A fire rages in a livestock market in al-Fasher, the capital of Sudan's North Darfur state, on September 1, 2023, in the aftermath of a bombardment by the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) [AFP] By  Mat Nashed Published On 3 Feb 2025 Sudan’s army could lose the last major city it controls in the western region of Darfur within days to the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), according to analysts, local monitors and RSF sources. Observers fear this could lead to crimes against humanity by the RSF and a humanitarian catastrophe in el-Fasher, the capital of North Darfur state. Ali Musabel, an RSF adviser, told Al Jazeera: “The RSF will free el-Fasher … in about 10 days.” The RSF has launched drones, fired artillery and surrounded el-Fasher from the east and west since January 21, according to the Humanitarian Research Lab at Yale University, which relies on satellite imagery analysis. Al Jazeera spoke to four sources in North Darfur who corroborated those findings. “The RSF always attacks from the east [to distract the enemy], but then finishes them off from the west,” said Nathaniel Raymond, executive director of the Humanitarian Research Lab. Major push In April 2023, a power struggle between the RSF and the army erupted into civil war. Credible reports reveal the RSF carried out mass killing and systematic gang rape to capture South, East, Central and West Darfur by November 2023. Rights groups accuse both sides of committing atrocities. The RSF besieged el-Fasher after several previous antigovernment armed movements known as the Joint Forces sided with the army in April to protect the city against a potential RSF attack. Despite its military advantages against the Joint Forces, the RSF could not take el-Fasher as the rainy season stretched into October and flooded roads, impeding RSF vehicles from getting there, Raymond said. The RSF, which got bogged down in central and eastern Sudan as the army fought to recapture lost territory, is focusing on taking el-Fasher and cementing control over Darfur to make up for losses elsewhere, analysts and local monitors said. On January 25, the group killed at least 80 people in an attack on Borush village, about 170km (105 miles) east of el-Fasher, according to Darfur24, a local news source monitoring developments on the ground. Al Jazeera’s authentication agency, Sanad, verified a video uploaded by RSF fighters in which they can be seen counting the number of people killed in Borush. Every body was lying in a pool of blood in a trench and appeared to be in civilian clothes. “The civilians picked up weapons to try and protect their land. Most civilians in North Darfur have picked up some sort of weapons … to defend themselves from the RSF,” said Zakaria Mohamed, a local journalist. Musabel said those killed were legitimate targets because they were armed. “They mobilised with weapons to attack and threaten the RSF,” he said in a voice note. “They stole two of our cars, so we responded by killing the armed men.” Al Jazeera’s reporting, human rights groups, and United Nations experts have documented countless RSF attacks against defenceless civilians. They have often carried out summary executions and driven entire communities off their land. Fearing similar atrocities, communities across Sudan have picked up weapons in an attempt to protect themselves from the RSF. Finishing the genocide? Civilians in the Zamzam camp for displaced people are particularly at risk if el-Fasher falls, according to rights groups and analysts. The camp is about 15km (9.3 miles) south of the city’s centre and had a pre-war population of about 300,000 people. The mass displacement of the current war has swollen the population to more than half a million, many of whom are from “non-Arab” sedentary farming tribes. They fled what many experts describe as genocidal violence by state-backed “Arab” nomadic tribal militias, which started in 2003. At the time, the central government outsourced a brutal campaign to crush mostly non-Arab groups rebelling against the political and economic marginalisation of their people to these Arab militias. In 2013, those Arab tribal militias were repackaged as the RSF by then-President Omar al-Bashir and have since developed combat capabilities that far surpass “non-Arab” armed groups defending el-Fasher. They have already shelled  Zamzam camp multiple times. Noon al-Barmaki, a local journalist who has found refuge in Zamzam to avoid RSF shelling and drone strikes in el-Fasher, said all roads out of North Darfur from Zamzam are cut off by the RSF and everyone in the camp believes they will die if el-Fasher falls to the RSF. “The war … has [mostly] taken the shape of ‘Arab’ tribes vs ‘non-Arab’ tribes,” al-Barmaki said. “If the RSF captures and controls el-Fasher, then the largest [ethnic] mass killing in [our] history will unfold,” she warned. External backing Throughout the war, the RSF has been able to accumulate sophisticated weapons such as drones, antiaircraft missiles and artillery thanks to unimpeded supply lines from Chad, Libya and South Sudan. In comparison, the army-backed Joint Forces receive occasional airdrops of basic ammunition from the army. Members of the Rapid Support Forces, led by General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, secure the area where Dagalo attends a military-backed tribe’s rally in East Nile state on June 22, 2019 [Hussein Malla/AP Photo] UN experts, rights groups and even US lawmakers accuse the United Arab Emirates of supplying the RSF with cutting-edge munitions, including Norinco AH4 gun howitzers, a Chinese-made artillery weapon. The UAE’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs denied in an email to Al Jazeera that it has ever supported any warring party in the conflict. “The UAE’s primary focus in Sudan remains on addressing the catastrophic humanitarian crisis. We continue to call for an immediate ceasefire and a peaceful resolution to this man-made conflict. In this regard, the UAE has already made absolutely clear that it is not providing any support or supplies to either of the two belligerent warring parties in Sudan,” the statement said. At the end of 2024, US Senator Chris Van Hollen disclosed a letter from Brett McGurk, then-National Security Council coordinator for the Middle East and North Africa, that stated the US government had received assurances that the UAE is “not now transferring weapons to the RSF and will not do so going forward”. Despite McGurk’s assurances, Van Hollen and US Representative Sarah Jacobs said on January 24 that they still accuse the UAE of shipping weapons to the RSF. Raymond does too and said the UAE is playing a decisive role in helping the RSF capture el-Fasher, referring to recent allegations that it flies weapons into South Darfur. He believes the global community should do more to end the conflict and protect civilians. “The international community is missing in action,” Raymond said. “There should be green zones, no-fly zones and civilian protection forces. Those are the conversations we should have been having 18 months ago,” he told Al Jazeera. SOURCE: AL JAZEERA

By   Caleb Fotheringham 4 February 2025 President Prabowo Subianto greets people as he rides in a car after his inauguration in Jakarta, Indonesia, 20 October 2024. Photo: Asprilla Dwi Adha/Antara Foto Human Rights Watch has petitioned Indonesia's President to stop human rights abuses in West Papua. President Prabowo Subianto has just completed 100 days in the job. "We basically want President Prabowo to end the decades of racism, discrimination, intimidation, violence against indigenous Papuans," Human Rights Watch researcher Andreas Harsono said. "We want the Indonesian government to respect their rights, to respect their environment, because many of their lands, forests, waters are being polluted, are being destroyed." Harsono said "let's hope for the best" when asked if he thought the President would address human rights abuses in West Papua. He said Subianto should decriminalise the use of the morning star, which is considered a symbol of West Papua's struggle for independence. "It will immediately reduce so much tension in West Papua." The morning star was declared as a national flag in 1961, and every 1 December, the flag is raised by people across the world in support of West Papuans, but raising it is strictly barred by the Indonesian authorities. Harsono pointed to former President Abdurrahman Wahid who decriminalised the flying the morning star flag. Wahid is reported to have approved the use of the flag as a form of tribal identity, provided that the morning star flag was placed lower than the Indonesian flag. "Many Papuans told me that it was the most peaceful period in their history, just by decriminalising the morning star. "The morning star can be flown along with the Indonesian flag." Harsono said "narrow mindedness" could hold the President back from decriminalising the morning star flag symbol. "Many Indonesians see danger behind the morning star flag. Many Indonesians are paranoid about seeing the so called, 'separatist flag'." The organisation is also asking for the government to lift