By Nathaniel Hill Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian (left), Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev (right), and U.S. State Secretary Antony Blinken (center) attend trilateral talks in Munich on February 18. Genocide Watch is issuing a Genocide Emergency for Azerbaijan’s ongoing blockade against the Armenian-populated region of Artsakh. The blockade has created a dire humanitarian crisis among the 120,000 people living in Artsakh and is a clear attempt by the Azerbaijani government to starve, freeze, and ultimately expel Armenians from Nagorno-Karabakh. The blockade began on December 12th when a group of state-sponsored protestors blocked the only road into Artsakh known as the Lachin Corridor. The protestors gave the excuse that they were protesting the illegal mining of gold and copper-molybdenum in Nagorno-Karabakh and the use of the corridor to transport the minerals to Armenia. The Russian peacekeeping force along the corridor has been unwilling to keep the road open. The blockade has cut off food, medicine, and other supplies to Artsakh. Armenians in Artsakh are experiencing severe shortages of necessities. Azerbaijan has repeatedly turned off the supply of natural gas and electricity to Artsakh, subjecting its people to freezing temperatures. The longer the blockade continues, the risk of starvation increases. Starvation is an act of genocide under Genocide Convention Article 2(c): "Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part." The international response to the blockade has been tepid. Decisive diplomatic action is needed to pressure Azerbaijan into reopening the Lachin corridor. There is a high risk of more aggressive attacks by Azerbaijan against Armenia and Artsakh. During Russia's aggression in Ukraine, many diplomats hold out little hope that Russia will intervene to end the blockade. European nations that depend on Azerbaijan for gas and oil are reluctant to alienate its government. The blockade is coupled with Azerbaijan's aggressive use of hate speech against ethnic Armenians and the brutal suppression of dissent in Azerbaijan. Genocide Watch considers the situation in Nagorno-Karabakh to be at Stages 8: Persecution, Stage 9: Extermination, and Stage 10: Denial Genocide Watch Recommends: · The US, EU, and UN should demand the immediate reopening of the Lachin Corridor. · An EU and UN airlift of humanitarian supplies into Artsakh should begin. · The recently created European Union missions in Nagorno-Karabakh should be given an expanded mandate and resources to alleviate the humanitarian crisis. · The EU, US, and UN should diplomatically promote peace negotiations between Armenia, Artsakh, and Azerbaijan. · The US should sanction Azerbaijan under Section 907 of the Freedom Support Act.

Exclusive: Three reports provide new evidence of migrants and asylum seekers being systematically detained and abused Melissa Pawson, openDemocracy 23 February 2023 Greek police officers detain migrants in Athens in 2022 | Pacific Press Media Production Corp/Alamy Stock Photo. All rights reserved When Fardin Hosseini arrived in Athens in August 2021, he thought he’d reached a place of safety. The 34-year-old had fled persecution in Iran, escaping by car through Turkey and on foot into Greece. He wanted to claim asylum. But despite trying “about 20 times” to register his claim through the Skype-based system in place at the time, he said he could not get through. Around three weeks after their arrival, Hosseini and a friend were stopped by police. “They asked for our papers,” he said. “We told them we don’t have papers and have been trying to contact the asylum office, but they didn’t listen. They arrested us and we went to the police station. From there, they transferred us to Amygdaleza [detention centre].” After Amygdaleza, Hosseini was transferred to Corinth detention centre. “It was hell,” he said. In Corinth, Hosseini said he witnessed guards removing detainees from rooms and beating them as “punishment” for arguments breaking out. Detainees would be taken to a “a guard room” that he said he could see from the window, and “when they came back, there were bruises all over [their bodies].” He and other detainees were only allowed outside the room for four hours a day, including to use the bathroom. “It was a closed area,” Hosseini said. “For me, it was a jail. It was like Guantanamo [Bay].” When he asked why he was being held, he said police officers replied: “this is the law”. Amygdaleza and Corinth are two of seven detention centres used in Greece to detain foreign nationals prior to their deportation. Approximately 2,800 people were held in these centres at the end of 2022, according to the Greek Council for Refugees. NGOs have described the system as “a black hole” – but the UK government has openly stated its intention to copy the Greek approach, saying last year that new arrivals would be “housed in accommodation centres like those in Greece”. Hosseini was at the bottom of that hole for seven months and eight days. He said he continued to repeat his request for asylum throughout his detention, and received interview dates several times, but they were always pushed back. He had little choice but to wait. Unlawful and violent practices Three reports, released today by separate NGOs working in Greece, reveal that Hosseini’s experience of