T HE PROGRAM ON PEACEBUILDING AND HUMAN RIGHTS AT COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY HOSTS A PANEL ON AZERBAIJAN'S BLOCKADE AND GENOCIDAL INTENT AGAINST ARTSAKH FEATURING ARTSAKH STATE MINISTER RUBEN VARDANYAN New York, NY - Artsakh State Minister Ruben Vardanyan highlighted Azerbaijan's pursuit of forced deportation and genocide, while Senator Chris Van Hollen (D-MD) stated that the United States must hold Azerbaijan accountable for its human rights violations during the panel discussion on "Preventing a Second Armenian Genocide: Azerbaijan Closes the Lachin Corridor and Makes Artsakh Unlivable in a Bid to Depopulate the Territory." The virtual event, attended by 600 guests, was hosted by Columbia University's Program on Peacebuilding and Human Rights on Wednesday, February 1, 2023, featuring co-panelist Van Z. Krikorian, Co-Chair of the Armenian Assembly of America , and moderator David L. Phillips, Director of the Program on Peacebuilding and Human Rights at Columbia University, who leads Columbia's Artsakh Atrocities Project . Senator Van Hollen bluntly stated that Azerbaijan has embarked on the "latest chapter" in its "campaign of aggression against Nagorno-Karabakh." "For over 50 days, Azerbaijan has imposed a blockade on the region, cutting people off from deliveries of food, medicine, and other daily necessities," he said, noting that among those stranded are 30,000 Armenian children, 20,000 Armenian elderly, and 9,000 Armenians with disabilities. Azerbaijan troops blockading Artsakh Source: Al Arabiya "We're witnessing a rising humanitarian crisis and we can't remain silent in the face of these malign transgressions," continued Senator Van Hollen, who has joined his Senate colleagues to urge Secretary of State Antony Blinken to stop U.S. assistance to Azerbaijan and continues to "call upon the Biden Administration to promote peace." "The U.S. must be prepared to take action to hold Azerbaijan accountable," Senator Van Hollen stated, while committing to work with his colleagues to "end the blockade and ensure to do everything we can to promote the basic principles of justice, peace, and human rights." Providing further context to Azerbaijan's blockade of the Lachin Corridor, Philips noted that closing the road that connects Artsakh to Armenia is a "flagrant violation of ceasefire terms and a violation of international humanitarian law." Azerbaijan's disruption of access to essential goods and services, including food, fuel, and medication for 120,000 Armenians in Artsakh, "affects the most vulnerable populations, including the young and the aged," he added. "This campaign is part of a systematic effort to make Artsakh unlivable and drive Armenians from their historic lands," warned Phillips. "These actions constitute a second Armenian Genocide." Artsakh State Minister Ruben Vardanyan describing the humanitarian crisis in Artsakh Artsakh State Minister Vardanyan shared on-the-ground insights from the last 52 days of the blockade, where the only access Artsakh Armenians have to essential goods is through the assistance of the Red Cross and Russian peacekeepers, bringing in limited quantities of food and medication. He described the human toll that the blockade has already taken on Armenian families in Artsakh, and made special mention of children who have been separated from their families, as well as the psychological price they are paying by being deprived of education as their schools are shut down on account of electricity shortages. He cited the importance of support from the U.S., France, and the Diaspora in order to bring a resolution to the blockade and highlight the human rights violations by Azerbaijan. Despite the challenges, Vardanyan emphasized the "bravery" of the Artsakh Armenians, who continue to stay "very strong" and have a "will of resistance to live on their own homeland and keep their own traditions alive." "For the past 30 years, a transparent democratic system has been developed in Artsakh" that has resulted in a "civilized society," according to Vardanyan, who noted that an air corridor is needed to transport supplies to Artsakh without being dependent on the road. "It's been a privilege to live in Artsakh, which is a unique and special place," said Vardanyan, whose grandmother was a native of Artsakh. "Living here with them has given me a lot of energy for myself and my nation" to preserve the small, democratic republic and its traditions of self-government. Map of Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh with Lachin Corridor in red Source: Caucasian Knot Addressing the central concern over the genocidal threat posed by the closing of the Lachin Corridor, Krikorian pointed out that, contrary to other genocidal situations, there is a "clear record going back many years that the intent of Azerbaijan is to solve the 'Nagorno-Karabakh problem' by eliminating the Armenians." Krikorian corroborated his statement with several quotes from Azerbaijan's government officials, resulting in "piles and piles of evidence on genocidal intent, which is usually one of the hardest things to prove in these situations," he said. "This is not just a blockade of the 5 km-wide Lachin Corridor, this is cutting off of gas supplies, cutting off electricity, cutting off internet," said Krikorian, who highlighted a larger plan by the Aliyev regime, that has been in power for decades and generations. "When we look at situations that call for meaningful peace agreements, we have to look at whether the leaders are preparing for peace or more war. It's clear the President of Azerbaijan, and his partner [Turkey's President] Erdogan, are preparing the people of Azerbaijan for more war, through their racist policies and education they've given their children." The question and answer session touched upon the psychological impact of the blockade on the local population, shortages of electricity and fuel, efforts to clear cluster mines from the 2020 war and prior, and Azerbaijan's motives to depopulate Artsakh of its Armenian population. "Aliyev said it clearly that [he sees] Artsakh without Armenians," said Vardanyan. "Forced deportation is a goal that the regime declared and it's not a secret." In the face of these seemingly tremendous challenges, Vardanyan conveyed the hopes sustained by the Artsakh Armenians as he travels around the territory and talks to families in different villages, who reiterate their strength and ability to continue to live in difficult conditions. Vardanyan concluded, "Artsakh Armenians share the values and importance of the past, but are ready to fight for their future." Established in 1972, the Armenian Assembly of America is the largest Washington-based nationwide organization promoting public understanding and awareness of Armenian issues. The Assembly is a non-partisan, 501(c)(3) tax-exempt membership organization. Copyright 2023 Armenian Assembly of America

By Asbarez Staff Reading of the ICJ ruling “The Court observes that, since 12 December 2022, the connection between Nagorno-Karabakh and Armenia via the Lachin Corridor has been disrupted. The Court notes that a number of consequences have resulted from this situation and that the impact on those affected persists to this date,” the court said in reading its decision. “The information available to the Court indicates that the disruption on the Lachin Corridor has impeded the transfer of persons of Armenian national or ethnic origin hospitalized in Nagorno- Karabakh to medical facilities in Armenia for urgent medical care. The evidence also indicates that there have been hindrances to the importation into Nagorno-Karabakh of essential goods, causing shortages of food, medicine and other life-saving medical supplies,” added the ICJ. “As the Court has noted previously, a prejudice can be considered as irreparable when the persons concerned are exposed to danger to health and life. The Court has further noted that restrictions on the importation and purchase of goods required for humanitarian needs, such as foodstuffs and medicines, including lifesaving medicines, treatment for chronic disease or preventive care, and medical equipment may have a serious detrimental impact on the health and lives of individuals,” the court noted. The ICJ also referenced the responsibilities outlined in the November 9, 2020 agreement, which compels Azerbaijan to ensure unimpeded movement along the Lachin Corridor, which is under the direct control of the Russian peacekeeping contingent in Artsakh. “The Court notes that the Statement by the President of the Republic of Azerbaijan, Prime Minister of the Republic of Armenia and President of the Russian Federation of 9 November 2020 provides, inter alia, that the Lachin Corridor, “which will provide a connection between Nagorno- Karabakh and Armenia . . . shall remain under the control of the Russian Federation peacemaking forces”. The Statement further states that “Azerbaijan shall guarantee the security of persons, vehicles and cargo moving along the Lachin Corridor in both directions,” the ICJ affirmed. Azerbaijan had also filed a claim against Armenia, calling on the ICJ to impose provisional measure for the alleged planting of landmines by Armenia, which Azerbaijan said endangered the lives of its citizens. The court unanimously rejected Azerbaijan’s request. Find the Original Report Here ©️Asbarez