restrictions on international rights monitors and foreign journalists from visiting the region. As well as granting amnesty to Papuans involved in pro-independence movements. A Papuan man (right) in traditional clothing and face painted with the banned Morning Star flag stands next to a policeman during a demonstration demanding a referendum on independence in Yogyakarta on Dec. 1, 2023. Photo: AFP / Devi Rahman Indonesia assessing policies A spokesperson for Indonesia's embassy in Wellington said the Subianto government is "conducting some assessment regarding policies and its implementation for the region of Papua". They said this includes the morning star flag, visitation to Papua for foreign nationals and the amnesty proposal. The spokesperson said Indonesia is assessing the use of the morning star flag, "in regard to cultural symbol of Papuans and its use not as a symbol of sovereignty apart from Indonesia". "As for the visitation of foreign nationals, the main concern is the safety of the visit, and how to implement all the necessary security measures to avoid certain experiences that could renegades the actual points of such visits," they said. "Indonesia is currently working with the Regional Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to review their implementation procedures, and taking into account Indonesian military's vast experiences on peace-keeping missions and its contributions across the globe." They said the government was also in the process of assessing the amnesty process. © Copyright Radio New Zealand 2024

The International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), its member organisation Vietnam Committee on Human Rights (VCHR), Christian Solidarity Worldwide (CSW), and Global Witness lodged a complaint with the European Commission’s trade department, stating that Hanoi’s ongoing crackdown on human rights defenders working on sustainable development violates the EU-Vietnam Free Trade Agreement (EVFTA). By International Federation for Human Rights 4 February 2025 Nhac NGUYEN / AFP Brussels, Paris, 4 February 2025. In a complaint filed today to the European Commission’s Single Entry Point , FIDH, VCHR, CSW, and Global Witness outlined how the Vietnamese government’s systematic suppression of individuals and organisations working on sustainable development violates EVFTA, which came into force in August 2020. " The government of Vietnam is imprisoning individuals who express legitimate concerns on environmental protection, labour and land rights violations, and the socio-economic impacts of infrastructure and investment projects. This crackdown is unacceptable and also undermines effective monitoring of the EVFTA’s sustainable development clauses ", said Gaëlle Dusepulchre, Deputy Director of FIDH’s Business, Human Rights & Environment Desk. " Our organisations call for the immediate release of all those arbitrarily detained for their legitimate advocacy, and the creation of an enabling environment for civil society. Vietnam pledged to uphold these rights when it ratified the EVFTA, yet it has still not delivered on its promises. It is high time the EU held Vietnam accountable for these gross violations of the trade agreement. Vietnamese defenders must feel safe and free to demand accountability and stand up for the rights of their communities ", added Penelope Faulkner, VCHR’s President. A feature of modern EU trade agreements, trade and sustainable development chapters require partners to ratify and implement fundamental international labour rights and environmental conventions, and to commit to upholding civil society participation, freedom of association, and access to information. If EU member states or civil society representatives consider these commitments are being breached, they may lodge a complaint so that the European Commission can examine the allegations and consider appropriate action. Applicable measures could result in the suppression of certain economic benefits enjoyed by Vietnam under the EVFTA or the suspension of the Agreement as a whole. " The EU needs to be firmer in insisting that states uphold the commitments and obligations they have made in their trade arrangements with the EU – in the case of Vietnam, this includes those listed in the EVFTA’s Trade and Sustainable Development chapter. Pursuing adherence to these terms is in line with both the interests and the values of the EU, including human rights – at a time when these are gravely under threat ", said Jonathan de Leyser, CSW’s Senior EU Advocate. A full-on attack on labour, land, and environmental rights Over the past several years, the Vietnamese government has intensified violations of rights, clamping down on critical voices with the declared aim to silence all forms of peaceful dissent. As the complaint demonstrates, such repression is inconsistent with Vietnam’s commitments under international human rights law as well as the EVFTA. Since 2021, the government has broadened the range of offences used against human rights defenders. Alongside the use of vaguely worded " national security " provisions in the Penal Code, politically-motivated charges of " tax evasion " or disclosure of " classified information " have been used to detain prominent climate change leaders and labour reformers. The authorities have also adopted extensive legislation restricting the establishment and operations of civil society organisations, such as Decree 126 in 2024, and impeded the establishment of independent trade unions and a robust legal framework to protect workers’ rights. The organisations filing the complaint estimate that scores of defenders of environmental, land and labour rights are currently arbitrarily detained in Vietnam. The complaint documents around 40 emblematic cases of men and women serving prison sentences ranging from three-and-a-half to 20 years for their actions in favour of sustainable development. Several of these defenders face repercussions for their direct work on the EVFTA. In 2019, Vietnam arrested journalist Pham Chi Dung just two days after he sent a video message to the European Parliament calling for the postponement of the Agreement pending concrete progress on human rights. Before being sentenced to five years in prison in 2022, environmental lawyer Dang Dinh Bach was actively advocating for civil society participation in Vietnam’s Domestic Advisory Group, a body tasked with discussing and advising on the EVFTA’s implementation. " We strongly condemn the arrest and imprisonment of land and environmental defenders in Vietnam, which appears to be part of a concerning pattern of criminalisation designed to punish them for their environmental and human rights work. We call on the Vietnamese authorities to end all harassment and intimidation of these defenders and to release those still imprisoned immediately and unconditionally. The EU must ensure that it upholds the highest environmental and human rights standards in its dealings with global trading partners and take immediate action if they fail to do so ", said Beate Beller, Global Witness’s Campaigner. © 2025 - FIDH : INTERNATIONAL FEDERATION FOR HUMAN RIGHT

A Myanmar air force jet fighter. © Myanmar Now At least nine people were killed and 30 injured in a junta bombing raid on an internally displaced persons (IDP) in Kalay Township, Sagaing Region last Friday evening, according to initial accounts from local sources.  Two bombs fell on the IDP camp in the village of Koke Ko some 45 miles south of Kalay, in an area controlled by resistance forces.  Three of the nine people killed were not identifiable because their intact remains could not be recovered, according to members of the People’s Defence Organisation of Kalay Township.   “The bombs landed direct hits on the IDP camp,” said a local resident from Kalay Township who requested anonymity for security reasons. “It happened around 5:30pm. The compound is large, so displaced people had built shelters there.” Efforts are ongoing to gather detailed information about the people slain and injured in the airstrike.  A local man connected to the resistance forces said it was clear the air force had targeted the camp deliberately in the bombing, as there had been no recent battles in the area.   At around noon earlier the same day, the junta air force had also struck the Singu Township General Hospital in northern Mandalay Region. Singu has been under the control of anti-junta armed groups since last July.  The Mandalay Region People’s Defence Force (MDY-PDF) released a statement saying that the airstrike on Singu Township General Hospital had also been unprovoked, as there had been no recent clashes in the vicinity.  “Yesterday’s airstrike hit an unoccupied building, so there were no casualties. However, the buildings were severely damaged. They knew it was a hospital when they conducted the strike,” said Osmond, a MDY-PDF spokesperson. The junta has been carrying out a relentless campaign of airstrikes for months, apparently hitting schools, monasteries, hospitals, and other civilian targets on purpose. The airstrikes killed dozens of civilians, including children, in January. Copyright © 2025 Myanmar NOW. All rights reserved.

