Chhang, Executive Director of DC-Cam, said in an interview this week that while justice for the victims of the Khmer Rouge regime can never be fully realised, it is essential to preserve their voices and look after their well-being for national healing, historical accountability, and future development. “Genocide and mass atrocities destroy people’s humanity,” Youk said. “DC-Cam wants to restore the humanity of all people—not only the victims but also those who perpetrated horrible acts.” Since 2017, DC-Cam has expanded its work beyond documenting oral histories to include targeted health interventions aimed at improving the lives of survivors, particularly those in remote communities. These efforts include raising awareness of public health issues and improving access to basic medical care. Field research has also been conducted to assess the health conditions of survivors in areas that often fall outside the reach of traditional development initiatives. According to Youk, the organisation’s CamboCorps volunteer initiative has reached nearly 50,000 survivors in recent years, especially during and after the COVID-19 pandemic. The programme has identified five of the most common illnesses affecting Khmer Rouge survivors: hypertension, heart disease, diabetes mellitus, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, pulmonary tuberculosis, and breast cancer. “Several years later, when we returned to visit them, many of them were no longer with us,” Youk said. “It is not a curse but a concern for our nation that future generations will no longer have any survivors to inform them about Cambodia’s history.” Youk emphasised the urgency of preserving survivors’ stories, not just for archival purposes, but as a form of justice and national healing.“We believe that it is furthering the work of justice for the survivors of the Khmer Rouge, though we knew from the beginning that the tragedy and injustice suffered by the Cambodian people under the Khmer Rouge regime were so great that nothing can truly replace or compensate them,” he said. “But DC-Cam’s effort is one significant step forward in truly helping and supporting the survivors of genocide.” The loss of survivors, Youk said, carries a profound implication for future generations, who may grow up without first-hand knowledge of the atrocities committed between 1975 and 1979, when nearly two million Cambodians perished under the brutal regime. “I understand that there may be two types of people in the nation: survivors and those born after the 1990s,” he said. “The generation born after Cambodia’s troubled past will always be more open, trusting and optimistic about the future and engagement with the world than the former generations who still carry the weight of the past.” DC-Cam, established in 1995, has long been at the forefront of efforts to document the Khmer Rouge period, providing critical evidence used in the trials at the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia, and promoting education and reconciliation. But Youk also sees hope and responsibility in the younger generations.“Their time to lead is here, and it is incumbent upon the older generations to mentor and remind them that the past is always prologue,” he added. “But also give them the courage that the future is truly theirs to imagine, act upon, and own.” Taing Rinith / Khmer Times https://www.khmertimeskh.com/501699532/race-against-time-to-save-khmer-rouge-survivor-testimonies/ Copyright 2025 Khmer Times

Christians and Ahmadis Targeted for Land Grabs, Evictions Police and residents stand amid debris outside the torched St. John Church on the outskirts of Faisalabad, Pakistan, on August 17, 2023, a day after Muslim men were incited to commit anti-Christian violence. © 2023 AAMIR QURESHI/AFP via Getty Images By Human Rights Watch (New York) – Pakistan’s blasphemy laws perpetuate religious discrimination and are used to target the poor and minorities in unlawful evictions and land grabs, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today. These accusations have had devastating consequences for those affected, while the federal and provincial governments have failed to prevent the abuse or provide justice for victims. The 29-page report, “‘A Conspiracy to Grab the Land’: Exploiting Pakistan’s Blasphemy Laws for Blackmail and Profit,” documents the use of blasphemy accusations for personal economic gain. Accusers have long used blasphemy charges to incite mob violence that has forced entire communities to flee their homes, leaving their property vulnerable to land grabs. Those seeking to exploit the law for their own profit have used blasphemy accusations as a weapon against rivals and businesses owned by religious minorities. “The Pakistani government should urgently reform its blasphemy laws to prevent them from being weaponized to blackmail rivals, settle personal scores, and attack marginalized communities,” said Patricia Gossman, associate Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “Failure to prosecute those responsible for incitement and attacks in the past has emboldened those who use these laws to extort and blackmail in the name of religion.” Human Rights Watch interviewed 14 people who had faced blasphemy accusations, as well as lawyers, prosecutors, judges, police officials, human rights activists, and journalists between May 2024 and January 2025 in Lahore, Gujranwala, Kasur, Sheikhupura, and Islamabad districts of Pakistan. Blasphemy is an offense officially punishable by death in Pakistan. Although no one has been executed for blasphemy, a mere accusation can be a death sentence. In the past decade, vigilantes have killed dozens of people in mob violence following blasphemy accusations. While the targets of blasphemy accusations and the violence they foster belong to all socio-economic and religious groups in Pakistan, most of the victims have been from marginalized groups, Human Rights Watch found. Blasphemy accusations against Christians and Ahmadis in particular have often forced entire communities to flee their homes and neighborhoods. Because many minority communities in Pakistan live in informal, low-income settlements without title to the land, their forced exodus leaves their property up for easy seizure. Those alleging blasphemy have also benefitted financially by targeting business rivals and businesses owned by religious minorities. The exploitation of the blasphemy law, in particular the ease with which someone can make an accusation as part of a personal dispute or for economic gain, has instilled fear among those most at risk. An entrenched bias in Pakistan’s criminal justice system results in miscarriages of justice against people accused of blasphemy. The authorities almost never hold those who commit violence in the name of blasphemy to account, while those accused under discriminatory and vague blasphemy laws—generally without evidence—suffer long pretrial detention, lack of due process, and unfair trials that may result in years in prison. In cases of vigilante attacks, police seldom take action to protect those targeted, and those who do may themselves face threats of violence. As a result, those responsible for mob violence who are protected by politicians or religious leaders avoid arrest or are acquitted. The government of Pakistan should repeal the blasphemy law and safely release all those held or imprisoned on blasphemy charges, Human Rights Watch said. The authorities should investigate all attacks and threats based on blasphemy accusations, with particular concern for those targeting religious minorities and other marginalized groups and those that result in forced evictions and large-scale forced displacement. The authorities should also institute safeguards to prevent the coerced transfer and sale of properties of those accused following any such incidents. “The Pakistan government’s indifference to the abuses under the blasphemy law and the violence it provokes is discriminatory and violates the rights to fundamental freedoms,” Gossman said. “The authorities’ failure to hold those responsible for violence against religious minorities to account only encourages