By Sajjad Askary To watch YouTube video, click on photo . I am finally reunited with my family after 13 years. But the threat for Hazaras in Afghanistan remains. The Guardian Australia 16 May 2023 By Sajjad Askary Joy flooded my heart as I finally welcomed my mother, sister and niece in Melbourne last week after 13 years of family separation as a refugee in Australia. But I feel deep pain when I remember the day Islamist extremists killed my father, who was working as a labourer on a construction site. He was killed because of his ethnic identity as a Hazara . Despite her immense grief, my mother became our family’s anchor. She raised us with unwavering strength amid the constant struggles and pain that came our way. Her love and determination fueled my passion, leading me to become an aspiring lawyer and advocate for human rights, refugees, and minorities. I sought asylum in Australia in 2012 due to escalating violence and threats faced by the Hazara people. My perilous journey to Australia took almost a year through different countries, jungles, oceans, and detention centres. After arriving in Australia by boat, I spent 13 years separated from my family, facing travel restrictions and a life of limbo with little hope. However, we are finally reunited after enduring unbearable pain and countless tears. Stepping on to Australian soil, my family found hope and the promise of a new home, despite leaving everything behind. My two brothers came as refugees and have lived in Australia for over a decade. They pay taxes, have built transport and restaurant businesses and have created jobs through their entrepreneurship. Australia has become a beacon of hope for Hazaras, where we can rebuild our lives and make a new home. In our short history in Australia, the rising generation of Australian Hazaras – thriving professionals, doctors, figures in academia, construction workers, social workers, lawyers and advocates for human rights, democracy and social justice such as myself – have found creative ways to contribute and give back to our communities. With the freedom to live without fear of being killed, Hazaras can help to “rejuvenate and transform” Australia’s economy and communities. However, the situation remains devastating for the Hazaras in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Hazaras started migrating to Australia in the late 1990s, fleeing decades of what some have called relentless and genocidal violence . Since the return of the Taliban to power in August 2021, Hazaras have been subjected to systematic violence while attacks continue unabated. Hazaras have been suppressed in all aspects of their lives in Afghanistan and further pushed into marginalisation . It has become increasingly difficult for the Hazaras to mobilise due to heightened security threats and continuous attacks. They have therefore used cyberspace and social media to raise awareness through demonstrations and advocacy for their safety, justice, and human rights. While my mother and sister are lucky to now live safely in Melbourne, women in Afghanistan are more at risk, facing multiple layers of vulnerability due to their gender, ethnic identity, religion and liberal values and for their support for democracy, inclusivity and human rights, making them particularly susceptible to discrimination and violence. As an Australian Hazara, I am indebted to Australia for its generosity to my family. From personal experience, I am familiar with the systematic violence Hazaras are facing. This is why we, the Australian Hazaras, through the Parliamentary Friendship Group for Hazaras (PFH), are urging parliament to pass a motion to recognise the ongoing escalating systemic violence, discrimination, dispossession and what we deem genocidal threats against the Hazara people and other highly vulnerable groups. We ask our government to work with the Australian Hazara community to ensure aid is delivered equitably and without discrimination, pressure the Taliban to protect the Hazaras and provide continued asylum places for Hazaras and other persecuted and marginalised groups. Doing so will uphold our Australian values. In the meantime, my mum, sister, and niece have found a welcoming home in Australia, settling in smoothly and already embracing their new life. They have been warmly received by the Australian Hazara community, who are showing immense support and offering to help them with integration. With access to education and healthcare, my family will gradually adapt to their new surroundings. Through their resilience and our support, their new life in Australia is filled with hope, opportunity, and the promise of a brighter future. Sajjad Askary is an Australian Hazara and a juris doctor student at Monash University. He writes on refugees, human rights, Hazara people, and Afghanistan Copyright 2023 The Guardian https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2023/may/17/i-am-finally-reunited-with-my-family-after-13-years-of-separation-but-the-threat-for-hazaras-in-afghanistan-remains

Associated Press December 1, 2023 By Caterina Morbiato Detainee in El Salvador jail. Credit: AP MEXICO CITY (AP) — The day he was arrested, Luis was in a government office trying to get a document attesting to his clean criminal history so he could apply for a call center job. “What I wanted at that time was something better for my life,” said the 23-year-old, who was working as a baker. When his turn came, he was told an agent from the National Civil Police would be involved because there was an offense on his record, an allegation that he had been associated with gang members. Luis was floored. Denying it repeatedly was useless, he recalled, because “at that time people didn’t have rights.” That was April 2022, the month after El Salvador President Nayib Bukele received special powers suspending fundamental rights like access to a lawyer or being informed of why you were arrested. Bukele launched a full-scale war against the country’s powerful street gangs. The exceptional powers remain in effect more than 1 ½ years and some 72,000 arrests later. Accused of illegal association without any publicly known evidence, Luis was arrested that day and in less than 24 hours taken to El Salvador’s largest prison, La Esperanza, also known as Mariona. During the 11 months he spent incarcerated, Luis often feared he would die. Luis, who asked that only his first name be used to avoid reprisals, is among the some 7,000 prisoners who Justice Minister Gustavo Villatoro said in August had been freed, though most merely were released from pre-trial detention and their cases remain open. When Luis arrived at Mariona with other detainees, barefoot and wearing only boxers, a double column of club-wielding guards awaited. He says the guards beat the inmates when they entered a room to have their heads shaved, and beat them again on the way out. In the cell, Luis collapsed and stayed there until another guy came over and asked if he was alive. “I hadn’t noticed that on the floor there was a puddle of blood that was my own blood that had spilled from all of the injuries I had on my back and head,” he said. It’s still difficult to think about the abuse, he said, but at least he survived prison, unlike many others who were arrested under the special powers. Human rights organization Cristosal tallied 153 incarceration deaths during the first year of the state of emergency. No victim had yet been convicted, the group said. “There are registries in the Forensic Medicine Institute that establish the cause of death as strangulation, hanging, blows to the stomach, to the head,” said Zaira Navas, legal chief for Cristosal. “Meaning they’re violent deaths.” In mid-June, the Attorney General’s Office said it had shelved 142 inmate death cases that could not be blamed on guards. El Salvador’s Justice and Public Security Ministry did not respond to a request for comment about the treatment of prisoners and prisoner deaths in their facilities. During a virtual hearing in July with the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, El Salvador’s Presidential Commissioner for Human Rights and Freedom of Expression Andrés Guzmán denied torture or violations of freedom of expression. Attorney General Rodolfo Delgado said his office has not received any complaints of torture or degrading treatment against citizens. Navas, who previously was the National Civil Police inspector general, said there should be accountability in the inmate deaths. “When the state decides to make massive arrests without prior investigation, without going to an independent and impartial judge and (instead) ordering detention measures in a generalized way, it assumes the