Genocide Watch Country Report: Ethiopia 2025 By Grace Harris With 132 million people , Ethiopia is Africa’s second most populous nation, after Nigeria. Ethiopia was ruled by Emperor Haili Selassie from 1930 to 1975. He was murdered by the Soviet backed Marxist-Leninist Derg, led by Mengistu Haile-Mariam, which conducted the “Red Terror” genocide that killed over 100,000 Ethiopians. Derg displacements for Soviet-style forced collectivization caused the 1984 – 1985 famine in which 400,000 perished. In 1991, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) ousted the Derg and formed the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front, a coalition led by the TPLF. The Tigrayan military committed genocides against the Anuak of Gambella, Somalis of the Ogaden, Amhara, Oromo, and several other ethnic groups. Abiy Ahmed, Prime Minister of Ethiopia ...credit Li Yong in Wikimedia Commons Abiy Ahmed, an Oromo Christian with a Muslim father, took power in 2018. He won the Nobel Peace Prize for resolving the Ethiopia-Eritrea war. Postponed elections in 2020 resulted in TPLF attacks on Ethiopian military bases in Tigray and the attempted secession of the Tigray region. Ethiopia and its new ally Eritrea invaded Tigray  on November 4, 2020, beginning two years of genocide and war. An estimated 600,000 people  died during the war. In 2023, the humanitarian crisis worsened, after suspension of World Food Program and USAID food aid due to widespread food theft. In November 2022 peace negotiations  reached an agreement to cease hostilities. But Eritrean forces have never left Tigray. Eritrean forces still commit atrocities against civilians . Rape and sexual violence  have terrorized Tigrayan women. Ethiopian forces have also committed genocide and crimes against humanity against thousands of Tigrayan and Amhara civilians. In 2023, 1,351 civilians  were killed by government forces and ethnic militias in the Amhara and Oromo regions. During its war against Amhara Fano militia, Ethiopian forces have attacked schools and hospitals, doctors and medical workers . The Amhara Fano militias have also committed war crimes. Thousands of Amhara are imprisoned by the Ethiopian government without charges. In 1994, 73 top Derg leaders, including Mengistu, were charged with genocide . 21 were tried in absentia.  Though Mengistu was convicted of genocide and sentenced to life in prison, he fled to Zimbabwe,  where he has retired in comfort. There have been no trials for Ethiopian and Eritrean atrocities committed in Tigray, or for massacres of Amhara civilians. Neither Ethiopia nor Eritrea are states-parties to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. A 2024 New Lines Institute report  details evidence that in the Ethiopia-Tigray war, Ethiopia committed genocide against Tigrayans. It calls for a case to be brought against Ethiopia in the International Court of Justice. Ethiopia is a State-Party to the Genocide Convention. Eritrea is not. No ICJ case has been brought for genocide committed by Ethiopia in Tigray. Ethiopia’s Constitution divides it into ethnic regions, each with its own militia. A majority ethnic group dominates each region. The population is 34.5% Oromo , 26.9% Amhara , 6.2% Somali , 6.1% Tigrayan , 4.0% Sidama , and 22.3% in 75 other ethnicities. 43.8% of Ethiopians are Ethiopian Orthodox Christians, 22.8% Protestants (including Pentecostals and , and 31.3% Muslims. Map of regions and zones of Ethiopia ...Credit: File:Ethiopia adm location map.svg: User:NordNordWest Derivative work: User:SUM1 , CC BY-SA 4.0 , via Wikimedia Commons Ethiopia’s problems are rooted in its ethnic divisions. The Ethiopian constitution is confederal, not truly federal. It grants regions the right to secede from Ethiopia. As the USA learned from its civil war that cost 600,000 lives, the right of regional secession coupled with regional armies, and deep ethnic and economic divisions are prescriptions for civil war. Genocide Watch considers Ethiopia to be at Stage 6: Polarization ; Stage 8: Persecution ; Stage 9: Extermination , and Stage 10: Denial.   Genocide Watch recommends: States-parties should charge Ethiopia with violation of the Genocide Convention in the International Court of Justice for genocide in Tigray. Eritrea should immediately withdraw all its military troops from Ethiopia. The UN Human Rights Council should appoint a Fact-Finding Mission to investigate civilian massacres, attacks on medical workers, and sexual violence committed by the Ethiopian and Eritrean armies and regional militias. The UN and African Union should host peace talks between the Ethiopian government and ethnic militia groups. The UNHCR should be provided with additional security personnel to guard its refugee camps.