extremists and reinforces fear and insecurity among all minorities.” Selected Accounts Nadia (pseudonym) Nadia, 52, a beautician and make-up artist in Lahore, is Christian. In July 2019, she decided to quit her job at a local salon and set up her own business. She pooled her life’s savings and obtained loans from people she knew to start her own salon. Her previous employer tried to dissuade her by offering a raise. When Nadia refused, the previous employer threatened her, saying that “the consequences of this will not be good for you.” In November 2019, a mob led by a local cleric barged into her salon, beat her and her staff, and ransacked and vandalized the premises. They claimed that she had desecrated the Quran and that a boy in the neighborhood had found pages of the Quran in the trash. Nadia denies this. She said, “I respect all religions and didn’t even have a copy of the Bible at the salon. Why would I have a copy of the Quran? I would have to be completely mad and suicidal to even think about disrespecting it.” Firoz (pseudonym) Firoz, 43, is a Christian who runs a private school with both Muslim and Christian students in a low-income neighborhood of Lahore. In February 2021, Firoz received a call from an angry parent regarding “blasphemous” comments by a teacher. Firoz offered to meet the parent and also asked the teacher for an explanation. The teacher denied making any blasphemous comments. A few days later, a group of people affiliated with a local religious and sectarian organization threatened to “burn down the school” if an apology was not made. Firoz said that the teacher resigned. But that was not enough to appease the religious group. Firoz said: It soon became clear to me that it wasn't about any remark or “blasphemy.” They asked me to donate PKR 200,000 (US$800) to their religious charity to “atone” for my sin. Of course, they realized that since I was a Christian, just a murmur of blasphemy would mean that my school and possibly I too would be set on fire by a mob. No one would ask any questions. My religion made me additionally vulnerable. However, a blasphemy accusation could also result in burning down of a school run by a Muslim. The truth of the allegation doesn’t matter. Now, I have started a cycle of blackmail, and they can extort me whenever. Mian Yasir Mian Yasir, a lawyer who has represented several blasphemy defendants over the past decade, said: In my experience, almost all blasphemy accusations in Pakistan are driven by personal motives and mostly by economic reasons. The accusation is a weapon to settle all kinds of scores. Religious minorities are additionally vulnerable, but everyone is vulnerable, even Muslim religious clerics are not immune. Anyone can weaponize this against anyone at any time in Pakistan. This is the sad reality. Sawan Masih In March 2013, a mob of about 3,000 people attacked Joseph Colony, a Christian housing community in Badami Bagh, following an allegation of blasphemy against Sawan Masih, a resident. More than 100 houses were ransacked, burned, and looted. The entire community fled. The local government said that the police had “avoided” confronting the “religiously charged mob” because if any officers were killed “the issue might have blown out of proportion and spread all across the country.” Instead of protecting the residents of Joseph Colony, the police arrested Masih. In 2014, a trial court sentenced him to death. His conviction was finally overturned in 2020. Local residents and rights activists maintained that the objective of the attack was to capture land in Joseph Colony. At the trial, Masih said that for years, businessmen linked to the local steel industry had pressured the Christian community to sell their property and leave because they wanted the land: They contrived a case under the blasphemy law.… They put up banners against me alleging blasphemy against the Prophet.… They played with the religious sentiments of the people.… They involved the local police to create fear and alarm among Christian residents who were threatened and told to leave the colony to save their lives.… This was a conspiracy to grab the colony. A number of families moved out because they knew they would remain vulnerable to such attacks in the future. © 2025 Human Rights Watch

Israel guilty of 'extermination' in attacks on Gaza schools and cultural sites, says UN People walk in front of Gaza City's 17th-century Qasr al-Basha, or the Pasha's Palace, on 5 January 2024 (AFP/Omar al-Qattaa) Israeli attacks damaged more than 90 percent of educational institutions and over half of Gaza's cultural and religious sites Israeli attacks on Gaza’s education and cultural infrastructure amount to war crimes and the crime against humanity of extermination, a UN investigation body has said.  The UN Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and Israel, published its findings in a new report on Tuesday.  It found that Israeli air strikes, shelling, burning and controlled demolitions had damaged or destroyed more than 90 percent of schools and university buildings across the Gaza Strip.  That destruction has made it impossible for 658,000 children in Gaza to have an education over the past two years.  “We are seeing more and more indications that Israel is carrying out a concerted campaign to obliterate Palestinian life in Gaza,” said Navi Pillay, chair of the commission. “Israel’s targeting of the educational, cultural and religious life of the Palestinian people will harm the present generations and generations to come, hindering their right to self-determination.” The report said Israeli forces had committed war crimes, “including directing attacks against civilians and wilful killing, in their attacks on educational facilities that caused civilian casualties”. It also documented cases in which Israeli forces used educational buildings as military bases. One example cited was the conversion of al-Azhar University’s al-Mughraqa campus into a synagogue for Israeli troops.  It reported one instance of Hamas fighters using a school for military purposes.  'Deeply impacted intangible culture' The report found that over half of Gaza’s religious and cultural sites had been damaged or destroyed, including places where civilians had sought refuge.  Israeli forces either knew or should have known the cultural significance of such sites, but failed to prevent harm, the commission found.  The report included Israeli actions in the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem, where authorities appropriated, developed and profited from cultural heritage sites representing Palestinian, Jewish and other cultures, while displacing Palestinian residents.  “Attacks on cultural and religious sites have deeply impacted intangible culture, such as religious and cultural practices, memories and history,” said Pillay. “The targeting and destruction of heritage sites, the limiting of access to those sites in the West Bank and the erasure of their heterogenic history erode Palestinians’ historical ties to the land and weaken their collective identity.” The commission called on Israel to immediately cease attacks on educational and cultural institutions, end occupation and settlement activities, and comply with international law.  The report will be officially presented to the UN Human Rights Council on 17 June. Israel withdrew from the council earlier this year, accusing it of being biased against Israel. In March, the commission accused Israel of committing “genocidal acts” by destroying reproductive healthcare facilities in Gaza. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu responded at the time by labelling the council “an anti-Semitic, corrupt, terror-supporting, and irrelevant body”. According to Palestinian health and government officials, since October 2023, at least 54,927 Palestinians have been killed in Gaza by Israeli forces, of whom 28,000 are women and girls .  Amongst those killed are at least 1,400 health sector workers, over 300 UN aid workers, and more than 220 journalists .  Copyright © 2014 - 2025 .  Middle East Eye. All rights reserved. Only England and Wales jurisdiction apply in all legal matters.