detention was far from unusual. The reports contain little-known details about immigration detention across Greece and have been published as part of a coordinated effort by the Border Violence Monitoring Network, Mobile Info Team, and I Have Rights. In an exclusive preview seen by openDemocracy, the combined findings of these reports paint a picture of systemic detention and police violence against migrants in Greek detention facilities. The Border Violence Monitoring Network (BVMN) found that 33 of 50 ex-detainees (65%) surveyed had experienced or witnessed violence by authorities while detained in Greece. A quarter of accounts mentioned the use of weapons including tasers by authorities and the use of violence as “punishment”. This includes people being beaten or kicked, at times by multiple officers or after having been strung up by their hands. The report’s authors say this evidence “may constitute torture or inhuman and degrading treatment,” which is prohibited by the European Convention on Human Rights. These revelations come in the wake of a leaked report by the human rights chief at Frontex, the EU border agency. In the confidential document, he calls for the agency to stop operating in Greece due to serious rights abuses by Greek border guards, violent pushbacks and the separation of children from their families. Less than 5% of most nationalities with return orders in Greek detention are actually being returned to their home countries. Mobile Info Team’s report, produced with support from Border Criminologies at Oxford University, draws on 50 in-depth interviews and 600 cases from their database. They emphasise the widespread use of unlawful detention in Greece. Neither EU nor Greek law allows asylum seekers to be detained if the sole reason for doing so is because they have applied for international protection. Detention should always be a measure of “last resort’ according to EU rules. Those rules state that an asylum seeker can be detained if there is no other way to verify their identity, for example. However, other, vaguer grounds can also be used to justify detention, such as protection of “public order”. According to Manon Louis, advocacy officer at Mobile Info Team, such grounds are often “ambiguously justified” by Greek authorities. Many detainees are given detention orders which state they are a “threat to national security or a danger to society,” without any reason given as to why, she said. These orders, she added, are often “in a language they don’t understand”. Despite rules designed to prevent most asylum seekers from being detained, almost 80% of detainees interviewed by Mobile Info Team were also asylum applicants. Multiple interviewees cited a significant lack of access to legal aid and translated information, and reported only being released from detention after interventions from private lawyers. In some cases, these interventions cost up to €2000. I Have Rights, the third organisation releasing a report today, focused specifically on the situation on Samos, a Greek island just off the coast of Turkey where many asylum seekers first arrive. Its main finding is that all asylum seekers – including potential trafficking survivors – are being detained for the first 25 days after their arrival on Samos for “identification purposes”. It argues that since people are provided with an identification document upon arrival, this 25-day policy “lacks a legal basis”. Inside Corinth (left and centre) and Xanthi (right) detention centres | Provided by respondents to Mobile Info Team's research. Used with permission Near-halt to deportations Mobile Info Team further found that it’s not just asylum seekers who are suffering at the hands of the Greek authorities. Third-country nationals – foreigners who have not claimed asylum, or who have had an asylum claim rejected – are experiencing long detentions on the grounds that they will be deported. This is despite almost no deportations currently being carried out by Greece. Migrants who have not claimed asylum in Greece are detained under different rules to asylum seekers. But their detention should still only occur under specific conditions according to EU law. Those conditions state that third-country nationals can be detained only as an exceptional measure and if there is a “reasonable prospect of removal.” However, since 2020, a succession of amendments to Greek law and changes in practice have seen the detention of third-country nationals go from exceptional measure to routine policy. These changes mean that foreigners are being detained as standard practice, yet are almost never deported. In a key finding from their report, Mobile Info Team say that less than 5% of most nationalities with return orders in Greek detention are actually being returned to their home countries. "We were not allowed to go out on a walk or get some fresh air or even see the sun." Greece’s low deportation figures partly result from a lack of return agreements with the countries of origin of many detainees. This means that many cannot be sent back directly. Another reason is the EU-Turkey agreement, signed in 2016. As part of this agreement, Turkey was declared a safe country for Syrians and Afghans – two of the major groups arriving in Greece to claim asylum – and Ankara agreed to accept their return to Turkey. In 2021, Greece extended that