Why RSS Talks of Kings, Subjects and Duties: 5 Reasons Behind the Rhetoric Talk of kings and 'Raj Dharma' by Hindutva proponents works precisely to replace the democratic leader model with the framework justifying the authoritative 'head'. Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) Chief Mohan Bhagwat. Photo: PTI Speaking after the Pulwama terrorist attack, RSS Chief Mohan Bhagwat declared , “The duty of the king is to protect his subjects. The king must perform his duty.” During the 2002 Gujarat riots, then-Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee advised then-Chief Minister Narendra Modi to follow ‘Raj Dharma’. In 2016, Amit Shah included the “ideal king” alongside the ideal father or son when outlining societal ideals. Why does rhetoric from the BJP and its ideological ally the Sangh Parivar persistently invoke these feudal concepts – kings, subjects, Sanatan Dharma, traditional duties – within India’s modern democratic republic? This persistent recourse to the language of kingship is not accidental nostalgia. It demands close scrutiny, especially when deployed during crises or moments of ideological assertion. It acts as a deliberate, significant ideological manoeuvre, revealing a fundamental tension with the core principles of the republic. This piece explores five key reasons why this anachronistic language is strategically used. The clash is jarring. A republic, built on principles like popular sovereignty, citizenship defined by rights, equality before the law, and governance through elected, accountable representatives, operates with a specific political logic. Its legitimacy stems, in theory, from the consent of the governed. Its functioning relies on constitutional procedures, laws, and ways – however flawed – to question and challenge power. The language of kings, subjects, and ‘Raj Dharma’ belongs to a different political universe altogether. This universe rests on hierarchy, authority often inherited or seen as divinely approved, and a social order where duties – often assigned by birth (like the caste system historically justified by Varnashrama Dharma) – outweigh inherent, universal rights. The relationship is fundamentally unequal. The ruler has duties based on his status within a traditional order; the subjects owe obedience, receiving protection based on the ruler following his specific dharma, not as an entitlement based on their own rights as citizens. Understanding why this outdated language is used requires seeing the difference between two opposing ideas of political authority. First is the democratic leader: their authority comes from the people’s mandate, is limited by the constitution, accountable to voters and the law, and involves the slow work of negotiation and consensus in a diverse society. This leader, however powerful, is constrained, temporary, and open to challenge. Second is the authoritative head: their claim to rule often goes beyond elections, appealing to a deeper source – historical destiny, cultural embodiment, innate ability, divine ordination (as in the case of Narendra Modi) or, as seen here, a king-like status defined by ‘dharma’. This ‘head’ dislikes constraints, prefers decisive action over deliberation, sees dissent as disloyalty, and demands obedience, not just consent. The ‘head’ embodies a singular vision, impatient with democratic trappings. The recurring talk of kings and ‘Raj Dharma’ by Hindutva proponents works precisely to replace the democratic leader model with the framework justifying the authoritative ‘head’. This ideological operation functions in several ways. 1.Displaces rights with duty Centering discussion on the ruler’s ‘duty’ (dharma) rather than the citizen’s ‘rights’ (adhikar) reframes the basic political relationship. Rights empower citizens to make claims on the state and hold it accountable. The language of the ruler’s duty, especially when derived from tradition, positions people as passive recipients, dependent on the ruler’s virtue and adherence to a code defined outside democratic processes. Accountability shifts upwards (to tradition or divine order) instead of downwards (to the people). This weakens the demanding citizen and promotes the compliant subject, a population easier for an authoritative ‘head’ to command. 2.Seeking legitimacy through tradition Invoking ‘ideal kings’ or ‘Sanatan Dharma’ tries to anchor present political authority in a supposedly timeless, indigenous tradition, bypassing ‘Western’ democratic norms. It suggests the ‘head’, acting like an ‘ideal king’, fulfils a deeper civilisational duty, giving their rule a cultural weight beyond mere elections. This appeals to nationalist sentiment, framing acceptance as patriotic. 3.Reinforcing hierarchy The king-subject metaphor is inherently anti-egalitarian. It assumes a natural order (remember, ‘dharma’ is an ontological declaration) where the ruler is superior to the ruled. This strongly resonates with traditional hierarchies like the caste system and aligns with the Hindutva project’s discomfort with modern equality. Promoting the ‘ideal king’ implicitly validates the hierarchical vision he represented, making inequality seem natural rather than a social structure to be challenged. This imposition of hierarchy isn’t just abstract; it can manifest concretely, for instance, in attempts to police culture and expression. A recent example involves the cancellation of a queer-themed dance performance in Rajasthan, reportedly pressured by the RSS’s cultural wing (Sanskar Bharati). The justification given was that the performance showed a “rebellious attitude” towards tradition and promoted “unruly ideas… in the name of freedom,” framing democratic expression as subordinate to a narrow view of ‘dharma’ and societal discipline. This is the logic of the authoritative ‘head’ dictating cultural boundaries. 4.Ideology disguised as ‘common sense’ Since concepts like ‘Raj Dharma’, the ‘ideal king’, or appeals to protect ‘tradition’ are deeply embedded culturally, using them can feel natural and moral. The specific hierarchical and exclusionary power dynamics within these terms are masked; they are presented merely as right conduct or heritage protection, obscuring the political choice of this framework over the democratic one. This normalisation is how ideology triumphs – making a specific, power-laden view seem like universal truth, enabling actions like suppressing queer art to be framed as protecting the collective, not violating rights. 5. Invoking the ‘king’s duty’ serves to deflect accountability Talking about a king’s duty allows leaders to project an image of moral concern rooted in tradition. It cleverly avoids tough questions about specific government failures, state involvement in wrongdoing or violence, or problems with existing security or justice systems under the Constitution. It allows the leadership, the ‘head’, to project solemn responsibility rooted in ancient virtue while avoiding engagement with uncomfortable questions about institutional failures, state complicity, or inadequate policy responses within the existing democratic and legal framework. It shifts the conversation from concrete accountability under law to a vague moral duty from a different political era. Therefore, talk of kings, subjects and “Raj Dharma” in a republic is far from harmless. It’s a way of using language as part of a political project aiming to reshape the relationship between the state and the people. It subtly weakens the foundations of democratic citizenship – rights, equality, accountability – replacing them with the hierarchical, duty-bound logic of a mythologized past, logic more suited to an authoritative ruler than accountable representatives. It’s an insidious attempt to hollow out the democracy within the republic, using the harmless-sounding language of tradition as a disguise for a fundamentally authoritarian vision. © The Wire