responsibility for all of the people it has arrested,” Navas said. Pedro was arrested in July 2022 and held at Mariona too. From his cell he saw repeatedly how guards would grab prisoners and beat them. He still remembers their screams. “They jumped on them like they were springs, three guards jumped on them” to the point they lost consciousness, said the 39-year-old man. Other prisoners later told him some of the inmates had been killed by the guards. Pedro also requested that only his first name be used to describe what he witnessed in prison. Last month, the government allowed AP to tour its new mega-prison built at the start of the state of emergency and now holding some 12,000 alleged or convicted gang members, barely a fourth of its 40,000 capacity. Journalists were allowed to speak to only one pre-selected prisoner. The still-gleaming new prison was a far cry from the dank, overcrowded Mariona lock-up where Pedro suddenly found himself. He had only been in El Salvador for days, having returned to renew his passport. He was arrested while he was out buying pastries. Pedro had fled El Salvador years earlier when a gang tried to kill him. In Mexico he received a humanitarian visa and, when his daughter was born there, permanent residency. Police confiscated his Mexican residency card and still have not returned it. Like Luis, Pedro was accused of illegal association without the evidence shown to him. He was jailed for seven months. Both men said they were never involved in gangs. Both men said inmates at the prison were constantly hungry. Guards and privileged inmates took coveted items like sugar and antibiotic ointment from the packages delivered by inmates’ families. They described being packed into cells with as many as 300 other prisoners, including gang members, forced to share two toilets. A receptacle held stagnant, rancid-smelling water used for both flushing the toilets and drinking, Pedro said. “I got so many illnesses, fungus, rashes on my body, rotting, scabies, boils on my head – terrible bumps leaking blood,” Pedro said. Luis, already hypertensive since before his arrest, believes his incarceration led to the diabetes he was diagnosed with while in the prison. Luis and Pedro, like most of the 7,000 people the government says it had released through August, have been granted alternatives to pre-trial detention, but both still have to sign in at the courthouse. Pedro, who says he came out of prison “psychologically destroyed,” went 15 days without being able to sleep and didn’t leave home. Bukele is running for a second five-year term — despite a constitutional ban on reelection — largely on the results of his gang crackdown , which has been highly popular in El Salvador. The crackdown has brought new life to the public spaces of communities that once cowered in fear of gang violence. For Pedro, the crackdown has meant not only losing his job as a gardener in Monterrey, Mexico, but the loss of his Mexican documents. El Salvador won’t let him return to Mexico. “I feel desperate because they have violated my immigration rights. I feel frustrated because I can’t leave,” Pedro said. He’s working as an informal vendor as he tries to pay back debts his family took on after his arrest. Luis was given his old job back at the bakery, but he knows his future prospects have been narrowed. He used to love playing soccer, but now won’t risk it. “I weigh my freedom against going to the soccer field and knowing that some problem always happens at the field and they could arrest me again,” he said. “So I prefer to be at home,” he said. “I don’t want to suffer what I’ve been through again.” Copyright 2023 The Associated Press. All Rights Reserved.

Photo courtesy of Khartoum Kitchen By Aymann Ismail JUNE 19, 2024: In Sudan, a long-building crisis has turned a political dispute between two military generals into a humanitarian catastrophe of unimaginable scale. More than 9 million people have had to flee their homes in what the International Rescue Committee called “the largest internal displacement crisis in the world.” Up to 150,000 are dead, radically more than earlier estimates. Other wars and crises, particularly in Gaza and Ukraine, have made it more difficult for the urgent calls for international aid in Sudan to break through. With Sudan’s agriculture in ruins, and nearly all of the country’s banks robbed and emptied, famine is a real threat, as the New York Times has reported in disturbing detail. Many have already been dying from starvation, including babies. In many cases, relief efforts have been blocked by fighting, too. In this chaos, Sudanese locals have taken up initiatives that offer a glimmer of hope. Privately funded community kitchens have sprung up across Sudan since the start of the war to help provide emergency relief to starving people. Many of these kitchens are supported by Sudanese people in the global diaspora, but they could be running out of money soon. Mohanad Elbalal, who is British Sudanese and is based in the U.K., helped to create Khartoum Aid Kitchen in coordination with his extended family members who have been displaced in the Sudanese capital. It now supports many kitchens across Khartoum in serving meals to over 10,000 people a day; out of desperation for funding, Elbalal is reliant on a crowdsourcing campaign to save lives. I called Elbalal to discuss the challenges faced by aid efforts, and how media coverage of other global crises has complicated efforts to publicly fund relief efforts in Sudan. This interview has been edited and condensed for clarity. Aymann Ismail: Can you tell me how this effort has unfolded so far? Mohanad Elbalal: Every Sudanese person in the global diaspora has a relative displaced or put out of work. So while their primary concern might be to support their relatives within Sudan, or to help them leave Sudan, they’re also seeing that people are beginning to starve. Maybe not immediate relatives, but let’s say the shopkeeper you’ve known all your life, or your neighbor. So what they’re doing is they’re contacting those in their communities and saying, “We’re going to help you. We’re going to fund your community kitchen.” And the community kitchens will provide a simple meal every day, which will consist of something like fava beans or lentils. And if the kitchen has enough money coming in, it might offer rice or bread with that. Now, after a year of war, what’s happened is the Sudanese people who have been funding kitchens have begun to run out of cash. So the threat of famine is intensifying at the same time community kitchens are closing down. Need is increasing at the same time supply is decreasing. The Khartoum Kitchen raises funds from people without connections in Sudan, who can empathize with people starving. How did it get to this point? The war started in Khartoum, which is home to close to 20 percent of Sudan’s population. It’s not only the capital, but it’s the center of economic production. Factories have been put out of service. Most people, especially in Khartoum, have been put out of work, so their means of living have disappeared. A question I get a lot from people is if food is too expensive. I tell them it doesn’t really matter for a lot of people what the price is if they have no money to begin with. They just don’t have any money to buy food. Another major problem is accessibility. In places in western Sudan, especially in Darfur, it is simply just too dangerous to get aid in. The RSF militia is looting aid that is destined for civilians. In Wad Madani, in central Sudan, the RSF took over the World Food Program warehouse, depriving about a million people of much-needed aid. The unfolding famine is a result of three things: It’s that people simply don’t have income to purchase food, the lack of security has made it hard to get aid into some places, and we have the looting of aid. How are you keeping your volunteers safe? Most of our volunteers are from the communities that they are trying to help. So they are willing to take risks that, let’s say, you can’t ask an international aid worker to do. For example, there is a kitchen within Khartoum State, which I can’t exactly specify the location of for security reasons. But the only way we supply this kitchen is by loading up a boat, crossing the river, and then loading a donkey cart that transports the food to that kitchen. In some areas of Khartoum State, it’s very challenging for us to supply, but we have people willing to do it. The army doesn’t have an issue with us operating our kitchens. The issue with kitchens in RSF territory is, during the revolution, there were resistance committees which existed to oppose the regime. Then they became community activists and are now leading a lot of the volunteer work in support of their communities. In RSF-controlled areas, a lot of these volunteers are being detained or disappeared or even killed. Have any volunteers gotten hurt yet, so far? Ours? No. The majority of our kitchens are not in RSF-controlled areas. However, two days ago, our