decision to people from Bangladesh, Pakistan and Somalia. As a result, Greece no longer considers whether asylum seekers from these five nationalities are safe in their home countries. Instead, it requires them to prove that they are not safe in Turkey in order to claim asylum in Greece. This policy is still in place. But, since the pandemic started in March 2020, Turkey has not accepted any formal returns of rejected asylum seekers. This has thrown thousands into limbo and caused “immeasurable suffering”, according to a report last year by the International Rescue Committee. Since there is currently no prospect of deportation for the vast majority of people in pre-removal centres, Mobile Info Team argues that there are serious doubts about the legality of their continued detention. ‘I had already suffered enough’ Aram, 28, whose name has been changed to protect his identity, is a Kurdish-Iranian who arrived in Greece in July 2021 seeking safety. He said he didn’t initially apply for asylum because he didn’t know what his rights were in Greece. Much like Hosseini, Aram was arrested in Athens a few weeks after arriving. He said he spent approximately one year in detention before being released with the help of a lawyer. Of that time, he said 104 days were spent locked up with dozens of others in a police station in the town of Oropos. According to EU law, immigration detainees should not be held in facilities such as police stations for longer than 24 hours. “We were not allowed to go out on a walk or get some fresh air or even see the sun,” Aram said. After 100 days of captivity, Aram said he went on hunger strike with two other detainees. Four days later they were transferred. Like Hosseini, they went first to Amygdaleza and then to Corinth. Aram described being held in a room with only 20 beds for 40 people in Corinth, and witnessing guards taking detainees outside to beat them on multiple occasions. “I got arrested once in Iran, and I always thought that was hell,” he said. “But Corinth was worse.” Hope Barker, Senior Policy Analyst for BVMN, corroborated Aram’s and Hosseini’s claims that violence is often inflicted in detention as a “punishment” for “bad behaviour”. She said it occurs in places away from camera surveillance, referred to in their report as “dark rooms.” BVMN’s report argues that the “severe and structural” violence occurring in Greek detention centres corresponds with the violence occurring on Europe’s borders, and particularly that of illegal pushbacks. Barker explained that some individuals have even reported being “pushed back directly from pre-removal detention centres”, in a process she described as “coordinated by state authorities”. Pushbacks are unlawful returns of migrants and asylum seekers, which members of the European parliament, NGOs and lawyers say Greece has been carrying out “with impunity” for years. Detention in reception facilities Despite concerns, a new pre-removal detention centre is set to open on the island of Samos, inside an existing closed reception facility. This would be like opening “another prison inside a prison-like structure,” said Ella Dodd, the legal coordinator for I Have Rights. The current Closed Controlled Access Centre (CCAC) accommodating asylum seekers on Samos was built one and a half years ago with EU funds. It has been described as “heavily fortified” by Oxfam and the Greek Council for Refugees. In their report, I Have Rights reference asylum seekers’ accounts of police violence in the quarantine section of the CCAC, which was operational until November 2022. These include “forced stripping and beating, beatings in the dark, kicks, punches, slaps or multiple police officers beating one person at a time”. The current, EU-funded Closed Controlled Access Center on Samos. | SOPA Images Limited/Alamy Stock Photo. All rights reserved. Many asylum seekers accommodated in the CCAC are extremely vulnerable and include people “who have been sex trafficked or labour trafficked on their way to Greece,” said Dodd. “Don’t be fooled that these new structures are a humane or a superior approach to the horrors that we’ve seen [in the old centres],” she said. “We have seen time and time again [that] Greece is the testing ground for other member states with how they choose to manage migration […] and this has to stop here.” The European Commission announced last month that it is pursuing infringement measures over how Greece manages its reception of asylum seekers. This means the EU could take Greece to court for its detention of asylum seekers, including potentially in the EU-funded CCACs. openDemocracy contacted the Hellenic Ministry of Migration and Asylum to request a comment regarding the allegations in the reports. The ministry declined to comment and directed the request to the Hellenic Ministry of Citizen Protection, which at the time of publishing had not responded to the request to comment. Detention as a deterrent The absence of state-funded legal aid, changing legislation, long waits without documents, and no individual assessments are all “issues of concern” when it comes to detention practices, said Alexandros Konstantinou, an attorney for the Greek Council for Refugees. Konstantinou believes these issues are not simple oversights by Greece. “This is a measure of deterrence,” he said. Louis, the advocacy officer at Mobile Info Team, agrees. “[Pre-removal detention] is an intimidation tactic but also a deterrent,” she said. "It forms part of a much broader tactic of deliberative rights abuses aimed at preventing migration flows into the country." For Hosseini and Aram, their experiences in detention did not encourage them to stay in Greece: they both left within weeks of being released. Hosseini now resides in the UK and Aram is in Germany. Both have claimed asylum. While they say they are in better situations, both men are still processing the months they spent locked up in Greece, and are waiting for asylum interview dates in their new countries. “I still have some fear they may send us to Rwanda,” said Hosseini from Home Office accommodation in the UK. “I’m still waiting.” © openDemocracy 2023