© Humanitarian Mission Proliska/Jose Colon I Aftermath of a Russian airstrike in Kupiansk, Ukraine (file, April) 11 June 2025 I Peace and Security     Civilian deaths and injuries in the first five months of 2025 were nearly 50 per cent higher than the same period last year, UN rights experts tasked with monitoring abuses in war-torn Ukraine said on Wednesday in their latest  report . The toll includes 1,389 casualties in April (221 killed, 1,168 injured) – the highest monthly total so far this year – followed by 1,019 in May (183 killed, 836 injured). Casualties were reported across 17 out of 24 regions and the city of Kyiv, including areas far from the frontline. The vast majority of attacks (97 per cent) led to civilian occurred in areas under Ukrainian Government control. “This year has been devastating for civilians across Ukraine, with significantly more deaths and injuries than during the same period in 2024,” said Danielle Bell, Head of the HRMMU – the monitoring mission set up by the UN rights office, OHCHR , at the invitation of the Ukrainian Government. “The intensification of long-range attacks with missiles and loitering munitions and frequent attacks with short-range drones along the frontline are a deadly combination for civilians .” Weapons and impact Long-range missile and drone attacks caused the largest proportion of civilian casualties  – some 28 per cent of casualties during May. On the other hand, short-range drones remained the leading cause in frontline areas. Russian armed forces carried out at least five attacks on port infrastructure in the Odesa region on the Black Sea, resulting in civilian casualties and damage to facilities. One such attack on 23 May killed three men and injured 12 more, including port workers, according to the report. Continuing trends in June The mission noted that long-range attacks have intensified this month. Since 6 June, Russian forces have launched over 1,500 long-range weapons, according to Ukrainian authorities. The HRMMU is in the process of verifying reports that these attacks (or subsequent falling debris) have killed at least 19 civilians and injured 205 others nationwide in just a five-day span. If confirmed, June could match or surpass April and May in total casualties. “ At this pace and scale, further loss of civilian life is not just possible – it is inevitable ,” said Ms. Bell. © 2025 United Nations.

British-flagged yacht operated by pro-Palestinian Freedom Flotilla Coalition was making symbolic attempt to deliver aid The Freedom Flotilla Coalition accused Israel of ‘forcibly intercepting’ the vessel. Photograph: X/Freedom Flotilla Coalition (FFC) Israel’s military took control of a boat trying to deliver food to Palestinians in Gaza in the early hours of Monday morning, and brought its crew of activists including Greta Thunberg to an Israeli port. The Madleen was making a symbolic attempt to break to the blockade of Gaza and raise awareness of a looming “starvation crisis”. It was never likely to get through Israel’s naval blockade of the territory, where UN-backed experts have warned of looming famine, and dozens of people have been killed by Israeli forces trying to reach food distribution centres. Even attempting to reach Gaza by boat is risky. In May, another boat sailing as part of the Freedom Flotilla Coalition, the group that organised the Madleen’s voyage, caught fire off Malta and issued an SOS after what the group said was an attack by Israeli drones. Israel’s military declined to comment. In 2010, nine activists were killed when Israeli commandos raided a small fleet of ships trying to take supplies including building materials to Gaza. Israel began blockading Gaza in 2007. Among the last communications from the Madleen before it lost communications was a photo showing the 12-strong crew gathered in a circle, wearing lifejackets, with their hands in the air. It was posted to social media by a team working with the French MEP Rima Hassan, who was also onboard. A series of pre-recorded messages from crew members were released online. “If you see this video, we have been intercepted and kidnapped in international waters,” Thunberg said in a brief message, urging family, friends and supporters to put pressure on the Swedish government to secure her release as soon as possible. Shortly afterwards, Israel’s foreign ministry said the crew was being taken to Israel and “were expected to return to their home countries”, and followed up by posting an image of Thunberg being offered a sandwich. Israel has no legal authority to detain the Madleen crew in international waters and confiscate aid onboard, which included food, baby formula and medical supplies, said Huwaida Arraf, a human rights attorney and Freedom Flotilla organiser. “This seizure blatantly violates international law and defies the ICJ’s binding orders requiring unimpeded humanitarian access to Gaza. These volunteers are not subject to Israeli jurisdiction and cannot be criminalised for delivering aid or challenging an illegal blockade – their detention is arbitrary, unlawful, and must end immediately.” The UK-flagged Madleen set sail at a time of mounting international pressure on Israel over the starvation of Palestinians inside Gaza. In an apparent response to the huge amount of publicity generated by the group, Israel’s foreign ministry attacked the crew as “celebrities” on a “selfie yacht”. Israel’s foreign minister, Israel Katz, made personal attacks on Thunberg and the rest of the crew in a post on X, and said they would be required to watch a film about the Hamas attacks on 7 October 2023, which launched the war. About 1,200 people were killed, mostly civilians, and 250 taken to Gaza, where 55 are still held hostage. Israel’s attacks on Gaza since then have killed more than 54,000 Palestinians, the majority of them women, children and elderly people, and injured more than 125,000, according to health authorities in the territory, whose figures have proved accurate in past conflicts. Most of Gaza’s 2.3 million residents have been forced to flee their homes and displaced multiple times, and last month food security experts warned the territory was at “critical risk of famine”. The UN’s special rapporteur on human rights in occupied Palestinian territories called for the UK to secure the release of the Madleen and its crew and urged others to challenge the blockade. “Every Mediterranean port should send boats with aid, solidarity, and humanity to Gaza,” Francesca Albanese posted on X. “Breaking the siege is a legal duty for states, and a moral imperative for all of us.” On Sunday, at least a dozen Palestinians were killed trying to get food , hit by Israeli gunfire as they headed towards two food distribution centres run by a US and Israeli backed logistics group. Israel said it fired warning shots at people who approached its forces. © 2025 Guardian News & Media Limited or its affiliated companies. All rights reserved. (dcr) For the New York Times pro-Israel version of this story, see below with Genocide Watch comments: Gaza Aid Boat Carrying Greta Thunberg Seized by Israel The New York Times June 9, 2025 The civilian ship, called the Madleen, was on a mission organized by a group that opposes the nearly two-decade-old blockade of Gaza. Greta Thunberg in Catania, Sicily, shortly before sailing aboard the Madleen for Gaza earlier this month.  