Trump to deport refugees to Maduro’s repressive Venezuela The Washington Post February 1, 2025 By Peter Jamison and Samantha Schmidt An agreement with the government of Nicolás Maduro will allow the deportation of hundreds of thousands back to the authoritarian socialist regime many have fled. Endrina, 32, a migrant from Venezuela, holds her 4-year-old son Keylor, as migrants endure a wind and dust storm while searching for an entry point into the United States past a fortified razor wire laden fence in El Paso on March 24, 2024. (Adrees Latif/Reuters) The government of Nicolás Maduro will accept Venezuelans deported by the United States, President Donald Trump said Saturday, clearing the way for hundreds of thousands of immigrants who currently enjoy protected status in the United States to be sent back to the authoritarian socialist regime that many have fled. “Venezuela has agreed to receive, back into their Country, all Venezuela illegal aliens who were encamped in the U.S., including gang members of Tren de Aragua,” Trump wrote Saturday morning on Truth Social. “Venezuela has further agreed to supply the transportation back.” The details of the arrangement, including the logistics of Venezuela’s offer of transportation, were not immediately disclosed. Human rights advocates and Venezuelan opposition politicians have warned against repatriating the citizens of a country that under Maduro has been an economically failing, politically repressive pariah state. Handout picture released by Venezuela's Presidency shows Venezuela's president Nicolás Maduro (R) shaking hands with U.S. President Donald Trump's special envoy Richard Grenell at Miraflores presidential palace in Caracas on Friday. (Zurimac Camposprensa Presidencial Venezuela/AFP/Getty Images) Trump’s announcement came a day after his special missions envoy met with Maduro in Caracas. Richard Grenell returned from the visit with six Americans who had been detained in the aftermath of Venezuela’s July presidential election. U.S. officials and others have said Maduro lost the election; a Washington Post analysis of voting receipts showed that opposition challenger Edmundo González probably won by a 2-1 margin. While the Trump administration cast the Americans’ return as a diplomatic victory, critics of Maduro said the unusual decision to honor the Venezuelan president with a visit in Caracas by a senior U.S. official would only help legitimize his regime. The United States has recognized González as Venezuela’s president-elect, but the opposition candidate has fled the country under threat of arrest and is now trying to build support from exile. A deportation deal with Maduro, he told The Washington Post last month, would allow the autocrat to “use returning Venezuelans to his political advantage.” Venezuela's president-elect Edmundo González Urrutia, who is recognized by the U.S. as the winner of last year's presidential election, poses for a portrait at the Westin Hotel in Georgetown in Washington D.C., Jan. 24, 2025. (Louie Palu/Agence VU/for The Washington Post) Mauricio Claver Carone, the State Department’s special envoy for Latin America, said Friday that there would be no deal. “This is not a negotiation,” he told reporters. “The Venezuelan criminals of Tren de Agua and other groups have to be deported and Venezuela has to accept them. It is their responsibility … it is not negotiable. … And if they don’t comply with these requirements, obviously, as President Trump himself has said, there will be major consequences.” But Maduro has already gained from the exchange. His government celebrated Grenell’s visit, sharing images of the men shaking hands and declaring a “new beginning in bilateral relations.” The sides discussed migration, the “negative impact of economic sanctions against Venezuela, U.S. citizens involved in criminal offenses within Venezuelan territory, and the integrity of Venezuela’s political system,” the government said in a statement. Homeland Security Secretary Kristi L. Noem this past week rescinded an 18-month extension of temporary protected status of about 600,000 Venezuelans in the United States. It had been granted by her predecessor, Alejandro Mayorkas. Noem was expected to decide Saturday what to do with a large group of those migrants whose legal status is now set to expire in April. Copyright 2025 The Washington Post

By Pacific Media Watch 31 January 2025 The Frontier War documentary . . . "poisoning" of children by Indonesian bombings alleged in new film. Image: Frontier War screenshot APR A West Papuan advocacy group is calling for an urgent international inquiry into allegations that Indonesian security forces have used the chemical weapon white phosphorus against West Papuans for a second time. The allegations were made in the new documentary, Frontier War , by Paradise Broadcasting. In the film, West Papuan civilians give testimony about a number of children dying from sickness in the months folllowing the 2021 Kiwirok attack. They say that “poisoning . . . occurred due to the bombings”, that “they throw the bomb and . . . chemicals come through the mouth”, said United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) interim president Benny Wenda. They add that this was “the first time they’re throwing people up are not dying, but between one month later or two months later”, he said in a statement. Bombings produced big “clouds of dust” and infants suffering the effects could not stop coughing up blood. White phosphorus is an evil weapon, even when used against combatants. It burns through skin and flesh and causes heart and liver failure,” said Wenda. ‘Crimes against defenceless civilians’ “But Indonesia is committing these crimes against humanity against defenceless civilians, elders, women and children. “Thousands of Papuans in the border region were forced from their villages by these attacks, adding to the over 85,000 who are still internally displaced by militarisation.” Indonesia previously used white phosphorus in Nduga in December 2018. Journalists uncovered that victims were suffering deep burns down to the bone, typical with that weapon, as well as photographing yellow tipped bombs which military sources confirmed “appear to be incendiary or white phosphorus”. The same yellow-tipped explosives were discovered in Kiwirok, and the fins from the recovered munitions are consistent with white phosphorus. “As usual, Indonesia lied about using white phosphorus in Nduga,” said Wenda. “They have also lied about even the existence of the Kiwirok attack — an operation that led to the deaths of over 300 men, women, and children. “They lie, lie, lie.” Proof needed after ‘opening up’ Wenda said the movement would not be able to obtain proof of these attacks — “of the atrocities being perpetrated daily against my people” — until Indonesia opened West Papua to the “eyes of the world”. “West Papua is a prison island: no journalists, NGOs, or aid organisations are allowed to operate there. Even the UN is totally banned,” Wenda said. Indonesia’s entire strategy in West Papua is secrecy. Their crimes have been hidden from the world for decades, through a combination of internet blackouts, repression of domestic journalists, and refusal of access to international media.” Wenda said Indonesia must urgently facilitate the long-delayed UN Human Rights visit to West Papua, and allow journalists and NGOs to operate there without fear of imprisonment or repression. “The MSG [Melanesian Spearhead Group], PIF [Pacific Islands Forum] and the OACPS [Organisation of African, Caribbean and Pacific States] must again increase the pressure on Indonesia to allow a UN visit,” he said.“The fake amnesty proposed by [President] Prabowo Subianto is contradictory as it does not also include a UN visit. Even if 10, 20 activists are released, our right to political expression is totally banned.” Wenda said that Indonesia must ultimately “open their eyes” to the only long-term solution in West Papua — self-determination through an independence referendum. Scenes from the Paradise Broadcasting documentary Frontier War. Images: Screenshots APR © Site Copyright 2021 - AsiaPacificReport.nz