By Kolby Phillip Serbia's President Aleksandar Vučić greets his supporters gathered during a huge rally in his support, apparently designed to counter student-led gatherings in Belgrade, Serbia, Saturday, April 12, 2025. (AP Photo/Darko Vojinovic)   Serbian history is replete with genocide, war crimes, denialism, and triumphalism . World War II saw the Nazi-collaborator Chetniks commit genocide against Catholic Croats and Bosniak Muslims . In 1945, Josef Broz Tito installed a communist dictatorship with its capital in Belgrade. After the death of Tito in 1980, Serbian President Slobodan Miloševi ć promoted a “Greater Serbia” ideology .   In 1992, Slovenia , Croatia , and Bosnia-Herzegovina declared independence from the Yugoslav Federation. The Bosnian breakaway Republika Srpska  led by Radovan Karadžić, organized an army under the command of Radko Mladić. It took control of Serb majority areas in Bosnia and Croatia. It carried out forced deportation, mass rape, and murder  against Croats and Bosniak Muslims and drove them out of Serb territories. The Bosnian War ensued from 1992 – 1995. It ended with the Dayton Agreement in 1995, creating a federation in Bosnia and granting autonomy to the Republika Srpska .   The Republika Srpska  occupied Srebrenica in 1995, a so-called “safe area” that was supposed to be protected by the UN Peacekeeping Force, UNPROFOR. The city’s Dutch defenders surrendered to the Republika Srpska  army and allowed it to abduct 8000 Bosniak Muslim men and boys. It massacred all of them in July 1995 and buried them in mass graves.   The Srebrenica massacre was held to constitute genocide by the ICTY and ICJ . It was the largest “mass murder within Europe since World War II.” In 2016, Karadžić was convicted of genocide in Srebrenica , war crimes, and crimes against humanity, Mladic was convicted in 2017  of genocide and crimes against humanity. Both are serving life sentences.   In 1998, Serbian Army forces in the Serbian province of Kosovo  were targeted in sporadic terror attacks  by the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) . In 1998 , Serbian Army forces began a campaign of retributive massacres. They drove tens of thousands of Kosovar Albanians out of their towns. Both Serbian forces  and the KLA committed atrocities against civilians. The withdrawal of the Kosovo Verification Mission (KVM) , the Račak massacre , and the failure of the Rambouillet Accords  led to NATO   bombings of Belgrade.  Serbia surrendered quickly and withdrew its army from Kosovo.  Kosovo declared independence in 2008 . Serbia still refuses to recognize Kosovo’s independence.   In Serbia today, denial and glorification of Serbian crimes during the Yugoslav Wars and the Kosovo War are rampant . Serbian schoolbooks  emphasize Serb victimhood and deny any Serb atrocities. They misrepresent the boundaries of Balkan nations. Convicted war criminals like Karadžić and Mladić are celebrated . A mural  stands in Belgrade bearing the words “We are thankful to your mother, general” with an image of Republika Srpska Commander Ratko Mladić .   In May 2024, the U.N.  General Assembly passed Resolution 78/282 , declaring July 11th as an annual day of remembrance for the Srebrenica genocide. Serbia voted against the resolution. Donning the Serbian flag, Serb President Aleksandar Vučić  claimed the resolution was " highly politicized," aimed "to stigmatize Serbian people,"  Vučić said he is "proud of my Serbia."  Serbian leaders still deny that "genocide"  occurred in Srebrenica.   In September 2023 , Serb militants enter Banjska, Zvečan, ambushing and killing four Kosovo police. Kosovo’s Prime Minister Albin Kurti claimed that Serbia “orchestrated and financed”  the attack. Serbia’s Vučić replied that Serb militants acted independently  and were reacting to Kosovo’s discriminatory policies in its Serb-majority areas of northern Kosovo.   Serbian draft laws proposed in October 2024  describe Kosovo as an "area of special protection" rather than as a sovereign country. They "assert Serbian jurisdiction over criminal acts committed in Kosovo." Prime Minister Kurti   denounced the proposed Serb laws. Serbia’s Vučić contends he has “no relationship at all”  with the Kurti government.   Genocide Watch considers Serbia  to be at Stage 6: Polarization  and Stage 10: Denial .   Genocide Watch recommends that: The EU should condition Serbia’s EU membership on Serbia’s recognition of Kosovo’s independence. Serbia should revise its schoolbooks to acknowledge the Srebrenica genocide and ICTY and ICJ judgments. Serbia should officially reject Republika Srpska  proposals that it be annexed by Serbia. Serbia should recognize the UN’s declaration of July 11th as Srebrenica Remembrance Day.

This time, the U.S. should act to stop a genocide The Washington Post Editorial Board April 28, 2025 Fifty years ago in Cambodia, America turned a blind eye to reports of mass killings. In Sudan today, it can do better. People wait for food at a makeshift encampment near the town of Tawila in Sudan's western Darfur region on April 13. (AFP/Getty Images) (-/AFP/Getty Images) This month marked a grim milestone for Sudan, the unfortunate African country suffering what is considered the world’s worst humanitarian crisis . On April 15, the country’s brutal civil war entered its  third bloody year , with an estimated 150,000 people killed , about 12 million displaced and no settlement in sight. The next day, the State Department for the first time characterized the atrocities being committed in Sudan’s western Darfur region as a genocide ,  citing the systematic killings of men and boys and the  sexual violence  against women and girls from the Masalit community. The U.S. statement named the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces , or RSF, which has been locked in a battle with the Sudanese armed forces, as the perpetrator of the ethnic cleansing. The Biden administration had earlier also   named the RSF  as responsible for genocide. Declaring an ongoing genocide is one thing. Doing something immediately to alleviate it is more important. The United States and the world must not fail to act. The State Department’s declaration happened to come on the eve of the anniversary of another mass atrocity. Fifty years ago, on April 17, 1975 , the Khmer Rouge  seized control of the Cambodian capital, Phnom Penh , and launched a fanatical experiment to remake society  through the systematic extermination of professionals, businesspeople, intellectuals and ethnic minorities. Up to 3 million people perished from summary executions, forced labor and starvation in the nearly four years of genocide  that ensued. This horror, too, took place amid global indifference. At the time, the United States was in retreat from Southeast Asia, scarred by its humiliating military failure in Vietnam. A 1976 memo  from President Gerald Ford’s national security adviser, Brent Scowcroft, outlined reports of widespread executions of former government officials, soldiers, teachers, students and anyone showing signs of having been educated. But neither Ford  nor his successor,  President Jimmy Carter,  took action to stop the bloodletting or even to raise awareness of it. Now that the Trump administration has recognized a genocide is occurring in Sudan, what, if anything, can the United States do to end it? Sudan’s civil war defies any easy solution. The conflict stems from a power struggle between two warring generals  who once were allies: Gen. Abdel Fattah al-Burhan , the armed forces commander, and Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo , known as Hemedti, commander of the RSF, which is the contemporary offshoot of the Janjaweed militia that, in the early 2000s, terrorized Darfur and was responsible for Sudan’s first genocide. When the generals’ tenuous alliance snapped two years ago, their artillery and tank battles left much of the capital, Khartoum, in ruins . In late March, there seemed to be  a major break in the stalemate  when Burhan’s forces managed to  recapture Khartoum . But Hemedti retreated west to his stronghold in the Darfur and Kordofan regions, where he has set up a rival “ Government of Peace and Unity .” And he has formed an alliance  with a militia group called the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-North , a remnant of South Sudan’s independence war. Hemedti’s moves to declare a rump state now risk splintering Sudan. Meanwhile, the massacres of the Masalit people and other non-Arab minority groups continue. The participants in Sudan’s civil war include a volatile mix of regional and international players, with their own agendas and long-standing rivalries. Burhan is backed by Egypt, as well as Saudi Arabia and Qatar. Iran, hoping to expand its influence to the Red Sea , is also backing the Sudanese armed forces, supplying drones  and other weapons. And Turkey has sent  drones and missiles. The RSF, for its part, is supported by the  United Arab Emirates  as well as Libya, Chad, the Central African Republic and South Sudan. Hemedti has also been welcomed in Ethiopia , Uganda  and  Kenya . With such a combustible brew, the temptation might be to turn a blind eye. But this would be wrong — just as it was wrong for the United States half a century ago to ignore the atrocities  of Cambodia’s killing fields. Strong action does not have to mean direct intervention. The Trump administration could halt arms sales to the UAE and impose sanctions, until the country ends its military and financial support for Hemedti’s RSF. Other countries that seem to support the RSF should be warned. And the United States should appoint a special envoy to the region to kick-start diplomacy by leaning on Egypt, Saudi Arabia and other U.S. allies to bring their client to the negotiating table. President Donald Trump wants to be known as a peacemaker. Sudan might not be high on his priority list, but he should nevertheless pay attention. By helping to reach a peace agreement there, he could stop a genocide and end the world’s biggest humanitarian nightmare.   [The Post’s View | About the Editorial Board Editorials represent the views of The Post as an institution, as determined through discussion among members of the Editorial Board , based in the Opinions section and separate from the newsroom. Members of the Editorial Board:  Deputy Opinion Editors Mary Duenwald and Stephen Stromberg , as well as writers   Robert Gebelhoff , James Hohmann , Megan McArdle , Eduardo Porter  and Keith B. Richburg .] Copyright 2025 The Washington Post   Genocide Watch Comment: In July 2024, Genocide Watch, the Alliance Against Genocide, and the International Religious Freedom Roundtable proposed a UN Security Council Resolution that would re-establish the joint UN/African Union Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) with 10,000 troops. It would include 715 police authorized to arrest persons charged with war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide by the International Criminal Court. Because the UK "holds the pen" for Sudan resolutions in the Security Council, not a single member of the Council would introduce it, even though it was written by the award-winning former US State Department officer who wrote UNSC Resolutions on Africa when he was in the US Foreign Service, including the resolutions that created the Rwanda Tribunal. Even if the resolution was vetoed by Russia, it could be introduced in the UN General Assembly under the Uniting for Peace procedure, where it would call for "collective action" to send in an armed mission to stop the genocide in Sudan. Does the US or any other country have the will to do this? It wouldn't mean sending in the US Marines. The mission would be composed of African Union troops. Why is there so little imagination and political will to stop this genocide? This is Cambodia and Rwanda all over again. Is US indifference due to a failure to value the lives of Africans as highly as our own?

ARSF's Efforts to Stop Genocide and War Crimes Against Congolese Women By the Genocide Watch DR Congo, Rwanda, and Burundi Team May 2025 Members of ARSF. Credit: http://www.arsfemmerdc.org/ The eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) faces one of the deadliest humanitarian crises in the world. War in the DRC since 1996 has caused six million deaths , six times more than the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. Among the most effective NGOs working to support Congolese women is Actions Pour la Réinsertion Sociale de la Femme (ARSF) , a women-led grassroots organization dedicated to empowering women in DR Congo’s conflicts. ARSF is one of the newest members of the Alliance Against Genocide . This report is based on direct correspondence and interviews by Genocide Watch’s Democratic Republic of Congo Team. It highlights the vital work of ARSF to support and protect vulnerable women and girls amidst rampant rape and war. In an internal emergency alert to Genocide Watch, ARSF described the situation in the DRC as “catastrophic.” Since January 2025, over half a million people have been displaced in North and South Kivu, where ARSF is based. In 2025, tens of thousands of civilians have been killed and thousands of women and girls raped. Most internally displaced persons (IDPs) lack food , medical assistance , and safe shelter . CODECO (a Lendu militia), Mai Mai, Islamist Allied Democratic Forces (ADF), Congolese Army, and M23 all use rape as a weapon of war. Over one hundred murderous militias roam the jungles. The ISIS-linked, Uganda-based ADF has massacred thousands, including 70 Christians in a church in Lubero in February 2025 . The civil war has caused economic devastation. ARSF says the large UN Peacekeeping Mission (MONUSCO) has failed to stop the vicious militias. Now even MONUSCO is withdrawing. Civilians—particularly women— remain trapped in a hellscape of displacement, starvation, mass rape, murder, and total insecurity. In North and South Kivu, the Tutsi M23 militia, backed by Rwanda , has taken over Goma and Bukavu, the two largest cities. Women are routinely targeted by militias and Congolese soldiers for rape and sexual assault . Attacks since January 2025 have killed at least 7,000 people. Hospitals in Goma and Bukavu are overwhelmed . Crimes against humanity and genocide against Congolese Tutsis are motivated by the same anti-Tutsi ideology and ethnic hatred that drove the Genocide of the Tutsis in Rwanda. Congolese Tutsi cattle herders like the Banyamulenge and Hema are falsely portrayed as “invaders” who came from Rwanda or Ethiopia and took over the land of “indigenous” Congolese farmers in North and South Kivu. The civil war is driven by greed for control of mines that produce sixty percent of the world’s coltan, a key mineral for production of cellphones. M23 has taken control of many of the coltan mines. Most of the coltan is exported through Rwanda. The Gendered Impact of the Crisis: Women and Girls in the DRC ARSF’s work highlights the gendered vulnerability faced by women and girls in this civil war. Women are excluded from most paying jobs to support their families. Women are excluded from participation in political decisions concerning security and reconstruction. Psychological trauma inflicted on women by war and rape is severe. Survivors of gender-based