By Milivoje Pantovic, bne IntelliNews February 20, 2023 Riot police block Damjan Knezevic and fellow protesters in Belgrade on February 15. Serbian far-right groups and pro-Russian extremists held a protest around the presidency in Belgrade on February 15. The protest almost turned violent on several occasions, especially when fake news started to circulate among the gathered crowd that a pregnant woman had been arrested. Some of the extremists even tried to storm to the building but they were prevented by the police. The protest was organized by the pro-Russian People’s Patrols that is close to Russia’s paramilitary Wagner Group, and banned neo-fascist organization Obraz and parliamentary party Dveri (Doors) called on their supporters to join the protest too. The main reason for the protest was Serbia’s distancing from Russia, but also a potential agreement with Kosovo, which unilaterally declared independence from Serbia in 2008. Serbia is under huge pressure from the West and specifically as an EU candidate to put sanctions on Russia. It is considered to be a historic ally of Moscow in the Balkans, while Russia has exploited the issue of Kosovo and used its role on the UN Security Council to style itself as a protector of Serbian interests. Another grievance is that Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic stated that he is ready to talk about the French-German plan for Kosovo that was supported by the US. Moreover, Serbia has suspended all of its military exercises with Russia, while continuing to do them with Nato. On February 16, police stated that three people were arrested in connection with the protest, and on the Telegram channel of People’s Patrols it was confirmed that their leader Damjan Knezevic, alongside two more members, was arrested. Knezevic and other members of the Peoples Patrols do not hide their connections with notorious Russian private army Wagner. Despite the protests against Vucic and the deal with Kosovo, most analysts and journalists in Belgrade claim that far-right organisations in Serbia were formed while successive governments turned a blind eye or even gave their support. In contrast to the extremists within Serbia, Vucic can portray himself and his government as moderates, despite backsliding on democracy in the country. This gives Belgrade more leverage in international negotiations over the Kosovo issue and an excuse to avoid making concessions, as officials cite the need to placate the aggressive rightwing within the country. Editor in chief of the weekly Vreme (Time), Filip Svarm, told Voice of America that far-right groups have been formed under the influence of the current government, claiming recent events were “a show for the West”. “The president was nourishing the new extreme right wing. I think that without that support from the top of the state it cannot even survive and I do not think he lost control over them. This is just a show for the West to present them how much opposition he has in Serbia and he [can] use that extremism in the negotiations,” said Svarm. Vucic did address the public on February 15 after a meeting with officials from security sector, and accused all of the opposition for violence. “These people today, they called for violence. What is that idea about the violence, who do you want to kill? When we spoke in the parliament that the violence is their [the opposition’s] only argument, when it becomes clear that they don’t have ideas or arguments, then they “spilled” the violence to the streets,” said Vucic in his address. He added that citizens should not worry and that the “state will secure peace, security and safety for everyone”. Although the extremists were shouting insults at Vucic during the protest, Aleksandar Popov from the Centre for Regionalism NGO, also speaking to Voice of America, said that the authorities have not lost control over the far right, and speculated that the protest would only have gone ahead with official endorsement. He also gave the example of the Pride parades that have gone ahead in the country for several years. “Since President Vucic came to power, Gay Pride parades started to be organised with much less security since the hooligans and far-right stopped making problems, at least significant ones. “One of the Gay Pride parades, that was ‘blessed’ by the state, was like we are in Holland. It was totally peaceful without extremists. So, obviously someone told them: stay at home; don’t make problems. Are they powerful enough to do this protest on February 15 by themselves? I sincerely doubt that,” concluded Popov.