By Victor Mambor and Tria Dianti 2 February 2025 West Papua independence activists . . . critics argue that Jakarta’s heavy-handed approach, including the deployment of thousands of troops, has only deepened resentment. Image: War On West Papua The Indonesian government’s proposal to grant amnesty to pro-independence rebels in West Papua has stirred scepticism as the administration of new President Prabowo Subianto seeks to deal with the country’s most protracted armed conflict. Without broader dialogue and accountability, critics argue, the initiative could fail to resolve the decades-long unrest in the resource-rich region. Yusril Ihza Mahendra, coordinating Minister for Law, Human Rights, Immigration and Corrections, announced the amnesty proposal last week. On January 21, he met with a British government delegation and discussed human rights issues and the West Papua conflict. “Essentially, President Prabowo has agreed to grant amnesty . . .  to those involved in the Papua conflict,” Yusril told reporters last week. On Thursday, he told BenarNews that the proposal was being studied and reviewed. “It should be viewed within a broader perspective as part of efforts to resolve the conflict in Papua by prioritising law and human rights,” Yusril said. ‘Willing to die for this cause’ Sebby Sambom , a spokesman for the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB) rebels, dismissed the proposal as insufficient. “The issue isn’t about granting amnesty and expecting the conflict to end,” Sambom told BenarNews. “Those fighting in the forests have chosen to abandon normal lives to fight for Papua’s independence. “They are willing to die for this cause.” Despite the government offer, those still engaged in guerrilla warfare would not stop, Sambon said. Papua, Indonesia’s easternmost region that makes up the western half of New Guinea island, has been a flashpoint of tension since its controversial incorporation into the archipelago nation in 1969. Papua, referred to as “West Papua” by Pacific academics and advocates, is home to a distinct Melanesian culture and vast natural resources and has seen a low-level indpendence insurgency in the years since. The Indonesian government has consistently rejected calls for Papua’s independence. The region is home to the Grasberg mine, one of the world’s largest gold and copper reserves, and its forests are a critical part of Indonesia’s climate commitments. Papua among poorest regions Even with its abundant resources, Papua remains one of Indonesia’s poorest regions with high rates of poverty, illiteracy and infant mortality. Critics argue that Jakarta’s heavy-handed approach, including the deployment of thousands of troops, has only deepened resentment. Yusril, the minister, said the new proposal was separate from a plan announced in November 2024 to grant amnesty to 44,000 convicts, and noted that the amnesty would be granted only to those who pledged loyalty to the Indonesian state. He added that the government was finalising the details of the amnesty scheme, which would require approval from the House of Representatives (DPR). Prabowo’s amnesty proposal follows a similar, albeit smaller, move by his predecessor, Joko “Jokowi” Widodo, who granted clemency to several Papuan political prisoners in 2015. While Jokowi’s gesture was initially seen as a step toward reconciliation, it did little to quell violence. Armed clashes between Indonesian security forces and pro-independence fighters have intensified in recent years, with civilians often caught in the crossfire. Cahyo Pamungkas, a Papua researcher at the National Research and Innovation Agency (BRIN), argued that amnesty, without prior dialogue and mutual agreements, would be ineffective. “In almost every country, amnesty is given to resistance groups or government opposition groups only after a peace agreement is reached to end armed conflict,” he told BenarNews. No unilateral declaration Yan Warinussy, a human rights lawyer in Papua, agreed. “Amnesty, abolition or clemency should not be declared unilaterally by one side without a multi-party understanding from the start,” he told BenarNews. Warinussy warned that without such an approach, the prospect of a Papua peace dialogue could remain an unfulfilled promise and the conflict could escalate. Usman Hamid, director of Amnesty International Indonesia , said that while amnesty was a constitutional legal instrument, it should not apply to those who have committed serious human rights violations. “The government must ensure that perpetrators of gross human rights violations in Papua and elsewhere are prosecuted through fair and transparent legal mechanisms,” he said. Papuans Behind Bars , a website tracking political prisoners in Papua, reported 531 political arrests in 2023, with 96 political prisoners still detained by the end of the year. Only 11 linked to armed struggle Most were affiliated with non-armed groups such as the West Papua National Committee (KNPB) and the Papua People’s Petition (PRP), while only 11 were linked to the armed West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB). The website did not list 2024 figures. Anum Siregar, a lawyer who has represented Papuan political prisoners, said that the amnesty proposal has sparked interest. “Some of those detained outside Papua are requesting to be transferred to prisons in Papua,” she said. Meanwhile, Agus Kossay , leader of the National Committee for West Papua, which campaigns for a referendum on self-determination, said Papuans would not compromise on “their God-given right to determine their own destiny”. In September 2019, Kossay was arrested for orchestrating a riot and was sentenced to 11 months in jail. More recently, in 2023, he was arrested in connection with an internal dispute within the KNPB and was released in September 2024 after serving a sentence for incitement. “The right to self-determination is non-negotiable and cannot be challenged by anyone. As long as it remains unfulfilled, we will continue to speak out,” Kossay told BenarNews. © Site Copyright 2021 - AsiaPacificReport.nz

REUTERS/Tiksa Negeri By Amnesty International As today marks four months since the launch of a state-led campaign of mass arbitrary detention of thousands of people in Ethiopia’s Amhara region in September 2024, Amnesty International’s Regional Director for East and Southern Africa, Tigere Chagutah, said: “The international silence over the mass and arbitrary detention of thousands of people in Amhara region is beyond shameful. Ethiopia’s development partners, as well as African and global human rights bodies, must use their influence to publicly call for the release of all arbitrarily detained people. The world must stop turning a blind eye to Ethiopia’s human rights crisis as the Ethiopian government continues to trample on the rule of law.  “Keeping thousands of people locked up for months without charge or trial is a travesty of justice and a blatant human rights violation. Not only are thousands of people behind bars without any legal basis, but the Ethiopian authorities have also continued to arbitrarily arrest people in the Amhara region. Authorities must immediately release everyone who is being arbitrarily held or charge them with internationally recognized crimes.  “International pressure on Ethiopia is essential as authorities continue to crush civic space, including suspending four prominent human rights organizations, one of which is 32 years old.” Background On 28 September 2024 , Ethiopia’s army and Amhara regional security forces arbitrarily rounded up thousands of people across Amhara region and brought them to four mass detention centres. Members of the judiciary, including judges, as well as prosecutors and academics were among the people targeted.  The arrests took place amid fighting between Ethiopia’s military and Amhara armed groups, which continues.  Four judiciary workers were released in October 2024. In January 2025, authorities released hundreds of people, including three judges, women, elderly people and people suffering chronic health issues. Thousands remain arbitrarily detained.  © 2024 Amnesty International