kitchen in Thawra, in north Omdurman, three shells landed on the street that they were serving in. It was decided that for that morning, it’s just too dangerous to continue the kitchen, so the people in the queue were told to go home. The shells were fired by the RSF onto the civilian neighborhoods in Omdurman. And this has been a constant problem for a lot of the war. Omdurman is relatively safe, but occasionally they have shells coming from the other side of the river and landing on civilian neighborhoods. Even in areas which are considered safe, there is danger in running these kitchens. Do other global crises with more international visibility, like in Ukraine and Gaza, complicate your donations-based operation? A resident of Omdurman recently told Reuters, “The world is busy with other countries. We have to help ourselves, share food with each other, and depend on God.” Does that reflect your experience in trying to raise funds for Sudan? Yes. I think that quote that you shared perfectly encapsulates how the majority of the people feel. There’s a feeling that prejudices might lead people to care less about what’s happening in Sudan. That this is just Africans killing Africans. Sudanese people do feel forgotten, because most people haven’t seen international aid. They don’t blame aid workers; they just know the funding isn’t there. They feel abandoned. Do you feel this when collecting donations? Do you feel you need to compete with Ukraine or Gaza in calling attention to the looming famine in Sudan? We don’t blame individuals. Sudan needs more coverage. You have to go onto major news websites’ Africa page and scroll down and see Sudan; 2.5 million people facing death by famine in three or four months is apparently not front-page news. Media simply isn’t prioritizing it. I do not have a large platform, but with the platform I have, we’re sharing stories of the losses Sudanese people have suffered, children suffering from malnutrition, and people have engaged and have donated. I think if people are made more aware of what’s happening in Sudan, I think few people can fail to empathize with a child that is starving. But the world isn’t being given an opportunity to empathize with the Sudanese in the first place, because the media is heavily focused on what’s happening in Ukraine or Palestine. And when I say this, I’m not criticizing the attention being given to these people. I am just saying when these people are being covered, Sudanese should also not be forgotten. Sudan should not have attention instead of them. It’s that Sudan should not be forgotten. I think there’s enough space for people to care about more than just one issue. About 2 billion euros was just pledged by European countries and also the United States. Do you expect that to make a lasting impact? There was a Paris conference and they pledged 2 billion euros. But there’s a difference between a pledge and actual donations arriving. We’ve seen this in Syria quite a lot, where the pledges do not match up with the actual money that arrives. The humanitarian plan for Sudan requires 2.4 billion. Currently, it’s only 15.8 percent funded; 2.5 million people at risk of dying, and the international community has only raised a couple hundred million dollars. I think if we have more pressure on the international community to actually meet the pledges that they make, that would go a long way to actually helping Sudanese people. © 2024 The Slate Group LLC.

Reports surface days before UN summit on Afghanistan that will exclude Afghan women and debate on women’s rights The Guardian Ahmad Ahmadi*, Zahra Nader and Farshid Aram* 25 June 2024 An anti-domestic violence mural predating the Taliban takeover. In 2022 the Islamist militants decreed that women in public must only allow their eyes to be seen. Photograph: W Kohsar/Getty Teenage girls and young women arrested by the Taliban for wearing “bad hijab” say they have been subjected to sexual violence and assault in detention. In more than one case the arrests and sexual abuse that young women faced while in custody earlier this year led to suicide and attempted suicide, reporters from the Afghan news service Zan Times were told. In one case, a woman’s body was allegedly found in a canal a few weeks after she had been taken into custody by Taliban militants, with a source close to her family saying she had been sexually abused before her death. The UN say that many women were detained by the Taliban for “bad hijab” in December 2023 and January 2024, following a Taliban decree that women must cover themselves from head to toe, revealing only their eyes. At the time the UN called the arrests “concerning” and girls and women told the Guardian they had been subjected to beatings and intimidation while in detention. Now the girls and young women are coming forward to report that they also faced sexual violence and abuse by the Taliban police, with devastating consequences. The family of 16-year-old Zahra* said she and another teenage girl were arrested in a shop in west Kabul in December 2023. Her mother, Somaia*, says Zahra and her friend were detained for two weeks before being released. When she came home, Zahra was “not the girl who had left home two weeks before”. “I ran and hugged her, but she cried and said, ‘I am dishonoured.’ For the rest of that day, Zahra didn’t eat or talk,” her mother said. “She only sat in a room and cried. I couldn’t dare to ask about what had happened,” she said. Amina*, a 22-year-old medical student, said she spent three nights in a Taliban prison after being arrested in January 2024. She said she was interrogated by an older man who asked her about her menstruation and whether she was married or not. “I fell at his feet and begged him, ‘Please, kill me but don’t harass me’,” she said. “He said: ‘Since you are keen to die, I will kill you, but before that, let us have fun with you.’ “Then he started touching my private parts,” Amina said. “I fainted twice during the interrogation, but every time, he poured cold water over my head.” Amina said what happened to her happened to every girl taken to that interrogation room and left alone with the man. “[Now] I can’t sleep at night, I am so scared, and every time I see the Taliban soldiers, I faint,” she said. “I have tried to kill myself twice. “Once I took all of my mother’s medication, but my family took me to hospital. Every time I remember that they touched me, I can’t bear living,” Amina said. For Zahra, the ordeal she said she had faced in prison proved too much for her to bear, her family said. “In the middle of the night I woke up and noticed Zahra was not there. I woke up my husband and we started looking for her in all the rooms. “My husband found her dead body,” said Somaia. “She had hanged herself.” Marina Sadat was detained by the Taliban ‘morality police’ in December. Her body was later found inside a sack in a canal. She had been sexually abused. Photograph: Handout Zahra’s death was not the only tragedy linked to the Taliban’s arrest of women over how they wore their hijab. In December 2023, a 23-year-old university student from the same neighbourhood was also reportedly arrested by the Taliban. Marina Sadat had been on her way to the Farabi Institute of Health Sciences, where she was studying midwifery, the only educational option available for women in the Taliban’s Afghanistan . Twenty-two days later, people who know her family say her battered body was found inside a sack in a canal in Kabul’s Paghman district. Zan Times reporters were told that she had been sexually abused. “It is just brutal that a young girl goes to university and her dead body comes home,” one interviewee told the journalists. On 4 January a spokesman for the Taliban’s ministry of vice and virtue told the Associated Press that the women who were arrested “violated Islamic values and rituals and encouraged society and other respected sisters to go for bad hijab … [i]n every province, those who go without hijab will be arrested.” After condemnation in Afghanistan and abroad, Zabihullah Mujahid, the Taliban spokesman, later denied that arrests over “bad hijab” had taken place. In response to the allegations of sexual assault of young women in detention, a Taliban spokesman also denied there had been any arrests for “bad hijab” and said: “The issue of rape is not at all possible because there is not just one or two people [in the room with a prisoner] and when there are three people, such a crime would not happen …[this is] a very sensitive issue for the Taliban. I am sure such a thing did not happen.” The reports of sexual violence and assault against women and girls in detention comes as the Taliban are expected to attend a UN conference on Afghanistan in Doha on 30 June, where the UN has confirmed that no Afghan women will participate and women’s rights will not be discussed. Additional reporting by Freshta Ghani * Names changed to protect the identity of interviewees and writers based in Afghanistan Read a full version of this story at Zan Times .