Credit...Fabrizio Villa/Getty Images By Isabel Kershner  and Ephrat Livni Isabel Kershner reported from Jerusalem and Ephrat Livni from Washington, D.C. Leer en español Israel said on Monday it had intercepted a Gaza-bound ship  carrying aid and a dozen people, including the activist Greta Thunberg. The civilian ship, called the Madleen, has been operating under the auspices of the Freedom Flotilla Coalition, a group that opposes the nearly two-decade-old blockade of Gaza. The Freedom Flotilla Coalition said its activists had been “kidnapped” by the Israeli military. Israel said it expected to return the ship’s passengers to their home countries. The Madleen set sail from Sicily on June 1. Israel vowed to prevent the ship from reaching Gaza, saying its military would use “any means necessary” to stop it from breaching an Israeli naval blockade of the enclave. Surveillance footage recorded early Monday aboard the Madleen shows people in the cockpit wearing orange life vests as the bright lights of another vessel approach. People can then be seen boarding the Madleen. Israel Intercepts Gaza-Bound Aid Ship Footage from the Freedom Flotilla Coalition and the Israeli authorities shows what happened when Israel diverted a civilian ship, with Greta Thunberg onboard, that was headed to Gaza. “Guys, oh, my God.” “[word omitted in NY Times article: [ Phones ] into the water. Throw it over. Calm down, everyone — please, calm down. Yes, everything’s going to be all right. Calm down.” Hey, guys, wait. No.” [Genocide Watch comment: note that the NY Times omitted the word, “Phones” from the quote, giving the impression that the Israeli commandos were ordering the people into the water. In fact, the commandos did not want the protesters to make phone videos showing Israel’s illegal seizure.] The Freedom Flotilla Coalition said that drones had been flying over the ship before it lost contact with those on board. The Israeli Foreign Ministry later posted video of what it said were the passengers, who were wearing life jackets and being offered sandwiches and water. [Genocide Watch comment: This tries to portray the Israeli seizure as humane rather than a violation of international law. Tactic 9 in Israel’s Twelve Tactics of Denial by Genocide Watch .] “The ‘selfie yacht’ of the ‘celebrities’ is safely making its way to the shores of Israel,” the ministry wrote on social media on Monday. It accused “Greta and others” of trying “to stage a media provocation whose sole purpose was to gain publicity. ” Genocide Watch comment: Cynically portraying the protest as for self-aggrandizement, rather than to protest Israel's blockade and starvation of Gaza, is a classic attack on truth-tellers, Tactic 2 in Israel’s Twelve Tactics of Denial by Genocide Watch .] In a briefing to reporters on Monday, a government spokesman said the passengers on the ship would “be returned home to their countries as soon as possible.” [Genocide Watch comment: Israeli authorities have no legal authority to seize citizens of other nationalities against their will and transport them anywhere. The protesters broke no laws and are not under any indictments from any country.] Who and what was on board the Madleen? The passengers included Ms. Thunberg, who rose to fame with her protests against climate change , and Rima Hassan, a member of the European Parliament. Ms. Thunberg has also been an outspoken opponent of Israel’s blockade and its conduct of the war. “We are doing this because, no matter what odds we are against, we have to keep trying,” she said last week. “Because the moment we stop trying is when we lose our humanity. And no matter how dangerous this mission is, it’s not even near as dangerous as the silence of the entire world in the face of the livestreamed genocide.” Passengers and crew aboard the Madleen prepared to sail to Gaza from Catania earlier this month.Credit ...Salvatore Cavalli/Associated Press Israel’s defense minister, Israel Katz, said on Sunday in a blunt statement: “To Greta the antisemite  and her friends, propagandists for Hamas  — I say clearly: You would do well to turn back, because you won’t get to Gaza. Israel will act against any attempt to breach the blockade or aid terrorist organizations  by sea, air or land.” [Genocide Watch comment: Dehumanization of protesters and accusations that they are attempting to aid terrorists are classic tactics used by Israel to deny that it is committing genocide in Gaza. Tactics 2 and 7 of Israel’s Twelve Tactics of Denial by Genocide Watch .] The coalition had said in a statement that it was bringing urgently needed goods, including baby formula, flour, rice, diapers, medical supplies and children’s prosthetics. The Israeli Foreign Ministry dismissed the amount of material as “tiny” in its statement, and “less than a single truckload of aid.”   [Genocide Watch comment: Minimizing attempts to bring humanitarian aid to starving people is another tactic of genocide denial. Tactics 1 and 6 of Israel’s Twelve Tactics of Denial by Genocide Watch .] Why is Gaza blockaded? Israel imposed its blockade on Gaza, with Egypt’s help, after Hamas, the Islamist militant group, took over the strip in 2007. Israeli officials have said the blockade is necessary to prevent weapons from being smuggled into the enclave. The blockade has remained in place during the 20 months of war that have followed a deadly Hamas-led attack on Israel in October 2023. [Genocide Watch comment: This is a gross misrepresentation of Israel’s 80-day blockade of all food, water, medicine, and fuel to Gaza since March, an act of genocide under Article 2(c) of the Genocide Convention. Portraying the blockade as righteous self-defense employs Tactics 7 and 11 of Israel’s Twelve Tactics of Denial by Genocide Watch .] Israel recently also barred the entry of humanitarian aid into the territory for roughly 80 days, bringing the population to the brink of famine, according to international aid organizations. It has since supported an aid delivery system that has been marred by violence and shunned by humanitarian groups. Genocide Watch comment: This is a misrepresentation of Israel's rejection of the UN's established programs to distribute aid directly to starving people, and Israel's substitution of a scheme that requires Palestinians to walk miles to receive food, a scheme in which Israeli troops have already shot and killed over 100 people. It is an example of Tactic 9 in Israel’s Twelve Tactics of Denial by Genocide Watch .] The voyage of the Madleen was only the latest attempt by activists to breach the Gaza blockade. A ship called Conscience left Tunisia in late April carrying humanitarian aid for Gaza. It was rocked by explosions  off the coast of Malta, where it was scheduled to stop to pick up more people, including Ms. Thunberg. The passengers and crew were not harmed, but the mission was abandoned. [ Genocide Watch comment: Many commentators say the explosions on the Conscience were set off by Israeli agents in complete disregard for the lives of the civilians on board.] In 2010, nine passengers aboard the Mavi Marmara, part of a flotilla carrying aid from Turkey to Gaza, were killed in an Israeli commando raid , causing international outrage and damaging Turkish-Israeli relations. A 10th passenger died from his wounds years later. Israel said at the time that its soldiers, some of whom had rappelled onto the ship from helicopters, came under ambush and were attacked with clubs, metal rods and knives. [Genocide Watch comment: Portraying Israel’s murderous commando raid on the Mavi Marmara as somehow justified by attacks on the commandos stretches any definition of self-defense beyond credibility.] Gabby Sobelman contributed reporting from Rehovot, Israel, and Jiawei Wang from Seoul. Isabel Kershner , a Times correspondent in Jerusalem, has been reporting on Israeli and Palestinian affairs since 1990. Ephrat Livni  is a reporter for The Times’s DealBook  newsletter, based in Washington. Article: Copyright 2025 The New York Times Company Comments by Genocide Watch under Creative Commons Copyright 2025.