By RFE/RL's Balkan Service February 22, 2023 Bosnian Serb leader Milorad Dodik (file photo) The U.S. ambassador to Bosnia-Herzegovina has issued a scathing condemnation of longtime Bosnian Serb leader Milorad Dodik's latest denial of a genocide in the massacre of 8,000 men and boys at Srebrenica in eastern Bosnia in 1995, calling such efforts "reprehensible," illegal, and destabilizing. Ambassador Michael Murphy said in a video statement via Twitter on February 22 that Dodik's "repeated attempts to deny the genocide at Srebrenica, as he did again yesterday, cannot change the facts and it cannot change the truth." He called such efforts by the secessionist head of the majority Serb part of Bosnia and the glorification of war criminals from the brutal Balkan conflicts of the 1990s are "irresponsible and deserve condemnation." "Denial of genocide and war crimes, and the glorification of war criminals are reprehensible and irresponsible," Murphy said. The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the UN's top judicial authority, the International Court of Justice, have each recognized the killings by Bosnian Serb forces commanded by Ratko Mladic at Srebrenica late in the 1992-95 Bosnian War as a genocide. Some Serbs cite violence and injustices committed against Serbs during that and other conflicts and refuse to acknowledge Srebrenica as anything but another major tragedy in the brutal wars that followed Yugoslavia's breakup. "Genocide took place in Srebrenica in 1995," Murphy said. "The guilt for the Srebrenica genocide is individual and is borne by those who committed these atrocious acts," Murphy said, "But society, political leaders, and institutions have a moral obligation to address the harm done." Dodik was quoted a day earlier criticizing the international community's overseer of civil and other aspects of the 1995 Dayton agreements that still govern Bosnia after High Representative Christian Schultz used his UN-backed authority to amend legislation to ensure ongoing operations at the Srebrenica-Potocari Memorial Center dedicated to the victims, their families, and survivors. Dodik was declared the winner after a recount of the election on October 2 to the presidency of Republika Srpska, which is part of Bosnia along with a Bosniak and Croat Federation. The United States has targeted Dodik with multiple rounds of sanctions over perceived destabilization efforts and alleged corruption. Dodik has long threatened to seek Republika Srpska's independence from the rest of Bosnia, and rejects the authority of the Office of the High Representative in matters including a controversial ban on genocide denial and the glorification of war criminals. “There is no high representative. He is all illegitimate and illegal," Dodik was quoted as saying on February 21 before adding, "Genocide did not happen there. We all know that, but they keep trying to insist on it violently." Murphy said in his video message that the denial of genocide and glorification of war criminals "tears at the fabric of the society of Bosnia-Herzegovina, threatening [its] stability." "It is also illegal under [Bosnian-Herzegovinian] law," he added. Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty © 2023 RFE/RL, Inc. All Rights Reserved.

Maasai village in the Ngorongoro Conservation Area, Tanzania, February 8, 2022 (© Ahmad Aljuhma | Getty Images) Tanzania’s policies on conservation and its ongoing impacts on Maasai people in Ngorongoro district highlight how communities historically marginalized by oppression still wrestle with colonial policies. When colonial authorities declared the Serengeti area a national park in 1951, communities within its borders were relocated to Ngorongoro district for permanent settlement. But for the past half-century, these communities have continued to face numerous evictions even from these regions, while new regulations have curtailed their rights to graze cattle and cultivate subsistence gardens. Currently, the government plans to displace about 150,000 pastoralists for its conservation initiatives in two areas in Ngorongoro district, Loliondo Game Controlled Area and Ngorongoro Conservation Area (NCA). In June 2022, security forces and Maasai violently clashed in Loliondo during a land demarcation exercise, which restricts the people’s access to grazing sites, water sources, and in some places cuts across their homes. The government had decided without consultation with affected communities to convert the area to a game reserve. What happened in Loliondo in June is a continuation of the government’s forcible displacement of these communities. Loliondo is the tip of the iceberg, and Ngorongoro Conservation Area illustrates the government’s pervasive efforts to forcibly relocate Maasai people by reducing basic services and restricting movement into the area. South of Loliondo, the Ngorongoro Conservation Area, a United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) World Heritage Site since 1979, spans vast areas of highland plains, savanna, savanna woodlands, forests, and includes the spectacular Ngorongoro Crater. It adjoins the Serengeti National Park and is part of the Serengeti-Mara ecosystem in functioning as wildlife corridors essential to protecting animal migrations. Colonial authorities established the conservation area in 1959 as a multiple land use area, with wildlife coexisting with Maasai traditional pastoralists. It is managed by the NCA Authority, supervised by the Natural Resources and Tourism Ministry. Semi-nomadic Maasai pastoralists have lived, used, and managed the area alongside other native communities for over 200 years. They