By Caleb Quinley A girl wears thanakha powder on her face in a Rohingya refugee camp outside Kyaukpyu in Rakhine state, Burma, May 17, 2017. Source: Reuters/Soe Zeya Tun SEVERE food shortages are intensifying an already insecure and vulnerable part of Burma (Myanmar), leading to a worsening humanitarian plight for its predominantly Rohingya population. According to a new report by World Food Program (WFP), starvation, malnutrition, and a desperate lack of access to food is plaguing the restive Rakhine State. The current food vacuum has left over 225,000 in search for a diminishing amount of food that is left. The heavy food shortage is taking place in Rakhine State’s northern Maungdaw and Buthiduang, locations known for bursts of violence, driven by a tumultuous ethnic tension that has proven unstable. The zone is heavily controlled by the presence of an authoritarian security force, Tatmadaw, known for restricting and persecuting the 90 percent majority populace of ethnic Rohingya. Famine is an exasperating new element in the region; a component that will undoubtedly affect the social crisis that already afflicts the area. While many complex variables affect the location in terms of poverty, it’s difficult to pinpoint an exact cause that led up to the current hunger crisis. However, what is certain is that without the freedom to move freely throughout the area, thousands of Rohingya are left unable to find sustainable means of work to provide for themselves and their families (File) A boy sleeps in a hammock inside a Rohingya refugee camp outside Kyaukpyu in Rakhine state, Burma, May 17, 2017. Source: Reuters/Soe Zeya Tun Phil Roberts, Deputy Asia Director at Human Rights Watch added insight into the developing issue, telling Asian Correspondent: “The biggest issue is that the Rohingya are locked down by severe restrictions on their right to movement. “If they cannot leave their village without permission, and face numerous security roadblocks where police abuse their rights and extort them, they have little opportunity to earn a livelihood, farm fish, collect firewood, or undertake other activities that would enable them to have some degree of food sufficiency.” WFP has found that Maungdaw is ranked as one of the worst locations in terms of food security in Burma. The study found that close to two-thirds of households in the township are not able to acquire an adequate amount of food to sustain a proper diet. More so, limited access to essential services such as healthcare, and an inability to access potable water and sanitation, have also exacerbated the state of the hunger crisis. Around a month before the survey was conducted across Maungdaw, locals admitted they faced even worse food depletion that caused severe hunger, with most survey respondents going over a day and night without food during the time period. Tragically, children are at the most risk of life threatening outcomes from a dangerously inadequate diet. For obvious health and growth reasons, food insecurities are much more harmful for children—who in the area are now at threat of severe malnutrition. The study found that every single child surveyed experienced an inadequate diet, raising the number of malnourished children to approximately 80,500. Many are concerned that the food shortages are purposeful in an attempt to weaken the Rohingya populace by cutting food supplies to the divisive area. Roberts added that the foundation of the issue stemmed from a desire to rid the location of ethnic Rohingya. “At the core of this whole situation is the reality that the Burma government and military want the Rohingya to go somewhere else, and they are prepared to make their lives as miserable as possible to accomplish that,” he said, alluding to the need for humanitarian aid in the region. “This is why there needs to be an impartial, independent investigation of abuses, like that authorised by the UN Human Rights Council in the form of the fact-finding commission, which Aung Sang Suu Kyi and her government are now blocking from entering Burma.” Since the violent crackdown last October, the Burmese army has made life even more difficult for the close to one million Rohingya living in Rakhine. Burma security forces patrol along the border fence. Source: AP Immediately following the clampdown, thousands of Rohingya fled to neighbouring Bangladesh in hopes of escaping the violent realities that were occurring to their neighbours, friends, and families in Rakhine state. Since then, newly-appointed Burma leader Suu Kyi has for the most part remained quiet or impartial regarding the gradual, yet steady abuse of rights to the Rohingya populace in the Maungdaw area. In interviews, she has dodged acknowledging the many rights abuses that have, and are still taking place inside Maungdaw. For years, the Rohingya have become subject to varying degrees of suffering, from being denied citizenship, to freedom of movement, to rape and murder on a scale that many claim is genocidal in scope. As the situation continues to devolve, with 225,000 that are in an imperative need for humanitarian assistance, the pinnacle of concern falls on children under five. As according to the report, this young age group is at the most danger of severe malnutrition and hunger leading to dire consequence. Roberts underlined this fact precisely, highlighting the life saving need for international aid. “International humanitarian agencies need to be provided with unfettered access to all areas of northern Rakhine state to do what they do – provide food and services to keep people alive. The Burmese military and government need to step aside and let the professionals do what they do, and save lives.” ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ © Copyright 2017 Asian Correspondent

By Erik Rosales Although the United States and other coalition forces have driven ISIS from Iraqi cities like Mosul, the task of rebuilding remains enormous. Plus, what will become of the persecuted Christians? U.S. Army Col. Ryan Dilion with Operation Inherent Resolve said, "Over the last three years, through Iraqi determination ISIS has been on a decreasingly rapid decline losing Tikrit, Ramadi, Fallujah, and now Mosul. Iraqi security forces on the other hand have only improved and gotten stronger." However, the suffering remains widespread and the devastation is on a massive scale. Buildings have been reduced to rubble, and smoke from occasional air strikes is still rising into the sky. Jeff King, president of International Christian Concern, said, "We were over there back in April and what we saw was Isis spray painted each home. The homes were marked either a Shea home, a Sunni home or a Christian home. If it was Shea or Christian they put a barrel of oil in it and lit it on fire. You can imagine what that does to a structure." International Christian Concern is a non-profit organization which acts as a bridge between believers in free countries and those in persecuted countries. Just back from Iraq, King says rebuilding and giving viability to the people will be far beyond the capabilities of the Iraqi authorities. That's especially true for thousands of Christians and other religious minorities forced from their homes by ISIS, many with only the clothes on their backs. His team took pictures, which shows images of Jesus used as target practice by ISIS fighters. In another church, the statue of Mary was shot up to the point only pieces of her face remained. "We saw these images over and over," recalled King. "Generally the idea is desecrate. They want to push the Christians out. If they are not going to convert to Islam they want them out of the country and out of the area." King says much the U.S aid is channeled away from Christians once it gets to Iraq due to the dominant Muslim religion. So his organization works with Capitol Hill lawmakers to specifically help Christians in the war-torn region. King says statistics show that of the 1.5 million Christians calling Iraq home in 2003, only about 250,000 remain. King says the majority of Christians his workers spoke with want to come back. They just need the new government of Iraq to protect them. "When that help comes, that touch comes," he said, "they praise God like crazy and they say 'we part of something so big.'" ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ (c) 2017 CBN News