violence (GBV) lack medical and psychosocial support. Male political authorities are often indifferent to the suffering of women. ARSF’s Initiatives: Empowering Women Amidst Crisis ARSF stresses the need for comprehensive efforts to address the needs of women and girls. ARSF has developed several programs to support and empower women in the DRC. ARSF provides livelihood programs that offer training in skills such as tailoring, soap-making, and embroidery to help women achieve financial independence. ARSF also works with investors to fund microcredit projects, giving displaced women access to small loans so they can start businesses and regain economic stability. ARSF has also launched civic and electoral education initiatives that encourage women to participate in political processes, particularly in rural areas where their voices are usually silenced or ignored. To strengthen women’s awareness and skills in advocacy, ARSF has established literacy and advocacy centers where women can gain education and better understand their rights. ARSF’s work focuses on peacebuilding. Through educational programs on conflict resolution and leadership, the organization aims to ensure that women are empowered to play an active role in shaping post-conflict recovery. Despite their frequent exclusion from formal leadership roles, women often play a crucial role in reconciliation after conflicts. Women’s involvement brings perspectives that prioritize the needs of the most vulnerable members of society – women, children, the disabled, and the elderly. Women’s voices make stronger, more caring communities. ARSF’s initiatives do not just respond to immediate humanitarian needs. They seek to challenge systemic inequalities that perpetuate the patriarchal culture of violence against women. Call to Action In ARSF’s most recent emergency alert, ARSF issued an urgent plea for international financial support. ARSF emphasized that the war in the DRC is at a critical turning point. ARSF stressed the need for greatly increased humanitarian assistance, particularly for displaced women and children. Stronger protections against gender- based violence are needed, including law enforcement to arrest perpetrators. Survivors need better financial support to rebuild their lives. ARSF highlights the importance of sustained funding for grassroots organizations. Local NGOs like ARSF are often the most effective at reaching impacted communities. But they usually struggle to raise money to support their programs. ARSF calls for rethinking international intervention, arguing that peacebuilding efforts should be led by local NGOs, not imposed by foreign organizations that may not adequately understand the needs of local communities. At Genocide Watch, we echo ARSF’s strong voice for local programs. Based on our latest emergency report , we categorize the DRC as being at Stage 7: Preparation, Stage 8: Persecution, and Stage 9: Extermination in the Ten Stages of Genocide . These are the strongest indicators that genocide and crimes against humanity are imminent or already underway. The time to act is now. Foreign governments, the UN, churches, and NGOs must recognize the gravity of the humanitarian crisis in the Democratic Republic of Congo. We must take decisive steps to protect civilians, prevent further genocide, and alleviate the human suffering in the DRC. Conclusion ARSF’s work demonstrates that even in the darkest moments of conflict, grassroots organizations play a crucial role in resisting oppression, supporting survivors, and rebuilding communities. ARSF is one of the most effective Congolese organizations engaged in community-based action. But ARSF’s vital work gets little attention. ARSF’s call to action is clear: women in the DRC must not be left to face this crisis alone. Instead of cutting off our foreign aid, retreating into our comfortable homes, and closing our ears to the cries of our sisters, we must raise our voices to the men in power in our own societies. We should respond to ARSF, and empower the women, survivors, and community leaders who are best positioned to lead the Democratic Republic of Congo toward a just and sustainable peace.

At the emergency relief item distribution, UNFPA staff introduces the content of the dignity kits and provides information on gender-based violence for earthquake- affected women and girls in Mandalay, Myanmar. © UNFPA Myanmar 30 April 2025 I Humanitarian Aid In the aftermath of the huge 7.7 magnitude earthquake that struck Myanmar on 28 March, life-saving aid efforts led by the UN are being hampered by damaged infrastructure, ongoing armed conflict and global aid funding cuts.      Thein Zaw Win, Communications and Advocacy Analyst in the Yangon Office of the UN sexual and reproductive health agency ( UNFPA ) saw the devastating consequences of the quake during a week-long visit to the Mandalay region, one of the regions most severely affected by the disaster. Thein Zaw Win, Communications and Advocacy Analy​st at UNFPA's Yangon Office, speaks with​ a woman impacted by the recent earthquake in Mandalay, Myanmar. © UNFPA Myanmar “I was in Yangon when the earthquake struck. In the aftermath, news reports gradually began indicating that many cities had suffered significant casualties. Buildings, roads, homes, schools, and hospitals were reduced to rubble and people were trapped beneath the debris. Communication systems were down, so I decided to travel to the affected areas and support the relief efforts. Women and girls needed lifesaving support, including sexual and reproductive health services and maternal care, dignity kits, hygiene items, and other essential supplies as soon as possible. Within 72 hours, the UNFPA country office had deployed a Rapid Response Team to deliver essential services to the affected population, working with partners on the ground. The journey from Yangon to Mandalay usually takes about eight hours, but we struggled to get through, due to damaged roads and collapsed bridges. We had to find alternate routes and, at times, even navigate through the rugged fields beside the main road. Now that the rainy season has started, the roads are even worse, and travelling has become increasingly difficult. It took us more than 10 hours to reach Mandalay. A woman affected by earthquake receives relief items including UNFPA's dignity kits during UN joint distribution in Sagaing, Myanmar. © UNFPA Myanmar In some areas of the city, debris blocked the roads. Tower blocks had collapsed and many areas had been reduced to complete rubble. Desperate families sought refuge in temporary shelters, on the streets, or in front of their damaged homes. Tremors continued for several days. Frequent power outages during the night mean that some affected areas were plunged into darkness, making it unsafe to go anywhere. Reaching those affected and delivering aid under these conditions remains a considerable challenge. My responsibility is to engage with communities affected by the disaster, and share their stories to a broader audience. It is also vital to raise awareness of the realities and needs on the ground so that we can secure support for emergency assistance. This is my mission. I met a woman in Mandalay who visited our mobile clinic. She had lived in the city all her life but had never seen such devastation. Everything collapsed in a matter of seconds. She was deeply worried about the damage to healthcare facilities, as well as her ability to access medical care. A woman in Mandalay, Myanmar, looks on at the devastation caused by the earthquake. © UNOCHA/Myaa Aung Thein Kyaw Amidst this crisis, the UNFPA team has provided services ranging from hygiene supplies, protection from gender-based violence, and mental health