Khartoum makes allegation of direct involvement of Libyan forces in Sudan war Libya's eastern military leader Khalifa Haftar (centre) salutes crowds after prayers for Eid al-Fitr in Benghazi on 31 March (AFP/Abdullah Doma) The Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) have accused Libyan militia leader Khalifa Haftar of taking part in a joint border attack with the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) in its war with Khartoum. The attack is the first time direct involvement of Libyan fighters in the conflict in Sudan has been alleged. SAF spokesman Nabil Abdullah said in a statement the attack took place on Tuesday on the borders of Sudan, Libya, and Egypt . Abdullah said Haftar's forces had attacked army positions in coordination with the RSF, denouncing a "blatant aggression against Sudan" aimed at taking control of the border region. Neither the RSF or Haftar have responded to the allegations. The Sudanese foreign ministry accused the UAE, which backs Haftar as well as the RSF, of supporting the joint attack, calling it a "dangerous escalation" and a "blatant violation of international law". Abu Dhabi denies supporting the paramilitary group. "Sudan's border with Libya has long served as a corridor for arms and mercenaries supporting the [RSF] funded by the Emirates," it said in a statement. The RSF has been at war with its erstwhile allies the SAF since April 2023. In recent weeks, fighting has surged in key strongholds, especially in Darfur and Kordofan, where the RSF is pressing ahead with plans to form a parallel government.  Both sides have deployed drones, air raids, intelligence units, and special forces in increasingly aggressive operations, particularly in Nyala - capital of South Darfur and a strategic RSF centre - and Port Sudan, the current seat of the SAF-aligned administration. The SAF has launched sustained air strikes on military installations in Nyala in recent days, with a focus on the city’s international airport.  Sudan's war has displaced millions and killed tens of thousands, while the RSF has been accused of extensive use of sexual violence. Across the country, nearly 25 million people are suffering dire food insecurity according to the World Food Programme. Copyright © 2014 - 2025 .  Middle East Eye. All rights reserved. Only England and Wales jurisdiction apply in all legal matters.

Moscow says it has received a list from Kyiv, demanding the release of hundreds of children as ceasefire talks stumble. Ukrainian woman Tatiana Olizarovskaya and her son Naum Kovalenko are seen before departure to Ukraine from Russia under a deal brokered by Qatar, in late 2023 [File: Maxim Shemetov/Reuters] By  Mansur Mirovalev Published on 10 Jun 202510 Jun 2025 Kyiv, Ukraine –  Russian President Vladimir Putin faces criminal charges for the “unlawful deportation and transfer of children”. That is the definition of the 2023 arrest warrant by the International Criminal Court, the intergovernmental tribunal based in The Hague. On June 2, as ceasefire talks rumbled on, Ukrainian diplomats handed their Russian counterparts a list of hundreds of children that they said were taken from Russia-occupied Ukrainian regions since 2022. The return of these children “could become the first test of the sincerity of [Russia’s] intentions” to reach a peace settlement, Andriy Yermak, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s chief of staff, told media. “The ball is in Russia’s corner.” But Ukraine claims the number of children taken by Russia is much higher. Kyiv has so far identified 19,546 children who it says were forcibly taken from Russia-occupied Ukrainian regions since 2022. The list could be far from final, as Ukrainian officials believe that some children lost their parents during the hostilities and cannot get in touch with their relatives in Ukraine. As of early June, only 1,345 children had returned home to Ukraine. But why did Russia take them in the first place? “The aim is genocide of the Ukrainian people through Ukrainian children,” Daria Herasymchuk, a presidential adviser on children’s rights, told Al Jazeera. “Everybody understands that if you take children away from a nation, the nation will not exist.” Putin, his allies and Kremlin-backed media insist that Ukraine is an “artificial state” with no cultural and ethnic identity. Russian officials who run orphanages, foster homes and facilitate adoptions are being accused of changing the Ukrainian children’s names to deprive them of access to relatives. “Russians do absolutely everything to erase the children’s identity,” Herasymchuk said. The Reckoning Project, a global team of journalists and lawyers documenting, publicising and building cases of alleged war crimes Russia commits in Ukraine, said “indoctrination” is at play. “The system is in the aspects of indoctrination, the re-education of children, when they are deprived of a certain identity that they had in Ukraine, and another identity, a Russian one, is imposed upon them,” Viktoria Novikova, the Reckoning Project’s senior researcher, told Al Jazeera. Russia’s ultimate goal is to “turn their enemy, the Ukrainians, into their friend, so that these children think that Ukraine is an enemy so that [Russia] can seize all of Ukraine”, she said. A group of researchers at Yale University that helps locate the children agrees that the alleged abductions “may constitute war crimes and crimes against humanity”. Moscow conducts a “systematic campaign of forcibly moving children from Ukraine into Russia, fracturing their connection to Ukrainian language and heritage through ‘re-education’, and even disconnecting children from their Ukrainian identities through adoption,” said the Humanitarian Research Laboratory of the Yale School of Public Health. The group has located some 8,400 children in five dozen facilities in Russia and Belarus, Moscow’s closest ally. In 2022, Sergey Mironov, head of A Just Russia, a pro-Kremlin party, adopted a 10-month-old girl named Marharyta Prokopenko, according to the Vaznye Istorii online magazine. The girl was taken from an orphanage in the southern Ukrainian city of Kherson that was occupied at the time. Her name was changed to Marina Mironova, the magazine reported. The girl’s name is on the June 2 list. The alleged abductions are far from “chaotic” and follow detailed scenarios, Herasymchuk said. She said some children are taken from parents who refuse to collaborate with Moscow-installed “administrations” in Russia-occupied areas. During this “filtration” procedure, she alleged that Russian intelligence and military officers and Ukrainian collaborators interrogate and “torture” the parents, checking their bodies for pro-Ukrainian tattoos or bruises left by recoiling firearms. Viktoria Obidina, a 29-year-old military nurse taken prisoner after failing a “filtration” that followed the 2022 siege of the southern city of Mariupol, feared such an abduction. She also thought that her daughter Alisa, who was four at the time, would witness her torture and then end up in a Russian orphanage. “They could have tortured me near