February 1, 2025   United Nations Security Council 405 East 42nd Street New York, NY 10017 Re: Urgent Appeal for Stronger Action in Sudan & Addressing Gaps in UNSC Resolution 2736 Dear Members of the UN Security Council: We, the undersigned, are a group of individuals and organizations that advocate for human rights and religious freedom around the world. We represent diverse religious and ethnic backgrounds but are united in our goal of promoting freedom of religion and human rights for all. We are writing to you to express our concern regarding the deteriorating situation that is currently unfolding in Sudan. We appreciate the passing of UN Security Council Resolution 2736  on June 13, 2024. The resolution addresses some of the concerns that we have about Sudan. The ending of the siege of El Fasher by the Rapid Support Forces, protection of civilians, and opening of humanitarian corridors so people can leave El Fasher are key elements in the resolution. However, we have significant concerns about what the resolution failed to address. Regarding the resolution’s call for lifting of the siege of El Fasher by the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), we have two questions.   First, what is the deadline for lifting the RSF siege? UNSC Res. 2736 contains no specific deadline for when this siege should be lifted. How much time does the RSF have to lift this siege? Respectfully, we urge the Security Council to set a deadline for the RSF to lift its siege of the beleaguered city.   Second, where is the enforcement mechanism to enforce the lifting of the siege? Resolution 2736 did not authorize any enforcement by the United Nations or African Union if the RSF refuses or fails to lift its siege.   We also have two other concerns. The resolution failed to address the brazen flouting of the arms embargo currently in force for Darfur. The arms embargo should be extended to all of Sudan. The Security Council should call for sanctions on UN members that violate the embargo.   The resolution also fails to call for accountability by both the RSF led by General Hamdan and the Sudanese Armed Forces led by General Burhan. The war crimes and crimes against humanity against the civilian population by both forces should be tried in the International Criminal Court, the courts of Sudan, and courts with universal jurisdiction around the world. Human Rights Watch  has called for the African Union to work with the United Nations to deploy a Civilian Protection Mission to Sudan. Genocide Watch  has called for such a UN/AU peacekeeping mission since July 2023.   We, the undersigned, agree with these proposals made to the UN Security Council and the AU Peace and Justice Council. We encourage you to authorize, mandate, and fund these proposals for a strong UN and AU peacekeeping mission in Sudan.   We ask that a new UN Security Council Resolution be drafted, debated, passed, and implemented in time to save the lives of the hundreds of thousands of people now trapped by the civil war in Sudan.   Attached to this letter is a Draft UN Security Council Resolution on Sudan that we hope the United Nations Security Council will introduce and adopt.   We thank you for your consideration in this critical situation.   Respectfully,   ORGANIZATIONS Genocide Watch Africa Working Group IRF Roundtable Coalition for Genocide Response Law and Liberty Trust NEVER AGAIN Association Karwan e Mohabbat (Caravan of Love), India Doctors Against Genocide Waging Peace No Business With Genocide Jubilee Campaign World Without Genocide FIACONA Syrian Network for Human Rights (SNHR) International Association of People's Lawyers (IAPL) Monitoring Committee on Attacks on Lawyers Crane Center for Mass Atrocity Prevention Nadia's Initiative Institute on the Holocaust and Genocide, Jerusalem  Council for Global Cooperation (CGC) International Committee on Nigeria Working Group Recognition - Against Genocide, for International Understanding The Regional Centre for Training and Development of Civil Society (RCDCS) Genocide.krd Voice of Ezidis UK Freedom of Religion or Belief Forum Isaaq Genocide Foundation Leah Foundation Advocates For Faith and Justice in Vietnam (AFJV) Coordination des Associations et des Particuliers pour la Liberté de Conscience Ariel University Center for the Research and Study of Genocide Montagnards stand for Justice (MSFJ) Parity Prayer Pioneers Papillon Academy Journal of Social Encounters Council of Nations and States (CNS) Pax Christi New York State Shai Fund American Sikh Council Friends Thien Am Zen Monastery Stichting Stabij   INDIVIDUALS Gregory H Stanton, Founding President, Genocide Watch Chair, Alliance Against Genocide Ewelina U Ochab, Co-Founder, Coalition for Genocide Response Co-Chair, Genocide Working Group Areeka Khan, Sudan Task Force Leader, Genocide Watch Scott Morgan, Co-Chair, Africa Working Group IRF Roundtable Rebecca Tinsley, Founder, Waging Peace Lauren Homer, President, Law and Liberty Trust Ellen J. Kennedy, Executive Director, World Without Genocide Israel Charny, Director, Institute on the Holocaust and Genocide, Jerusalem Samuel Totten, Professor Emeritus, University of Arkansas, Fayetteville Robert Melson, Professor Emeritus, Purdue University Rafal Pankowski, Co-Founder, NEVER AGAIN Association Eyal Mayroz, University of Sydney Abid Shamdeen, Co-Founder, Nadia's Initiative Hala AlKarib, Regional Director, The Strategic initiative for Women in the Horn of Africa (SIHA) Harsh Mander, Karwan e Mohabbat (Caravan of Love), India Stuart Russell, Co-Chair, International Association of People's Lawyers (IAPL) Nidal Jboor, Co-Founder, Doctors Against Genocide Saeed A Elmi, Chief Executive, Isaaq Genocide Foundation Kyle D Abts, Executive Director, International Committee on Nigeria Hilly Moodrick- Even Khen, Ariel University Center for the Research and Study of Genocide Lorna Waddington, University of Leeds Hannah Garry, Executive Director, UCLA Law, The Promise Institute for Human Rights Sonja Miley, Co-Executive Director, Waging Peace Thierry Valle, President, Coordination des Associations et des Particuliers pour la Liberté de Conscience Rev. Dr. Marian Edmonds-Allen, Executive Director, Parity Minh Le, Advocates for Faith and Justice in Vietnam (AFJV) Soumava Basu, President & Founder, Council for Global Cooperation (CGC) Gloria Samdi Puldu, President, Leah Foundation Farhad Shamo Roto, Founder & President, Voice of Ezidis Y Phic Hdok, Co-Founder, Montagnards stand for Justice (MSFJ) Jeanine Ntihirageza, Professor & Director, Center for Genocide and Human Rights Research in Africa and the Diaspora, Northeastern Illinois University Tessa Hofmann, Chairperson, Working Group Recognition - Against Genocide, for International Understanding Abdul Mutaal Girshab, Director General & Human Rights Expert, The Regional Centre for Training and Development of Civil Society (RCDCS) David Livingstone Smith, Professor of Philosophy, University of New England Kamal Fahmi, Founder, Set My People Free (SMPF) Emily Mullin, Legal Staff, Genocide Watch Susan Taylor, Congressional Working Group, International Religious Freedom Roundtable Bhaswati Bhattacharjee, Research Staff, Genocide Watch Wayne Guang-Yong Liang, Podcast & Advocacy Staff, Genocide Watch Gabrijela Papec, Legal Staff, Genocide Watch Ronald Pagnucco, Coordinating Editor, Journal of Social Encounters Ashley Makar Raziya Masumi, Legal Advisor, Genocide Watch Daniel R. Neuspiel, Professor Emeritus of Pediatrics, Atrium Health Joachim Savelsberg, Professor of Sociology and Law & Arsham and Charlotte Ohanessian Chair, University of Minnesota Stacey M. Mitchell, Associate Professor of Political Science, Georgia State University's Perimeter College Luciana Minassian, Assistant Professor, School of Law, University of Buenos Aires Gillian Dare, Stakeholder, UK Freedom of Religion or Belief Forum Y Bhim Nie, Dega People Activist & Independent Scholar, Council of Nations and States (CNS) Sarah Kharikian, Teacher, School District 42 Terry Nickelson Esther Brito Ruiz, American University Watchara Intrasombat, Jagiellonian University Shakhawan Shorash, Writer, Kurdistan without Genocide Melisa Mujkanovic, Lecturer, De Montford University Abdulrahman K. Darwesh, Assistant Professor, Genocide.krd Amy Hudnall, Director, Center for Judaic, Holocaust and Peace Studies, Appalachian State University Jessica Kejun Xu, Administrative & Marketing Officer, Intertwine Edith P. Newman, Board Member, Pax Christi Metro New York Jared Boyce, Student Meghan Mallya, Medical Student, UTMB Nicholas Wilson, Student, Morehouse School of Medicine Antonella Giordano, Educator’s Institute for Human Rights Alfyn Steere Glenn Henry TImmermans, Associate Professor, University of Macau Kirk C Allison, Program in Health Humanities Faculty, College of Saint Scholastica Pragya Singh, Research Scholar Sabana Sultana, Language Teacher, WBBMSC Miraaal Khani, Student, CAKF Sahina Akhtar, Assistant Professor of English, Domkal Girls' College Amita Hembram, Student D Barman Christopher Harrison, Instructor, Social Justice & Human Rights, Arizona State University Dimple Dubey, Faculty, Dr. Harisingh Gour Central University, Madya Pradesh, India Sukriti Sinha Mohammad Emdadul Haque Rachel Castro Charmaine Hedding, President, Shai Fund Ashuriena Abraham, Assyrian Activist Karmella Borashan, Special Assistant to the President, Susek Evangelistic Association Dr. Uma Ray Srinivasan, Teacher, Victoria Institution (College) Lea Trigonis, Student Tanya Nguyen-Do, Coordinator, Friends Thien Am Zen Monastery Trinity Huynh, Research & Advocacy Staff, Genocide Watch Claire Kedeshian Teresa Merk, Legal Assistant, Compliance Aiden John Carlton, Research Staff, Genocide Watch Bekir Hodzic, Alliance and Advocacy & Podcast Manager, Genocide Watch Grace Harris, Early Warning Analyst, Genocide