support for women and girls. They also support maternal and newborn care services. I saw for myself the unwavering resilience of humanitarian workers, and the way that UN agencies, civil society organizations, and NGOs work together. Myanmar was already suffering from political instability and now it has been further devastated by this destructive earthquake. It is extremely difficult to deliver aid to communities in Sagaing and Mandalay, where armed conflict is ongoing. In the present context, with monsoon conditions imminent, people are terrified of what this season may bring. The country is also experiencing the impact of the decline in global aid funding. UNFPA, like other UN agencies and humanitarian organizations, is dealing with constraints on resources, and we have issued an appeal for emergency assistance to support populations in critical need. The suffering of women and children affected by the earthquake is profoundly distressing, and we need all of our strength and resilience to help them. It is a heartbreaking experience to witness the despair in people’s eyes and to listen to their stories of loss, but we are trying to give them the dignity and hope they rightfully deserve in these difficult times.” © 2025 United Nations

Indian strategists call for 'Israel model' in Kashmir Middle East Eye April 25, 2025 By Shraddha Joshi Indian law enforcement and media is calling for the 'Israel model' in the 'world's most militarised zone'   Kashmiri Muslim mourners carry a Palestinian flag at a Muharram procession in Srinagar on 15 July 2024 (Tauseef Mustafa/AFP)   The comparison between India's  control over Kashmir and Israel's  occupation of Palestine has long been made by academics and activists.  Now, prominent Indian figures are invoking the connection themselves.  Following an attack on tourists in Indian-controlled Kashmir, there have been widespread calls  for an "Israel-like" retaliation by law enforcement, high-profile commentators, and members of the public. As the Indian response unfolds, experts warned to Middle East Eye that the implementation of the "Israel playbook" will create impunity around the state’s treatment of Kashmiris.  On Tuesday, gunmen opened fire on a group of tourists near central Pahalgam, killing at least 26 tourists, primarily from India. A little-known group called the Resistance Front, which was initially reported to have claimed it carried out the shootings, has since issued a statement  denying  involvement. The front is reportedly affiliated with the Pakistan-based Lashkar-e-Taiba group. While media footage and eyewitness accounts from the incident have captured the role of Kashmiri locals in protecting  tourists immediately after the attack, many members of the Indian public have called for a vengeful response against both Kashmiris and Muslims, referencing Israel's ongoing war on Gaza, in which over 51,000 Palestinians have been killed.  Professor Mohamad Junaid from the Massachusetts College of Liberal Arts, whose work focuses on state violence and activism in Kashmir, told MEE that the social media rhetoric being amplified by the "Hindu right-wing" is adopted from "anti-Muslim rhetoric from anti-Palestinian, anti-immigrant, and anti-minority discourses in the West". Many of these calls are coming from organisations and higher-profile journalists.  The Stop Hindu Hate Advocacy Network (SHHAN) - based in the US - called for the "[flattening] of Kashmir," comparing Indian-controlled Kashmir to Gaza.  Arnab Goswami drew widespread attention  for announcing on his show on the right-wing YouTube channel Republic World that: "22 of April is to India what 7 October was to the Israelis." A guest featured on the programme  added : "We demand we turn Pakistan into Gaza." Indian columnist Sanjay Dixit had a similar message for viewers of YouTube channel Jaipur Dialogues. [i] The rhetoric has not been limited to talk show hosts and X users and has been invoked in mainstream Indian media coverage and by members of law enforcement, cementing a parallel between the Indian and Israeli states.    Zee News, a prominent Indian news network, described the Israeli ambassador Reuven Azar's response as a statement from India's "closest friend, Israel". Former director general of police of Jammu and Kashmir S.P Vaid said  that "we must respond like Israel," as reported by Hindi newspaper Jagran.  Human rights groups have documented  the ways in which the Police of Jammu and Kashmir, run by India’s Ministry of Home Affairs, have led raids and interrogations against journalists, and maintained extrajudicial detentions of Kashmiris. Likewise, an opinion piece  in The Print by former Indian army general MM Naravane called on India to “borrow” from Israeli tactics. "It is time for India to bare its fangs and not fall prey to calls for restraint," he wrote.  Experts have widely described  Indian-controlled Kashmir as "the world’s most militarised zone". Many of these military personnel are trained  by Israel forces. An overview of the Israel model This is not the first time that the "Israel model" has been invoked in the context of Indian-controlled Kashmir.  In June 2024, Indian author Anand Ranganathan called  for an “Israel-like solution” for Kashmir, nearly a year into Israel’s war on Gaza.  Indian consul to New York City Sandeep Chakravorty made similar analogies  in 2019. Lawyer and author Suchitra Vijayan told MEE that the "invocation of 'Israel-style' tactics by Indian politicians, media, and internet users is not incidental". Rather, she added, "it reflects a strategic and ideological alignment between two ethnonationalist states - India and Israel - both of which have normalised prolonged military occupation, demographic engineering, and the criminalisation of dissent". Vijayan explained that this relationship is not just ideological, but extends to the “shared infrastructures of violence: surveillance, digital repression, population control, and policing regimes that are increasingly modelled on each other’s practices". India has long been the largest  purchaser of Israeli weapons, while Indian-made Hermes drones have been used  in Israel’s war on Gaza. Research also show that Israeli drones and surveillance technologies are deployed  in Kashmir. Human rights groups and academics have documented  the shared approaches of both countries military and police – such as punitive home demolitions, extrajudicial killings, and arbitrary detentions, employed by the Israeli state against Palestinians, and the Indian state against Kashmiris.  The use of these tactics  has escalated following the revocation of Kashmir’s special status in 2019, where the Indian government launched a major crackdown on dissent, targeting journalists and civil society.  According to Kashmiri academic  Hafsa Kanjwal, the Indian government's 2019 decision - which enables Indians to purchase land in Indian-controlled Kashmir – paves the way for similar "settler-colonial projects" in India and Israel, forcing "demographic change". Junaid said that by invoking the parallels between the two states, the Hindu right-wing aims to garner "the same kind of impunity to kill and destroy Muslim and Kashmiri lives that it believes Israel has". "They are feeding into the hate and dehumanisation of Palestinians and Kashmiris and using the power of the state to produce spectacles of domination," he added.  At the time of writing, Indian news source Maktoob Media has reported  the detention of at least 1500 Kashmiris, as well as incidents of Kashmiri students being violently targeted by Hindu nationalist mobs across India. "Israel's ability to act with impunity has created a global precedent, and India is watching, adopting, and adapting," Vijayan said.     Muslims fear potential 'Israel-like' retaliation after Kashmir attack   Read More: https://www.middleeasteye.net/trending/muslims-fear-potential-israel-like-retaliation-following-attacks-kashmir   How India is implementing the 'Israel model' in Kashmir Read More »   https://www.middleeasteye.net/opinion/india-implementing-israel-model-kashmir-how [i] Sanjay Dixit, The Jaipur Dialogues @JaipurDialogues Apr 22, 2025   “The Ultimate Solution to Kashmir Terrorism Problem is destruction of Pakistan While this might take time, Surgical Strikes and Missile Attacks on Border Areas inside Pakistan should be a Contineous Affair India needs to adopt the Israel Model to finish Pakistan once and for all Pakistan will keep sending terrorists and it will keep killing Innocent Hindus in India, while we just sit and watch the barbaric act Unfold again and again!”   Middle East Eye delivers independent and unrivalled coverage and analysis of the Middle East, North Africa and beyond. To learn more about republishing this content and the associated fees, please fill out this form . More about MEE can be found here .   Copyright 2025 Middle East Eye