her or could have tortured her to make me do things,” Obidina told  Al Jazeera after her release from Russian captivity in September 2022. Instead, she opted to hand Alisa to a complete stranger, a civilian woman who had already undergone the “filtration” process and boarded a bus that took 10 days of endless stops and checks amid shelling and shooting to reach a Kyiv-controlled area. Another alleged method is “summer camping”, in which children in Russia-occupied areas are taken to Crimea or Russian cities along the Black Sea coast and are not returned to their parents, Herasymchuk claimed. Some parents plunge into the abyss of trying to reach Russia to get their kids back. But very few succeed, as Ukrainians trying to enter Russia are often barred from re-entry. Attempts to return a child are “always a lottery”, Herasymchuk said. Children of preschool age often do not remember their addresses and do not know how to reach out to their relatives, while teenagers are more inventive, she said. Ukrainian boys are especially vulnerable as they are seen as future soldiers who could fight against Ukraine, she said. “All the boys undergo militarisation, they get summons from Russian conscription offices so that they become Russian soldiers and return to Ukraine,” she said. A return is often more feasible through a third nation such as Qatar , whose government has helped get dozens of children back home. On Wednesday, Russia’s children’s rights ombudswoman said she had received the list of 339 Ukrainian children. She denied that Russia had abducted tens of thousands of children. “We see that there aren’t 20,000-25,000 children; the list contains only 339 [names], and we will work thoroughly on each child,” Maria Lvova-Belova told the Tass news agency. In 2022, Lvova-Belova adopted a 15-year-old boy from Ukraine’s Mariupol. Along with Putin, she is wanted  by the International Criminal Court for her role in the alleged abductions. Ukrainian observers hope that the children’s return may be one of the few positive things to come out of the stalled Ukraine-Russia peace talks, which were last held in Turkiye’s Istanbul. “Once everyone understands that no ceasefire is discussed in Istanbul, the Ukrainian side is trying to squeeze things out maximally out of the humanitarian track,” Vyacheslav Likhachyov told Al Jazeera. © 2025 Al Jazeera Media Network

A woman who was affected by the earthquake in Myanmar sits alongside aid items. © UNOCHA/Myaa Aung Thein Kyaw 10 June 2025 I Peace and Security Nearly three months after a catastrophic earthquake struck Myanmar, the country continues to grapple with its aftermath alongside the brutal civil war which has devastated the country since the February 2021 military coup. Since then, “there has been no end to the violence, even though thousands have been killed and thousands more injured,” said UN Special Envoy to Myanmar , Julie Bishop , on Tuesday, briefing the General Assembly. “I have stressed consistently that without a ceasefire, a de-escalation of violence and a focus on the needs of the people, there can be no inclusive lasting peace ,” she said. Call for ceasefire Having spoken with survivors among the rubble of homes, hospitals and schools, Ms. Bishop said they “wanted the fighting to end so they could live in peace,” as armed clashes continue to obstruct the aid and reconstruction effort. Although some parties to the conflict have announced ceasefires, “they have largely not been observed,” she said. Reiterating her call for an end to hostilities she said civilian protection “must be the priority and inclusive and sustainable peace a shared goal.” Without an end to the violence she said Myanmar would continue on “the path to self-destruction.” Contested elections Ms. Bishop warned that unless there is an end to the violence and an inclusive and transparent electoral process, all that could result from any election – which the junta is planning to contest – would be “greater resistance and instability.” “It is inconceivable how an election could be inclusive,” she said, with so many political leaders still being held by the regime. Ms. Bishop also reiterated the UN’s call for the release of all arbitrary prisoners, including democratically elected leaders Win Myint and Aung San Suu Kyi. Rohingya’s plight With up to 80 per cent living in poverty, the situation of the mostly Muslim Rohingya minority in both Myanmar and Bangladesh remains dire. Caught in the crossfire between the Myanmar military and the Arakan Army, Rohingya civilians in their historic homeland of Rakhine State are being subjected to forced recruitment and other abuse. As aid dwindles, Rohingyas living in Bangladesh’s Cox’s Bazar face real consequences, including cuts to food rations and education.   “A viable future for Myanmar must ensure safety, accountability, and opportunity for all its communities, including Rohingya, and must address the root causes of conflict, discrimination and disenfranchisement in all its forms,” said Ms. Bishop.  © 2025 United Nations

By Grace Harris, Ebonie Kibalya, and Lea Gruber Genocide Watch Great Lakes Team A miner shows a bag containing coltan in the Democratic Republic of the Congo ...credit Alfredo Falvo/Contrasto/Redux The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) has metal and mineral riches essential to global industries ranging from electronics and aerospace to renewable energy. This vast natural wealth has fueled devastating conflict. For over three decades, armed militias in eastern DRC have financed their operations by mining and trading coltan, gold, tin, tungsten, cobalt, copper and rare earths, sparking constant civil war and mass atrocities. Control over these natural resources has driven recent M23 attacks in the eastern part of the DRC, where M23 rebels backed by neighboring Rwanda have seized the cities of Goma and Bukavu in 2025. The M23 offensive has killed over 7,000 civilians since January 2025. Control over conflict minerals has had far-reaching implications for interregional relationships, global trade, and the future of the DRC. Serving as both a motivation for attacks and a way to sustain military operations, exploitation of mineral wealth plays a large role in the continuing humanitarian crisis in the DRC today.  Extractive mining and power struggles over control of mines have fueled conflict in the DRC since the Second Congo War began in 1998. Tin (cassiterite), tantalum (coltan), tungsten (wolframite), and gold- commonly referred to as the “3TGs”- are the primary conflict minerals that drive continuous civil war in North and South Kivu. Cobalt and copper, key components of green energy technology , are not always labeled as “conflict minerals,” but they play similar divisive roles in the DRC’s south-eastern “Copper Belt.” Together, these resources are necessary for many global industries and products, including smartphones and laptops, energy storage batteries , electric vehicles, artificial intelligence chips, and aerospace and military technologies.  