Watch Brooklyn Quallen, Lead Alliance Coordinator, Genocide Watch Lea Gruber, Legal Staff, Genocide Watch Edward D'Agostino Akbal Mohamed, Director, Stichting Stabij Thomas H. Mandi M. Rev. Margaret R. Macenna C. Pam C. Kristine A Nick R. Maxine K. Sara Pierson     United Nations S/RES/_____ (2025) Security Council Distr.: General   Draft UN Security Council Resolution on Sudan:   Adopted by the Security Council at its ______th meeting, on ___ _____, 2025   The Security Council,   Reaffirming all its previous resolutions, presidential statements and press statements concerning the situation in Sudan, and reiterating its strong commitment to the sovereignty, unity, independence, and territorial integrity of Sudan,   Reaffirming its call in UN Security Council Resolution 2736 (2024)  for the Rapid Support Forces to halt their siege of El Fasher immediately, and calling for an immediate halt to the fighting in and around El Fasher, and calling for humanitarian corridors for civilians to safely leave El Fasher,   Reaffirming UN Security Council Resolution 1556 (2004)  which placed an embargo on the sale or supply to all non-governmental entities and individuals operating in North Darfur, South Darfur, and West Darfur by their nationals or from their territories or using their flag vessels or aircraft, of arms and related materiel of all types, including weapons and ammunition, military vehicles and equipment, and spare parts whether or not originating in their territories,   Underlining the duty under international humanitarian law to respect and protect humanitarian personnel and consignments used for humanitarian relief operations, and urging all parties to the conflict to protect civilian infrastructure, which is critical to the delivery of humanitarian aid, including for the provision of essential services in line with resolution 2573 (2021) ,   Reaffirming its resolutions 1325 (2000)  on women, peace, and security, 1379 (2001)  and 1460 (2003)  on children in armed conflicts, as well as resolutions 1265 (1999)  and 1296 (2000)  on the protection of civilians in armed conflicts and resolution 1502 (2003)  on the protection of humanitarian and United Nations personnel,   Reaffirming UN Security Council Resolution 1593 (2005)  referring the situation in Darfur to the International Criminal Court,   Reiterating its grave concern at the continuing fighting in Sudan between the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) with the potential for further escalation and the risk of harm to civilians, most of whom need urgent humanitarian assistance and protection,   Expressing alarm over credible reports of ethnically motivated massacres allegedly perpetrated by the Rapid Support Forces in and around El Fasher, and in El Geneina in West Darfur between 24 April and 19 June 2023,   Expressing alarm at credible reports of violations of international humanitarian law including cases of sexual and gender-based crimes, and calling for accountability for such violations,   Expressing deep concern over the catastrophic humanitarian situation, including crisis-level food insecurity, and the imminent risk of famine, particularly in Darfur,   Recalling that during the conduct of hostilities, all parties are obligated to protect civilians and civilian infrastructure, including hospitals, medical facilities, schools, places of worship, and facilities of the UN,   Recalling that all UN and humanitarian personnel, including national and locally recruited personnel, as well as medical personnel, and their means of transport, must be respected and protected, in accordance with international humanitarian law,   Condemning the looting of humanitarian stockpiles, expressing concern at the increasing mobilization of armed groups and militias, and calling on all sides to discipline and exercise strict command and control of their forces,     Recognizing the importance of de-escalatory measures and the role of local dispute resolution and ceasefire efforts in Sudan, in line with Sudanese -led and Sudanese-owned peacebuilding and peacemaking efforts,   Determining that the situation in Sudan constitutes a threat to international peace and security and to stability in the region,   Acting under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations,   1. Decides to re-establish the African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID) for an initial period of 6 months and further decides that UNAMID will consist of up to 10,000 military personnel and an appropriate civilian component including up to 715 civilian police personnel;   2. Requests that UNAMID closely and continuously liaise and coordinate at all levels with the African Union Mission in Sudan (AMIS) to expeditiously provide personnel to staff UNAMID and reinforce the effort to foster peace in Darfur and Sudan;   3. Requests the Secretary-General, through his Special Representative for Sudan, to coordinate all the activities of the United Nations system in Sudan, to mobilize resources and support from the international community for both immediate assistance and long-term economic development of Sudan, and to facilitate coordination with the African Union and IGAD;   4. Calls on all parties to the conflict to ensure the protection of civilians, including by allowing civilians wishing to move within and out of El Fasher, Khartoum, Omdurman, and other parts of Sudan to safety, and recalling that all civilians must be protected in accordance with international law;   5. Decides that the mandate of UNAMID shall be the following: UNAMID shall have the authority and responsibility to protect civilians by all means necessary, pursuant to UN Security Council resolutions; Protecting civilians shall be the first priority of UNAMID, in coordination with the Government of Sudan; UNAMID shall have the duty to protect civilians within their capabilities and areas of deployment where the Sudanese government is unable or unwilling to protect them; UNAMID shall make the protection of civilians a whole-of-mission activity, not only a military task, which embodies an active duty to protect; Protecting civilians shall be done in cooperation with humanitarian organizations and with respect for humanitarian principles; UNAMID’s protection of civilians shall be consonant with the principles of peacekeeping, impartial mandate implementation, and the use of force as authorized by the Security Council; UNAMID police shall have the authority to arrest persons charged by the International Criminal Court for war crimes and crimes against humanity allegedly committed in Darfur, Sudan.   6. Reiterates the urgency of addressing the funding shortfall of the Humanitarian Response Plan and the Regional Refugee Response Plan and encourages Member States, international donors and partners to step up contributions to enable the scaling-up of humanitarian assistance needed to prevent further deterioration of the humanitarian situation;   7. Calls upon all Member States to prohibit the shipment, supply, or sale of arms to parties to the conflict throughout Sudan; and to comply with their obligations under international law, including international human rights law and international humanitarian law;   8. Calls on all Member States to refrain from external interference which seeks to foment conflict and instability and instead to support efforts for a durable peace, and reminds all parties to the conflict and Member States who facilitate the transfers of arms and military materiel to Darfur and all of Sudan of their obligations to comply with the arms embargo measures as stipulated in paragraphs 7 and 8 of resolution 1556 (2004) , and reiterates that those who violate the arms embargo may be designated for targeted measures in accordance with paragraph 3 (c) of resolution 1591 (2005) ;   9. Calls on the parties to the conflict to seek an immediate cessation of hostilities, leading to a sustainable resolution to the conflict, through dialogue, with the continued support of the Secretary-General’s Personal Envoy on Sudan Ramtane Lamamra and the African Union High-Level Panel on Sudan;   10. Encourages the coordinated engagement of the Secretary-General’s Personal Envoy on Sudan Ramtane Lamamra, with the African Union, the League of Arab States and other key regional actors, to help advance peace and an inclusive and comprehensive Sudanese-led political process, with the full, equal, meaningful and safe participation of women, that reflects the aspirations of the Sudanese people;   11. Requests the Secretary-General to report on the implementation of all elements of this resolution within his regular updates every 90 days;   12. Decides to remain actively seized of the matter.