Victims include minors; doctors group urges urgent international action By Adel Abdelrheem and Betul Yilmaz At least 31 Sudanese civilians were executed, including children, by the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) in Khartoum’s twin city of Omdurman, local medics said on Sunday. Minors were among the victims in Al-Salha area in the city, the Sudan Doctors Network said, calling the executions “the largest documented mass killing in the region.” The group said that the victims were accused by the paramilitary group of affiliation with the Sudanese army. Activists shared videos on social media showing individuals in RSF uniforms shooting at a group of people in the Al-Salha neighborhood. The network called the bloodshed by the RSF militants a “war crime and a crime against humanity.” It appealed to the international community to take urgent action to rescue the remaining civilians by opening safe routes to ensure their exit from the Al-Salha neighborhood. There was no immediate comment from the rebel group on the report. Since April 15, 2023, the RSF has been battling the Sudanese army forces for control of the country, resulting in thousands of deaths and one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises. More than 20,000 people have been killed so far, and 15 million others displaced, according to the UN and local authorities. Research from US scholars, however, estimates the death toll at around 130,000. Anadolu Ajansı © 2021

Image Source: Comboni Missionaries Ireland Tensions have escalated for Christians in Sélibaby, southern Mauritania, following the desecration of a grave during a violent protest on 7 April. A demonstration, fuelled by anti-Christian rhetoric on social media, turned violent when a mob exhumed the body of a recently deceased Christian man. The tombstone was destroyed, and the corpse dragged through the streets before being reburied in a village 12 miles away. Leading up to the protest, which had been authorised by the authorities, threats against Christians circulated widely online, with some calling for homes to be burned. The following day, incitement continued as Christians were labelled “infidels” and “apostates”, with calls for their complete social exclusion. Local Christian leaders report being shunned by extended family members, facing growing isolation and hostility. In response to the public outcry, regional authorities dismissed several senior security officials on 8 April following an internal investigation. This latest incident follows a wave of persecution. In late 2023, many church leaders and relatives were arrested, sparking national attention. Though released in early 2024, they continue to suffer harassment, violence and displacement. © Barnabas Aid 2025

Kurdish Distrust of Syria’s New Government Runs Deep The New York Times April 28, 2025 By Alissa J. Rubin Photographs by Daniel Berehulak The Kurdish-led force that runs northeast Syria has agreed to integrate into a new national army, but some of its supporters remain wary. Mourners grieving a family of farm laborers who were killed in what was believed to be a Turkish strike on their home in Kobani, Syria.Credit ... Daniel Berehulak When rebel forces took over Syria, they pledged  to unite the country’s disparate armed groups into a unified national army. The biggest challenge for them by far has been in northeastern Syria, an autonomous region run by the country’s Kurdish minority where suspicion of the new leadership runs deep. In past years, the rebels and the Kurds fought each other. But with the rebels now governing Syria, they are working to form an alliance and merge the powerful Kurdish-led military into the new national force. Interviews with dozens of people in the northeast in late March revealed that Kurdish distrust of the new government is rooted partly in the fact that the former rebels now in charge were once affiliated with Al Qaeda. Some Kurds are also wary because the new government is backed by Turkey, which has tried for years to undercut Kurdish power in Syria. “How can we trust this new government in Damascus?” asked Amina Mahmoud, 31, a Kurdish resident of the northeastern town of Kobani. Her skepticism is shared by other members of Syria’s diverse range of ethnic and religious minorities, who worry that the new government will not protect, include or represent them. Syrian Kurdish forces on patrol as Kurds gathered to celebrate Nowruz, the Persian new year, near the city of Qamishli.   Internally displaced families sheltering in a school controlled by the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces in Qamishli. The Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces, or S.D.F., agreed on March 10  to integrate its military and other institutions, including its prized oil and gas fields, under the central government’s control by year’s end. It was a major breakthrough for the new Syrian president, Ahmed al-Shara, in his efforts to unify a country still wrestling with violent turmoil . In the last month, the Kurds began to reduce their military presence in the major northeastern city of Aleppo and the two sides exchanged prisoners even as the rhetoric on both sides has become more confrontational, underscoring the long history of tensions. Initially, the merger deal had been applauded in the northeast — an area with a mixed population of Arabs and Kurds that is administered by a Kurdish-led regional government. The Kurds, who make up about 10 percent of Syria’s population, particularly welcomed a provision in the accord stipulating that they would have the same rights as other Syrians. But doubts quickly surfaced. Members of the regional government described the agreement as merely a first step. Important details have yet to be worked out, such as whether the S.D.F. will join the national military as a bloc or have a continuing role in securing the northeast. “Al-Shara and the new government want to control all of Syria,” said Badran Kurdi, a Kurdish political figure who took part in the merger negotiations with Mr. al-Shara. “And of course they are dreaming about controlling all of our areas. But it’s very difficult.”     A Sunday service at the Assyrian Armenian Church in Qamishli.   