Small-scale artisanal miners, often children, are forced to work under harsh conditions while military and ethnic militias profit by taxing, controlling, and violently enforcing access to mines. M23 now controls all commercial points between Rwanda and the provinces of North and South Kivu. M23 has established de facto governance over the area and used its power to expand mining and smuggling operations. Rwanda plays a central role in this mineral trade, acting as the dominant transit hub in the region. In 2022, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) reported that Rwanda exported $654 million in gold, and in 2024, Rwanda exported 150 metric tons of coltan, vastly exceding Rwanda’s domestic production. Uganda is also engaged in mineral smuggling out of the DRC, particularly exports of gold. Between 2020 and 2021, Uganda exported $2.25 billion in gold, despite its own very limited domestic production. Ugandan military forces in DRC's Ituri and North Kivu provinces are protecting Uganda’s economic interests. A 2024 UN report revealed that Uganda falsely labels DRC-sourced minerals as domestic exports. Burundi, though possessing a smaller mining sector than Rwanda and Uganda, is a third transit point for smuggled gold from the DRC. Corruption among Burundian border officials enables the trafficking of conflict minerals.   Global corporations are involved in the conflict minerals trade in the DRC as well. The Chinese company Huayou Cobalt, through its subsidiary Congo Dongfang Mining International (CDM), is a major trader of cobalt sourced from the DRC. Amnesty International reports that Huayou Cobalt has failed to file UN human rights reports. Huayou Cobalt maintains close ties to Chinese state-owned entities, including the China-Africa Development Fund. Despite US and Korean corporate denials, supply chain records link Apple, Microsoft, LG Chem, and Samsung to Huayou Cobalt’s unethical mining practices.  Apple is one of the world’s largest consumers of cobalt for lithium-ion batteries. Apple claims that it upholds strict ethical sourcing standards. Before 2016, Apple relied on assurances from its suppliers, including Huayou Cobalt. In December 2024, the DRC government filed criminal complaints against Apple in France and Belgium, accusing the company of incorporating illegally sourced minerals from DRC conflict zones into Apple’s supply chain. Amnesty International investigations demonstrate Apple’s reliance on cobalt from the DRC. Although Apple has taken some steps to improve transparency, critics point out that Apple still relies on indirect oversight, selective disengagement rather than systemic reform, and failure to implement independent verification processes.  Armed militias in the DRC sustain their operations by exploiting mineral wealth. They control mining sites and extort mine operators, using their profits to buy weapons, pay fighters, and fund massacres, forced displacement, forced labor, and atrocities against civilians. Militias seize mining areas and demand “taxes” from miners and traders to fund weapons and fighters. In some cases, militias strike deals directly with mining firms. A 2016 investigation found Chinese-owned Kun Hou Mining supplied AK-47 rifles and money to the Raia Mutomboki militia for access to a gold site.  UN experts estimate that the M23 rebel group’s control of the coltan-rich Rubaya mine yields roughly $300,000 per month, with at least 150 tons of tantalum (coltan) ore smuggled to Rwanda. In gold-rich Ituri Province , armed militias earned at least $140 million in mineral revenues in 2024. These profits fund armed militia oversight of child labor while stripping the Congolese government of taxes.  Congolese government officials collude in these criminal networks. Global Witness investigations show how Congolese officials and army officers – as well as neighboring governments – facilitate the black-market mineral trade. In South Kivu, provincial authorities covered up illegal gold deals with militias. UN Reports accuse Rwandan authorities of facilitating smuggling of conflict minerals into Rwanda. Such corruption enables Congolese warlords to reap enormous profits while Congolese villagers suffer.  International efforts to sever conflict mineral-militia links have failed. The OECD’s due diligence guidelines and regional certification schemes, like the International Tin Supply Chain Initiative ITSCI, have not stopped armed militias from maintaining control. UN reports show that many companies still turn a blind eye to fraudulent “conflict-free” tags. The main conflict minerals traceability program, ITSCI, was suspended by the Responsible Minerals Initiative in 2024 for serious lapses. Yet many companies continue to accept ITSCI documents as proof they are sourcing minerals responsibly, even after serious fraud was exposed. The result is that the DRC’s minerals continue to finance armed militias, perpetuating militia atrocities despite years of efforts at reform. Critics of conflict minerals sanctions programs point out that such programs often hurt the civilians and villagers who mine the minerals more than the militias and warlords that control the mines. The owners of mines have the resources to evade sanctions. Artisanal miners do not.   There are deeper underlying issues that are also driving conflict in the DRC today. Critics of conflict minerals prevention efforts assert that they are grounded in a colonial worldview that favors economic explanations and overlooks deeper ethnic conflicts. Economic determinists claim that M23 began its 2025 invasion to take control of the DRC’s rich natural resources. Such analyses ignore the geopolitical and ethnic divisions that drive conflicts in the DRC. Tensions between the DRC and Rwanda have shaped the region’s security since the 1994 Rwandan genocide. The same ethnic conflict between Bantu farmers (Hutus, Lendu, Mai Mai) and Nilotic herders (Tutsis, Hema, Banyamulenge) that drove the Genocide Against the Tutsi in Rwanda have driven persecution of Tutsis in the DRC. The same mythology of indigenous inhabitants versus foreign “invaders” drives Mai Mai and Lendu massacres of Banyamulenge and Hema Tutsis in the DRC. Congolese Tutsis constitute the majority of the M23’s militia. M23’s self-justification emphasizes the return and rights of Tutsi refugees. M23’s declared intent to advance towards Kinshasa points to ambitions that extend well beyond resource extraction, encompassing a broader political and military agenda. Rwanda’s backing for M23 militia’s insurgency in the DRC is the result of Tutsi solidarity against Hutu genocide. While conflict minerals are fought over by global powers, resolution of conflicts in the DRC will require more than labelling minerals as “conflict-free” and imposing sanctions on violators of such labeling programs.  – which can disproportionately affect civilians or further entrench illicit trade networks. Labeling sources of conflict minerals, regulating trade, and imposing sanctions programs risk masking the deeper systemic, ethnic, and historical factors that have driven genocides in Rwanda, Burundi, and the DRC. The deep ethnic, cultural, and political conflicts that have caused genocides in the Great Lakes region must be resolved before conflicts over minerals can be attained. For such resolution, local, national, and regional leadership is necessary to address the complex interplay of ethnic, regional, and political grievances.   