By Eric Reeves Overview SKBN CU Humanitarian Update August 2017 [All emphases in bold have been added--ER] • Critical level of immediate and chronic malnutrition, well exceeding WHO emergency thresholds, were captured in a recent SMART survey in South Kordofan. SAM levels in the Western Jebels were up to 9.3%. It is clear that children are facing the harshest consequences of the protracted war. • Severe food insecurity reached 39% for households in Blue Nile in July, with 11% classified at highest possible level in the Household Hunger Scale. • Intra SPLA-N fighting continued in Blue Nile into August, displacing thousands. Several reports have confirmed death of civilians, including one aid worker, and loss of property. Flooding in both regions damaged crops and created additional displacements. Rains were particularly heavy in Blue Nile, where thousands were without shelter. Food Security and Agriculture South Kordofan The harvest season began in late August in many parts of South Kordofan, bringing some relief to the worst lean season since the beginning of the war. By the end of the month most households were harvesting green maize and certain vegetables, but the upcoming sorghum harvest will provide much greater food security throughout South Kordofan. Overall, rainfall increased compared to 2016, which should lead to better yields. The coming harvest will likely improve over the last year’s, though will likely not match the ten-year average. Rainfall was sporadic during the growing season, with periods of abnormally low rainfall and episodes of flooding which damaged some crops. However, the effects of the 2017 lean season are not yet fully known. FSMU July monitoring data is now available and presents gradually worsening food security in the more populous Central Region since the previous assessment in April. In the Central Region 14% of households were severely food insecure [1], which represents a significant increase both from the previous quarter and from the same quarter last year. This has likely contributed to very high rates of stunting in the under-five child population, per a June 2017 SMART Survey. Stunting is an indicator of chronic malnutrition due to long term food deprivation, micronutrient deficiencies, and recurrent illness which interrupt normal growth and has a long-term impact on the affected child. Overall stunting rates were a staggering 38.3% for the population and severe stunting was 14.7%.[2] Boys were more likely to be affected, and younger children showed higher rates, suggesting that recent years have been worse for the population. [1] FSMU July/August 2017 Food Security Brief [2] SKBN CU SMART Survey Report on file with SKBN CU and available upon request The Western Jebels faced a comparable situation, with qualitative sources suggesting a steady decrease in food security and the population facing a challenging situation. Stunting in children was similarly concerning with an overall prevalence of 33% and severe stunting at 12.9%. However, quantitative data on food security from the latest report is still being investigated by FSMU, per the last report.[3] Coping strategies throughout the region were alarming in this lean season. There were reports throughout the season of hunger related displacements (into South Sudan, Government of Sudan regions, or within the two areas), sales of household items and productive livestock, and reliance on foraging and wild foods. In the central region, 75% of children who were identified as sick also were malnourished, suggesting poor access to nutrition was also contributing to illness and increasing risk of death. The highly invasive pest Fall Armyworm continues to spread north through South Sudan, reaching as far as Aweil recently. There are no reports of this spreading into South Kordofan, but the CU continues to monitor this threat as its impact on sorghum and maize crops could be devastating. Blue Nile Food security in Blue Nile was substantially worse than South Kordofan. In the same FSMU July assessment southern Kurmuk had a total of 39% of households severely food insecure, compared to 14% in South Kordofan. [4] This is a dramatic increase from before the recent conflict, with a 144% increase in the number of households since April. This increase is substantially higher than would be expected from seasonal norms. Prolonged gaps in seasonal rainfall in the early growing season appear to have negatively affected maize crops, as previously projected. The same early harvest has not yet been reported in Blue Nile, extending the usual lean season. As food security worsens, the conflict also inhibits coping mechanism such as relocation to refugee camps. Access for humanitarians is also decreasing, as fighting in unpredictable and occurs in civilian areas, which will further exacerbate the ongoing food insecurity levels. This is a major concern, as 11% of the population in the region were classified in the most severe category of food insecurity.[5] Prospects for this population are grim. The coming harvest is likely not as productive as in South Kordofan. Flooding was reportedly more severe throughout Blue Nile and gaps in rainfall longer. Overall levels of rainfall improved from 2016 and this year’s harvest could exceed last year’s, but will likely be below the ten-year average. The impact of the conflict on agricultural land is not well known yet. Thousands were reported as displaced, and it is possible people do not have access to their crops or food stores. The conflict has also had a significant impact on market. Staple commodities in markets are still in short supply, but some improvements are seen in markets further from the conflict. Prices vary throughout the region, but have generally reached untenable levels for the population.[6] Without access to cash to [3] FSMU July/August 2017 Food Security Brief [4] Ibid. [5] 6 out of a possible 6. 4 through 6 is classified as severely food insecure 6 SKBN CU August 2017 field monitoring activities encourage trade within the region it is unlikely external food will enter local markets in sufficient quantities. Due to insecurity, no SMART survey was conducted in Blue Nile, hence no nutrition information equivalent to South Kordofan is available. Health and Nutrition South Kordofan Immediate and chronic malnutrition is a major challenge in South Kordofan and appears to be getting worse. As previously reported, global malnutrition and severe malnutrition based on height for weight were 23.9% and 8.4% in the Central Region and slightly worse in the Western Jebels at 29.2% and 9.3% respectively.[7] In the central region only 22% of the population reported having access to nutrition services to assist malnourished children, and this may require crossing to South Sudan. In the Western Jebels, no household reported having access to nutrition services. The potential long-term impact of chronic malnutrition strongly suggests children are facing the harshest consequences of the ongoing conflict. Children are also at risk of treatable diseases, with very low immunization rates and poor access to primary health care in both the Central Region and Western Jebels. Acute watery diarrhoea, malaria, skin and eye infections were the main identified health risks to children. With limited access to health facilities or medicines children face a heightened risk of death. Under-five mortality in the region was 0.7 per 10,000 per week. [8] Another major finding of the recent SMART survey was that knowledge and practices of infant and young child nutrition was very poor. In addition to the immediate need for more access to nutrition and health facilities, dedicated training is needed to teach best practices for childhood nutrition and development, such as proper nutrition for children of different ages and how to identify risks and problems and when to seek medical attention. Even when health facilities are available, health complications that seem “normal” in the community are often not properly identified and addressed. Blue Nile Reports of Acute Watery Diarrhoea just north of the SPLA-N and Government of Sudan frontline increase concerns of the illness spreading into the region. This is an immediate concern as access to health care in Blue Nile is highly limited and few clinics have the needed drugs to deal with such an outbreak. ["Acute Watery Diarrhoea" is almost