| 24 January 2025 - 13:35 © The Presidential Office of Ukraine The Ukraine House Davos hosted a panel discussion “Kidnapped to Kill: The Weaponization of Ukraine’s Children by Russia,” focusing on the forced deportation and militarization of Ukrainian children by Russia. The event was attended by Dariia Zarivna, Advisor to the Head of the Presidential Office and Chief Operating Officer of Bring Kids Back UA, leading international experts, human rights activists and politicians. © The Presidential Office of Ukraine Dariia Zarivna emphasized that the abduction of Ukrainian children is a part of Russia’s strategy to destroy Ukrainians as a nation. “The children deported by Russia, as well as those on temporarily occupied territories, are subjected to brainwashing, forced to forget their roots, forbidden from speaking their native language, placed in Russian families and institutions, and later used for propaganda and military purposes. Russia sees them as an additional mobilization resource and turns them into weapons against their homeland,” she said. In particular, the discussion focused on the fact that Russia creates “hate factories” in the temporarily occupied territories, where children are forced to wear military uniforms, join paramilitary organizations, and glorify the Russian army. Director of the International Bar Association’s Human Rights Institute Lady Helena Kennedy LT KC, who co-chairs the Bring Kids Back UA Task Force together with Head of the Office of the President Andriy Yermak, stressed that under international humanitarian law, the deportation of children constitutes a war crime. “Russia weaponizes deported children, conditioning them to believe that they are Russians too, that their past is a lie, and that their future is tied to the Russian Federation,” Helena Kennedy said. © The Presidential Office of Ukraine Through President Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s Bring Kids Back UA initiative, launched in May 2023, 1,037 children have already been returned to Ukraine. In particular, last year alone, Ukraine returned home 449 of its young citizens.  Mykola Kuleba, founder of the NGO Save Ukraine, highlighted the extreme difficulty of returning the children. That is why Ukraine needs the support of international partners.   Professor Nathaniel Raymond, Executive Director of the Humanitarian Research Lab at Yale University, underscored the importance of documenting Russia’s crimes to hold those responsible to account. He referenced findings from a recently published study by the lab. “The analysts tracked the flight routes used by Russia to transport children out of Ukraine and identified key locations involved in this process. The deportation of Ukrainian children is a systemic policy planned by Russian officials at the highest levels of government,” he noted. Former Dutch Defense Minister Kajsa Ollongren added that the militarization of children poses a threat not only to Ukraine but also to global security. © 2025 The Presidential Office of Ukraine at https://www.president.gov.ua/ .

© WikiMedia ( Zlatica Hoke  ( VOA )) Daniela Pulido | Facultad de Derecho PUCP, PE JANUARY 25, 2025 10:47:29 am The Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (BROUK) published a comprehensive report on Wednesday revealing systematic violations against the Rohingya ethnic group in Myanmar’s Rakhine State. The findings come five years after the International Court of Justice (ICJ) ordered  Myanmar to prevent acts of genocide against the minority group. The report, titled “The Genocide Never Stopped – Five Years on From the World Court’s Order to Protect the Rohingya,” detailed how Myanmar’s military and the Arakan Army allegedly continue to systematically persecute members of the Rohingya ethnic group. Approximately 145,000 Rohingya remain arbitrarily detained in central Rakhine State under what BROUK described as a “policy of mass internment,” with women and children comprising about half of those detained. BROUK President Tun Khin condemned the international community’s response to the crisis, pointing to multiple failures in preventing genocide and protecting the Rohingya population. Khin stated: “The international community has failed to act on warnings, failed to support refugees in Bangladesh, failed to enforce court orders, and now fails to address warnings of famine.” The report noted that women and girls face particularly severe risks under the current situation. BROUK documented widespread sexual violence, including rape and threats of transfer to military compounds where they face abuse if unable to meet extortion demands. The military’s restrictions on humanitarian aid and trade have also created acute conditions in areas under Arakan Army control, with severely limited access to basic necessities such as healthcare and humanitarian assistance. BROUK’s report also highlighted the military’s continued non-compliance with the ICJ’s January 2020 provisional measures, which required Myanmar to prevent genocidal acts, ensure military units do not commit genocide, preserve evidence of alleged genocidal acts, and report regularly on its compliance. In line with international efforts to address accountability, the chief prosecutor at the International Criminal Court (ICC) filed an application in November 2024 for an arrest warrant against Myanmar’s military chief, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, over alleged crimes against humanity committed against the Rohingya minority. The organization called on the British government, as the UN Security Council penholder on Myanmar, to urgently convene a meeting addressing Myanmar’s failures to comply with these binding orders. BROUK emphasized that concrete actions are needed to protect the Rohingya population and ensure accountability for perpetrators of atrocities. These findings align with recent documentation from major human rights organizations. Human Rights Watch’s 2024 World Report noted that Myanmar’s military has intensified its crackdown on dissent while maintaining systematic discrimination amounting to apartheid against the Rohingya. Amnesty International similarly documented alleged crimes against humanity, finding that Rohingya individuals are confined in camps under conditions that effectively constitute institutionalized persecution. A September 2024 report by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights further emphasized these patterns. Between April 2023 and June 2024, the UN documented prevalent sexual violence against women detainees, with women in detention lacking access to reproductive healthcare and basic hygiene facilities. The situation of the Rohingya reflects Myanmar’s broader crisis since the country’s February 2021 military coup . According to UN figures, over 3 million people have been internally displaced, with approximately 18.6 million requiring humanitarian assistance. During this time, the military has intensified its crackdown while battling resistance groups across the country. Copyright © 2025, JURIST Legal News & Research Services, Inc.