Kurdish flags were on display at a Nowruz celebration near Qamishl. Ali Ahmed, 55, a Kurd from the northeastern city of Hasakah who teaches chemistry, called Mr. al-Shara “a terrorist.” He spoke as his family enjoyed a picnic in the countryside to celebrate the spring festival of Nowruz, the Persian new year. “We know him,” he said. He was referring to the period from 2013 to 2016, when Mr. al-Shara led Al Qaeda’s Syrian affiliate, the Nusra Front. During those years, the Nusra Front fought  a number of battles against the S.D.F. over control of several northeastern towns. Mr. al-Shara now speaks of reconstruction and inclusion. As Mr. Ahmed looked across a haze of greening fields toward the Turkish border, barely 10 miles away, he said that Mr. al-Shara’s close ties with Turkey only added to his doubts. But not all Kurds see the deal as a negative. One senior member of the Kurdish political leadership, Salih Muslim, said that despite the distance between the two sides, he sees this as a historic opportunity for Kurds to gain recognition from the government. Inextricably woven into every conversation, however, were questions about whether the deal will stop Turkey’s attacks on Syrian Kurds. Video https://www.nytimes.com/2025/04/28/world/middleeast/kurds-syria-government.html?searchResultPosition=1 0:32 Celebrating Nowruz near Qamishli. Turkey links Kurdish fighters in Syria’s northeast to the Kurdish militants  inside Turkey who have been fighting the government for more than 40 years. For the past several years, Turkey has been launching air attacks on Syrian Kurdish-forces across the border and has also supported Syrian proxy forces against the Kurds. The Turkish military initially kept up some drone attacks and airstrikes even after Mr. al-Shara and the S.D.F. leader, Mazloum Abdi, signed the merger accord. But it has now suspended the attacks. One of the deadliest Turkish strikes since the accord hit a farming hamlet outside the Kurdish-majority town of Kobani in March. It killed a family of farm laborers — a couple and their eight children, the youngest 7 months old, according to Firas Qassim Lo, the farmer they were working for, and the Syrian Democratic Forces.   Children playing soccer near the grain silos in Hasakah in Kurdish-controlled northern Syria. Graffiti honoring Kurdish martyrs in Hasakah. Turkey denied killing the family and said in a statement that its operations “exclusively target terrorist organizations.” Turkey routinely refers to the S.D.F. as “terrorists.” There was no indication that anyone connected to the Kurdish-led force was in the family’s home when it was struck. A funeral for the family drew more than a thousand Kurds who lined a road leading to a small cemetery in Kobani. Each of the coffins, a photo of the deceased taped to the outside, was hoisted onto the shoulders of local men and carried to the burial ground. Mourners at the funeral of a family killed by a Turkish attack in Kobani.   Ms. Mahmoud, the Kurdish resident of Kobani, lives in an apartment overlooking the cemetery and watched with tears in her eyes. “Why does Erdogan do this to us? What have we done?” she said, referring to Turkey’s president, Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Shortly after the Kobani strike, Turkey largely suspended its attacks on the S.D.F., as did its Syrian proxy forces. Some Christians, who practice their faith openly in the northeast, sounded fearful of any agreement that would allow Mr. al-Shara’s military forces to deploy there. Their fears were heightened last month by violence directed primarily at another Syrian minority, the Alawites, in two northwestern provinces along the Mediterranean coast. The violence began when loyalists of the ousted dictator Bashar al-Assad attacked the new government’s forces. The soldiers responded, but so did thousands of others fighters, including foreign fighters and armed groups nominally   linked  to the new government. About 1,600 people were killed , most of them civilians from the Alawite minority, which the Assad family belongs to. Alis Marderos, 50, an Armenian Christian in the northeastern town of Qamishli, said that the Kurds needed to remain in charge of security. “If the Kurds did not exist here, we would have been beheaded,” she said after attending Sunday Mass at the Armenian Orthodox church. For years, the United States has given military,  financial and political support to the S.D.F. after deeming it the ground force most capable of defeating the Islamic State, the terrorist group that took over a large swath of Syrian territory during the civil war. U.S. troops have maintained a small presence in northeastern Syria for years but began this month to draw them down on orders from President Trump. After years of fighting, the S.D.F. managed to wrest back all the territory captured by the Islamic State. Mourners in Kobani with photographs of the people killed in the Turkish attack.   The funeral in Kobani. Some Arab residents of the northeast said they were pleased with the deal because it would bring the S.D.F. under the control of the central government, which they see as a needed check on Kurdish power. Arabs, who are the majority ethnic group in Syria, were divided, however, on the role they want the Kurdish-led forces to play in the future. Sheikh Hassan al Muslat al-Milhim, an Arab Syrian from Hasakah, said he resented the power of the S.D.F. in a region that has a large Arab population. The American support for the force made things worse, in his view, by augmenting its power. “We the Arabs, up until this moment, do not like having the Americans here,” said Mr. al-Milhim. He said he had appreciated Mr. al-Shara’s approach when he led the Nusra Front and was active in the northeast. “They respected us, they helped us,” Mr. al-Milhim said. “They were Islamist, but not radical.” But his view is not shared by all Arab Syrians. Mann Aldaneh, a tribal leader of several Bedouin Arab villages near the Turkish border, has warm relations with nearby Kurdish villages. He welcomed the agreement but said he did not trust the new central government in Damascus to guard prisons and camps in the northeast that hold thousands of Islamic State fighters  and some 40,000 of their family members. That sentiment has been echoed by security officials in neighboring Iraq and Europe as well. The city of Qamishli. Alissa J. Rubin  reports on stories across the Middle East, including ongoing conflicts and long-term problems such as climate change. She is based in Paris. Alissa J. Rubin spent two weeks in northeastern Syria recently speaking with members of the various religious and ethnic groups in the region. Daniel Berehulak  is a staff photographer for The Times based in Mexico City. A version of this article appears in print on April 29, 2025, Section A, Page 6 of the New York edition with the headline: Kurds’ Distrust Runs Deep For New Leaders of Syria.   Copyright 2025 The New York Times Company

A family sit beside their belongings after crossing into Afghanistan from Pakistan. © UNHCR/Oxygen Empire Media Production       Afghanistan’s escalating humanitarian crisis is being compounded by the mass return of its nationals from neighbouring countries, UN aid agencies warned on Tuesday. According to the UN refugee agency ( UNHCR ), over 250,000 Afghans returned in April alone – among them, 96,000 who were forcibly deported. The agency voiced particular alarm over the fate of women and girls, who face increasing repression under Taliban rule. The large-scale returns are putting even greater pressure on already stretched humanitarian resources and worsening the plight of millions struggling to survive. “They face increasing restrictions in terms of access to employment, education and freedom of movement,” said agency spokesperson Babar Baloch. “ We keep telling the governments of Iran and Pakistan that returns to Afghanistan must be voluntary, safe and dignified ,” he continued. Aside from women and girls, forcibly returned human rights activists and journalists as well as ethnic or religious minority groups are among those who face the biggest dangers back in Afghanistan. Massive needs These risks are further compounded by rising needs, where half the population relies on humanitarian assistance. Since 2023, more than 3.5 million people have returned to the country. Such high numbers of returnees only increase the risk of further internal displacement and attempts to reach Europe, Mr. Baloch noted. UNHCR is seeking $75 billion to assist returnees and help stabilize the region. Afghans represented the largest group of irregular arrivals from Asia Pacific to Europe in 2024, at more than four in 10. Additional funds will allow UNHCR in Afghanistan to provide returnees with urgent assistance including access to services, livelihoods, reintegration services, travel and financial assistance – “with emphasis on reaching women and girls,” Mr. Baloch explained. The agency also plans to address immediate protection needs and enhance reception capacity. Source URL: Hundreds of thousands of Afghans forced back into danger, says UNHCR © 2025 United Nations