certainly, at least in some cases, cholera, which the Khartoum regime refuses to call by its medically accurate name--ER] Health facilities in Blue Nile already faced many challenges to serving the population, and this is likely exacerbated by the needs of a newly displaced population as a result of the conflict. The fighting within the SPLA-N continues to inhibit access to humanitarians and threatens the population’s access to medical services external to Blue Nile. People remaining inside will have little ability to move to better equipped clinics in the Maban refugee camps due to conflict, and will have highly limited access to medical care inside Blue Nile. Desperately needed drugs are unlikely to be available in the region while malaria and water-borne disease are expected to increase during the rainy season. [7] SKBN CU SMART Survey Report [8] Ibid While no nutrition or health seeking behavior assessment was possible since the outbreak of conflict, the situation is feared to be worse than in South Kordofan. Severe food insecurity, a driver of the observed chronic malnutrition, was substantially worse in Blue Nile creating a strong possibility that children are facing an even worse reality. Animal Health South Kordofan The local Secretariat of Animal Health has identified and reported hundreds of cases of the dangerous disease sheeppox.[9] This disease is often fatal and can spread quickly. Without access to vaccines or veterinarian care this could spread and affect thousands of animals. Blue Nile Little is known about this sector. The local Secretariat of Animal Health has not been functioning since the conflict broke out. The CU has received reports of thousands of livestock killed or stolen in the conflict, but without full access to the region it has been impossible to fully assess the impact of the conflict on this important livelihood. Water South Kordofan Damaging floods were reported throughout the region in August, creating temporary displacements and property damage. Floods contribute to the spread of disease as most of the population uses either pit latrines or open defecation as their primary waste facility. Access to boreholes or filters remains a significant issue. Even while water is now more plentiful in rivers and hand-dug wells, humans and animals commonly share the same stagnant water sources. Should cholera or other water-borne disease enter more communities, there will likely be insufficient improved water sources to prevent spreading throughout communities. More clean water sources and animal specific reservoirs are needed to improve health conditions throughout the region. Blue Nile Heavy rains and severe flooding caused widespread damage and displacements throughout Blue Nile. The main market in the region was flooded, causing an unknown amount of property damage. Newly displaced people were particularly affected, as they did not have access to proper shelter during the rains nor the means to protect any remaining food stocks. Improved water sources are desperately needed for the same reasons as stated for South Kordofan. Investment in this area is now more challenging as a new conflict has restricted access for potential humanitarian actors. Both sides to the current conflict must respect the limited infrastructure and not further reduce communities’ access to water. [9] Per local secretariat 340 reported to have died so far. Education South Kordofan Schools have been out of session and little has changed in the last month. Teacher training opportunities are very rare, meaning the months away from classes could not be used to build capacity in most of the region. Investment in education is badly needed. There are approximately 255,000 school age children [10] in the region and very little access to trained teachers or well-equipped schools. Blue Nile Resources for education in Blue Nile are scarce, likely creating a situation worse than South Kordofan for boys and girls. Added to this, the current conflict has the potential to affect boys of potential military stature. Progress made to keep children under 18 out of the military needs to be maintained, and educational opportunities created. There are currently no education opportunities offered to provide these children an important alternative, support to this sector is desperately needed. Protection and security situation update South Kordofan As the civil and military authorities face changes in leadership at both regional and local levels it is important to ensure the voices and needs of marginalized populations are not forgotten. Women continue to be under-represented in education and leadership, creating an environment with limited opportunities for development. Gender based violence is seldom reported and even more rarely punished.[11] More focus is needed to address these issues at the local and regional level. Inter-community conflict and cattle raiding continues to threaten the security of civilians living or cultivating near conflict lines. These events not only have the direct consequences of death, rape, and injury to members of the community, but also create a pervasive sense of fear for those trying to work and trade in these areas. As many communities are dangerously food insecure, women and children will have no option but to work in these dangerous locations, putting vulnerable populations at an elevated risk of violence. More investment is needed to bring these cross-line communities together to break the cycle of violence and revenge. Blue Nile On 13th of August, as a result of intra SPLA-N clashes, one aid worker and three civilians were killed in Blue Nile, including two children.[12] This has decreased the viability of a much-needed humanitarian intervention for the displaced persons. As neither party has taken responsibility for the attack, the CU is engaging with both sides to guarantee safe and unhindered access for a humanitarian actors to assess the needs of the displaced, with the hope of providing life saving assistance. Nearly four months into the [10] Based on an approximately 27% of population, ages 6 to 17 [11] “No Control, No Choice: Lack of Access to Reproductive Healthcare in Rebel-Held Southern Kordofan,” by Human Rights Watch, accessed at www.hrw.org/node/303836/ [12] SKBN CU Statement regarding sectarian violence in Blue Nile and the death of an Aid Worker, August 17, 2017 conflict, and facing growing humanitarian needs, an immediate cessation of hostilities between the two SPLA-N factions is urgently needed. Thousands of people are reportedly displaced. The CU has received several reports of destroyed homes, burnt or looted shops, theft of livestock, and destruction of farmland. Alleged human rights violations have also occurred during the fighting. It is not possible with current resources to fully assess the impact of this violence, but it is clear that nearly everyone is affected. The CU has visited refugees in Maban from 18 to 22nd of August and spoken with newly arrivals from the conflict areas. Since the beginning of the conflict (end of May), refugees are divided between the camps along ethnic lines. Engagement with the refugees highlighted serious protection concerns as violence against civilians was allegedly exerted by both parties to the conflict. Increasing tribal divisions are affecting the stability of the camps and there is a growing risk of further attacks between the communities living in the camps. Insecurity in Maban in relation to the South Sudanese conflict is posing an additional threat to the security of refugees from Blue Nile and hindering their access to assistance. Annex I: Security Incidents June 2017 DateCountyPayamVillageIncidentImpact 12 Aug 2017DellingKarkoKarkoCattle Raiding9 head of cattle reported stolen 13 Aug 2017KurmukYabusYabus Balah, Yabus Kubri, AbengaroArmed ConflictUnknown number of persons killed or displaced. Property damage not yet assessed. 25 Aug 2017HeibanKumborUmdarfiCattle Raiding1 civilian killed during raid. Theft or property damage not reported. Date not reportedDellingSilaraGawCattle Raiding9 head of cattle reported stolen Date not reportedDellingFarshayaFarshayaCattle Raiding9 head of cattle reported stolen Note: The SKBN CU is not in a position to report further on the ongoing conflict since the fighting, which began on May 22nd, has disrupted normal monitoring activities. As soon as possible, more information will be provided. ___________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ (c) 2017 Blue Nile Coordinating Unit Humanitarian Update