Conflict minerals lie at the heart of instability in the DRC. The exploitation of tin, tantalum, tungsten, gold and other resources continues to bankroll corrupt national governments, greedy corporations, and brutal armed militias. Natural wealth perpetuates humanitarian catastrophe. The M23 militia’s resurgence – capturing territory and killing and torturing civilians with apparent support from the Rwandan government – starkly illustrates how competition over mineral wealth fuels regional conflict. Ultimately, ensuring lasting peace will require a reckoning with the role conflict minerals have in intensifying and sustaining conflict. The Great Rift Valley was aptly named. Over a century into the wars and genocides that have cost millions of lives in Central Africa since the nineteenth century, the extraordinary natural wealth of the Great Rift Valley remains a curse rather than a blessing. In this moment, with delayed peace talks   and rising fears of all-out regional warfare, international preventive action is more vital than ever. Do African and world leaders have the courage, the imagination, and the will to take preventive action?    Genocide Watch recommends that:    The United Nations should coordinate sustained peace talks between the governments of the DRC, Rwanda, Burundi, and Uganda and M23 leaders to negotiate a peace agreement, taking into account the role of conflict minerals. The Government of the DRC should enforce stricter mining laws, ensure transparency in contracts, and establish independent agencies to monitor corruption and mining governance. Mining revenues should be taxed to benefit local communities, support honest public officials, and prosecute corrupt officials involved in illegal mining. Rwanda, Uganda, Burundi, and other neighboring countries should cooperate with the DRC to establish regulated distribution, dismantle smuggling networks, stop illicit mineral flows, enforce regional certification schemes, and cease all support to armed militias.  Multinational corporations should conduct full supply chain audits, invest in traceability tools, support local development, and publicly commit to conflict-free sourcing with a code of ethics.  International organizations and donors should fund oversight and reform efforts in the DRC, legally enforce corporate accountability, expand sanctions against minerals traffickers, and increase pressure on neighboring states to enforce corporate transparency.   Civil society organizations in the DRC, Rwanda, and Uganda should monitor mining abuses, report on corruption, and raise awareness both domestically and internationally.

Kosovo authorities seek release of former policeman Arbnor Spahiu – who is currently held by Serbia on suspicion of murder during the September 2023 attack by Serbian gunmen in Banjska, northern Kosovo. Xhorxhina Bami, June 11, 2025 Illustration. Horgos crossing point between Serbia and Hungary. Photo: EPA-EFE/EDVARD MOLNAR HUNGARY OUT Kosovo authorities have demanded the release of Arbnor Spahiu, a former member of the Kosovo Police Special Unit, currently detained in Serbia. Serbia said it suspects him of aggravated murder in relation to the September 2023 attack by a group of Serbian gunmen in the village of Banjska in the north of Kosovo.  Xhelal Svecla, Kosovo’s acting Interior Minister and an MP for the ruling Vetevendosje party, told media on Wednesday that the ministry “is committed to ensuring that [he] is released as soon as possible and that such cases do not occur again”. He denied that Spahiu was a member of the Kosovo Police in 2023. Spahiu was arrested on June 7 by the Serbian authorities at Horgos, the Hungary-Serbia border crossing, while returning by bus from Austria with his family.  Kosovo’s Foreign Ministry announced on June 11 on Facebook that “the Liaison Office of the Republic of Kosovo in Serbia is following developments surrounding the arrest with increased attention”.  “According to statements by family members and the defence attorney, the charges brought against Spahiu are related to the Banjska case. They consider these charges completely unfounded and fabricated, emphasising that Spahiu completed his service in the Kosovo Police in 2022 and has been living in Germany with his family since then,” it said. The Higher Court in the northern Serbian city of Subotica on Monday ordered custody for Arbnor that can last up to 30 days. It told BIRN that he is suspected of aggravated murder in relation to the Banjska 2023 attack, but without specifying details. The court said it ordered custody “due to the risk of flight and the risk of influencing witnesses”. The Higher Prosecutor’s Office in Subotica told BIRN that the investigation is still ongoing. Kosovo’s Foreign Ministry said that Jetish Jashari, from the Kosovo liaison office in Serbia, “together with the lawyer engaged by Spahiu’s family, Arianit Koci, will travel on June 11 to Subotica where they will meet the second ex officio lawyer.  “The Kosovo Liaison Office in Serbia has immediately submitted an official request for permission for Ambassador Jetish Jashari to visit Spahiu at the Subotica Detention Centre,” and is awaiting approval, it continued. Kosovo said it had notified the embassies of the so-called QUINT countries in Belgrade and all other embassies in Kosovo about the arrest and “regular communication is being maintained with the Embassy of the Federal Republic of Germany, considering that Spahiu has regular residence in Germany”. Bekim Kupina, Media Advisor to Kosovo President Vjosa Osmani, told BIRN that as soon as Osmani was informed about the case, she contacted Kosovo’s Liaison Office in Serbia, the QUINT countries and the EU Office. The QUINT countries comprise the US, the UK, France Germany and Italy. As BIRN has reported, there is no judicial collaboration between Serbia and Kosovo in criminal cases. Kosovo’s Special Prosecution has filed an indictment against 42 defendants, including Kosovo Serb kingpin Milan Radoicic, charging them with terrorism and endangering the Constitutional order in relation to the attack in Banjska, where one Kosovo policeman and three attackers were killed.  Radoicic, who is currently in Serbia, has taken full responsibility for the attack. According to the indictment, which BIRN has seen, Radoicic had been financing a “structured terrorist group” since 2017. Blagoje Spasojevic, Vladimir Tolic and Dusan Maksimovic are the only persons arrested and currently in detention in Kosovo over the attack. They have all pleaded not guilty. This week, the trial before the Pristina Basic court, is hearing the prosecution witnesses – Kosovo policemen who were on the ground the day of the attack. The Special Prosecution aims to prove the assault was well planned by a trained group of armed Serbs. Copyright BIRN 2007