People in Mandalay, Myanmar, remove debris following the earthquake in March 2025. © UNOCHA/Myaa Aung Thein Kyaw 29 April 2025 I Humanitarian Aid   Aftershocks continue to sow fear across Myanmar, where millions remain in desperate need of humanitarian aid a full month since a 7.7 magnitude earthquake killed more than 3,800 people and injured 5,100.  Aid agencies warned on Tuesday that more than 6.3 million people remain in urgent need of support in the worst-affected central areas around Mandalay. “ People [are] forced to sleep outside, safe water is scarce, health services are disrupted ,” said UN aid coordination office, OCHA , in an appeal for more support from the international community. The latest aftershock struck late on Sunday night and measured 4.4 on the Richter scale, said UN partner the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC). “ This is provoking widespread fear within a population already traumatised and also fear within the responders themselves ,” said Nadia Khoury, IFRC Head of Delegation in Myanmar, speaking from Yangon. Millions impacted While the attention of the international community has faded, dispossessed families still need help rebuilding their lives, said OCHA’s Christina Powell. “ The emergency for most is far from over – it is another crisis on top of the challenges already facing the people of Myanmar ,” said Ms. Powell. “People told me they are too afraid to go back into their homes, worried they could collapse at any moment with the ongoing aftershocks.” In badly affected areas including Mandalay and Bago in the south of the country, some communities already suffered unprecedented floods last September. The earthquakes brought another wave of devastation. Assessments indicate that the quakes damaged or destroyed 55,000 homes in the Central Asian nation, where civil war has raged since a military coup in February 2021. In Mandalay, OCHA reported that locals have continued to deliver food and household items to people still living on the roadside or in community shelters. But needs are widespread and include shelter, food, personal hygiene kits and even toilets, said OCHA’s Tin Aung Thein. “ These people are already vulnerable depending solely on their daily wages. For their recovery, international support is greatly needed .” Over the last month, IFRC has provided life-sustaining support – including safe drinking water, healthcare, tarpaulins for tents and items for women and children – to more than 110,000 people. The aid organization has also delivered 250 metric tons of aid and helped distribute over 220,000 litres of safe drinking water to Myanmar every day. Its $121 million appeal is only 15 per cent funded.   Right to live in dignity Ms. Powell of OCHA urged the international community to step up and support the population’s right to “live in safety and dignity”. “Additional and quick disbursement of resources and sustained access to all communities are vital to ensure that the situation does not deteriorate even further,” Ms. Powell insisted.  © 2025 United Nations

The UN human rights office also reported rampant sexual violence in the region, including against young boys and girls. Displaced people ride a an animal-drawn cart, following attacks by the rebel Rapid Support Forces on the Zamzam displacement camp, in the town of Tawila, North Darfur, Sudan April 15 [File: Reuters] More than 480 civilians have been killed in attacks in Sudan’s North Darfur region in two weeks this month, with some attacks ethnically motivated, according to the United Nations. The UN human rights office said on Friday that it had listed at least 481 civilians killed in North Darfur since April 10 and that “the actual number is likely much higher”. It also reported rampant sexual violence in the region, including against young boys and girls, calling the assaults “horrifying”. “The suffering of the Sudanese people is hard to imagine, harder to comprehend and simply impossible to accept,” said UN rights chief Volker Turk in the statement. North Darfur has become a key battleground in the war that erupted on April 15, 2023, between Sudan’s army, led by Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), headed by al-Burhan’s former deputy, Mohamed Hamdan Daglo. Tens of thousands have been killed in the war, which has triggered what the UN describes as the world’s worst humanitarian crisis. ‘Widespread reports of sexual violence’ One of the latest bloody assaults occurred in the Zamzam displacement camp between April 11-13. That attack killed at least 210 civilians, including nine medical professionals, according to the UN rights office. Turk described reports of “women, girls and boys being raped or gang-raped there or as they tried to escape”. t least 129 more civilians were killed between Sunday and Thursday this week in el-Fasher city, Um Kedada district and the Abu Shouk displacement camp, said the UN. Some of the latest attacks were “ethnically motivated”, with specific communities targeted, it added. “The rising number of civilian casualties and the widespread reports of sexual violence are horrifying,” said Turk. In addition, the UN said “dozens of people were reported to have died due to lack of food, water and medical care” in detention facilities run by the RSF or “while walking for days in harsh conditions in an attempt to flee violence”. ‘Dire conditions’ The fighting in North Darfur has displaced hundreds of thousands of civilians , many of whom had previously fled their homes during the conflict, according to the UN’s rights office. The displaced “face dire conditions amid continued restrictions on access to lifesaving humanitarian assistance,” it said. Despite the growing crisis, the UN’s World Food Programme (WFP) earlier on Friday warned it may be forced to scale back its food support within weeks due to funding shortages. Rations in areas at risk of famine have been reduced to 70 percent of a standard WFP ration (equal to 2,100 kcal per day), the organisation said. The aid response is also jeopardised by continued attacks targeting humanitarian workers and medical personnel, said Turk. “The systems to assist victims in many areas are on the verge of collapse,” he said, “medical workers are themselves under threat, and even water sources have been deliberately attacked.” The UN’s assessment comes a day after the UK’s Foreign Minister David Lammy warned violence in Darfur bears “the hallmarks of ethnic cleansing and may amount to crimes against humanity”. Lammy called on Sudan’s army and the RSF to “de-escalate urgently” and said the UK would continue to “use all tools available to us to hold those responsible for atrocities to account” SOURCE: AL JAZEERA AND NEWS AGENCIES