By Byron Kronish and Mohammed Daoudi Dajai This Friday, Muslims in Israel and around the world will begin celebrating their most important holiday, known as Eid al-Adha, the “festival of the sacrifice.” How many Jews in Israel – or anywhere else in the world – know anything about this? Or about Islam as one of the main monotheistic religions in the world, including in our country? Why is ignorance about Islam so prevalent among Jews, in Israel and the Diaspora? Why are there so few efforts on the part of Jews to learn and understand Islam – in all its complexity and diversity – by Jewish leaders and Jewish institutions? What are we afraid of? Similarly, Jews began to mark the Hebrew month of Elul last week, the month that precedes the “High Holidays” of Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur. Traditionally, this is a month of reflection and repentance, during which observant Jews blow the shofar every morning and recite special prayers known as slichot, prayers of forgiveness. ‘FOR ALL Muslims, the celebration of Eid al-Adha is of central importance. Its name aims to remind Muslims of the narrative of Abraham going to sacrifice his son.’. (photo credit:REUTERS) How many Muslims in Israel, Palestine, or abroad know much about these customs? Or about Judaism – in all of its contemporary diversity? Why is ignorance of Judaism so dominant among Muslims here and elsewhere? Each year Muslims celebrate two feasts, al-Fitr Feast (Breaking the Fast) and al-Adha (Sacrifice) Feast. The al-Fitr Feast follows fasting during the month of Ramadan and al-Adha Feast starts on the tenth day of the Muslim month of Thu al-Hijjeh, after performance of the hajj (pilgrimage to Mecca), and lasts until the thirteenth. More than 1.8 million Muslims arrive in Saudi Arabia to perform the pilgrimage rituals. For all Muslims, the celebration of Eid al-Adha is of central importance. Its name aims to remind Muslims of the narrative of Abraham going to sacrifice his son (Ishmael according to the Muslim tradition and Isaac according to the Jewish tradition) in obedience to God’s instructions, then being ordered by God to sacrifice a lamb in his place. This ritual was adopted by Muslims to please God, be close to Him and seek His approval. For Jews, the months of Elul and Tishrei represent the season of forgiveness, repentance and even reconciliation. It is fascinating to note that on Rosh Hashanah, we read the story of the binding of Isaac in our synagogues. Moreover, one of the most famous declarations of the Jewish philosopher and rabbi, Maimonides, about Yom Kippur is that one does not receive forgiveness from another fellow human being unless one engages in a process of reconciliation. We have been engaged in dialogue, education and reconciliation among Jews and Muslims in Israel and Palestine, and internationally – separately and together – for several decades. In so doing, we have appeared together on many interreligious panels, and have engaged in dialogue projects and programs over many years. While these programs have faced many obstacles and challenges, they have also succeeded in changing the hearts and minds of many people, on both sides, toward reconciliation and the possibilities and benefits of peaceful coexistence. Despite many negative trends – including especially the rise of Muslim and Jewish extremist fundamentalist movements which are very dangerous for our common well-being – we believe that it is still not too late for Israeli Jews and Palestinian Muslims (and Christians) to engage in systematic, serious, sensitive and substantive encounters to overcome stereotypes and mutual misunderstandings of each other’s religion and culture. There is great mutual ignorance and much purposeful disinformation about each other’s traditions, especially on the Internet and social media, where maligning the other and debunking the other’s religion and culture thrives. It is time for this to change, since it is clearly in one’s own interest that this state of mutual misunderstanding and animosity does not continue into the future. What is needed now and for the future is serious and genuine dialogue among Muslims and Jews here, and abroad. There are some modest beginnings. Some non-governmental organizations have begun to do this, but not yet in a significant way that adds up to a critical mass of impact. Judaism and Islam have a lot in common, most of which is unfortunately unknown. These two great monotheistic religions have great teachings about ethics and social justice, as part of the core of who they are. But the media prefers to focus on the radical extremist fringes, which continue to purposely mis-educate people about the foundational truths of these religions and cultures. As Muslims and Jews are engaged in serious introspection and renewal, perhaps this can be a time for a new beginning, one of mutual respect, based on knowledge of each other’s traditions and cultures, and one of constructive cooperation to heal the world, to make it a better place, here and elsewhere, for all children of the same God. Rabbi Dr. Ron Kronish, a veteran interreligious peacebuilder in Jerusalem, has just published a new book titled The Other Peace Process: Interreligious Dialogue, A View from Jerusalem (Hamilton Books, an imprint of Rowman and Littlefield, 2017). Professor Mohammed Dajani Daoudi is founding director of the Wasatia Islamic Movement in Palestine. He became the center of a heated controversy when he took Palestinian students to Auschwitz. The public outcry forced him to resign his post at al-Quds University. _______________________________________________________________________________________________ (c) 2017 The Jerusalem Post

By Garima Tyagi Rights groups accused the Myanmar military of burning Rohingya villages and raping women. But the Army said it was responding to attacks by the militants and has denied targeting civilians Kuala Lumpur : As thousands of Rohingya Muslims flee persecution in their country, an international peoples tribunal on alleged atrocities and state crimes against the Rohingya, Kachins and other ethnic minority groups in Myanmar began its hearing from Monday in Malaysia. The convener of the opinion tribunal is the Rome-based Permanent People’s Tribunal (PPT), an international public opinion tribunal that operates independent of state authorities. The purpose of the tribunal is to “expose” the alleged inhuman treatment to Rohingyas and push to stop the crimes. It will hear victims from the Myanmar ethnic communities, record their testimonies on their experiences in a court-like setting. The process will be similar to a hearing, with the Myanmar ethnic groups testifying before a seven-jury member in Kuala Lumpur from September 18-22 at Universiti Malaya’s Faculty of Law. India jurist Bellur Narayanaswamy SriKrishna, a retired Supreme Court judge, was to be part of the jury but he could not come.On September 22, the tribunal will make a conclusion based on oral testimonies on the atrocities and give findings to the United Nation’s Fact Finding Mission that was tasked to send its official to Yangon. The findings are not legally binding and cannot be enforced by law. On March 6 and 7 this year a similar tribunal was held in London which concluded that the UN and Asean had to take swift action against Myanmar to stop the crimes against minorities groups. Since it was set up in 1979, PPT has held hearings on collective human rights violations around the world. The Rohingya, a stateless mostly Muslim minority in Buddhist-majority Rakhine, have long experienced persecution in Myanmar, which calls them illegal immigrants. Rights groups accused the Myanmar military of burning Rohingya villages, raping women. But the Army said it was responding to attacks by militants and has denied targeting civilians. The current humanitarian crisis began following an attack by the insurgent Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) on police and military posts in the northwestern state of Rakhine that had led to a violent offensive by the Myanmar Army. ________________________________________________________________________________________________________ (c) 2017 The Free Press Journal