grow corn, beans, pumpkins, and sweet potatoes, and graze cows, sheep, and goats, requiring large areas of rangeland as pasture for their animals. The Maasai strive to live harmoniously with wildlife and their customs, such as taboos on consuming wildlife meat instead of beef and cutting down a live tree instead of using its branches, and traditional rules on managing grazing areas, promote conservation of their natural resources. Their cultural and spiritual practices are interwoven with the land, with sacred areas for assemblies to teach young Maasai about their culture and how they live with the ecosystem around them. The Ngorongoro Conservation Area’s most recent plan from 1996 has primary objectives to conserve natural resources, protect the interests of the Maasai pastoralists, and to promote tourism. However, since the creation of the conservation area, the Maasai population has increased through natural population growth, resulting in an increased need for land and resources. The government has used this to justify a new land-use model that expands the conservation area to include parts of Loliondo Game Controlled Areas, an adjacent park, and to relocate about 82,000 residents by 2027. The government’s resettlement plan will forcibly displace people in these herder communities from Ngorongoro district, Arusha region, to Handeni district, Tanga region, about 600 kilometers away, with little or no consultation. Media have reported that up to 500 residents and 2,000 livestock have been moved to Msomera village in Handeni district since the relocation began on June 16. Residents told us that the government downsized important health and education services beginning in February. Services in these areas were already less developed than in other areas, with lower health and education outcomes than national figures. In February, the government grounded Flying Medical Services, a medical outreach service provider, and in October, announced that it would downgrade Endulen Hospital, the area’s main hospital, to a dispensary, reducing staff from 64 to 2. The government has also moved funding to schools to Handeni. The government’s downsizing directly interferes with the communities’ ability to continue living in the area. It could have particularly devastating results in emergencies, including for pregnant women, and violates residents’ right to health and education. UNESCO has pointed out that it did not recommend displacing the Maasai. Instead, a UNESCO committee recommended that “there is the need for an equitably governed consultative process to identify long term sustainable interdisciplinary solutions … with participation of all rightsholders and stakeholders, consistent with international norms.” United Nations experts have also said the government should halt forced evictions and relocation. They urged the government to work with affected communities to evaluate challenges to conservation in the area, and design a plan that meets the needs of the local communities as well as conservation. The displacement of Maasai in northern Tanzania needs to stop. The government should consult affected communities and ensure that they and their representatives have access to relevant information prior to consultation to obtain their free, prior, and informed consent, consistent with international standards, to any changes to conservation management plans. Human Rights Watch’s written request to the government for further information did not get a response. © 2023 Human Rights Watch

The victims, Junaid and Nasir, were set ablaze on suspicion of 'cow smuggling' by vigilantes affiliated with the Bajrang Dal. The Indian American Muslim Council Demands strict action against the accused. By Indian American Muslim Council on 20th February, 2023 The burnt vehicle in which the charred bodies of Junaid and Nasir were found: By The Wire. Washington, D.C. (February 20, 2023) – The Indian American Muslim Council (IAMC) today vehemently condemned the brutal killing of two Muslim men in India’s Haryana state by the members of Bajrang Dal, a Hindu militant group and the youth wing of paramilitary Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS). The incident is a stark reminder of the extreme persecution that religious minorities, especially Muslims face in India. On February 14th, Junaid and Nasir, who hail from Ghatmeeka village in the Bharatpur district of Rajasthan, were on their way to Haryana when a group of Hindu militants stopped their car over cow smuggling allegations. They were then abducted, brutally thrashed, and their bodies set on fire. Junaid (left) and Nasir (right). Photos: By The Wire. The families have accused Monu Manesar, a Hindu militant leader of Bajrang Dal’s cow vigilante unit, of murdering their kin. Last month, he was also an accused in the lynching of another Muslim man named Waris Khan. Manesar leads a team of 50 militants who use deadly firearms to terrorize Muslim community members over suspicion of consuming, transporting, or selling beef for the last five years. According to media reports, he enjoys extensive support from the local police. His role in this horrific act also clearly indicates the growing nexus between Hindu militant groups and local police in persecuting religious minorities. “This is purely a case of domestic terrorism. Under the garb of cow protection, Hindu far-right groups are setting up militant units and arming them with deadly and illegal firearms to commit these ghastly acts of violence and terrorism against Muslim minorities,” said Rasheed Ahmed, Executive Director of IAMC. IAMC extends its deepest condolences to the victim's families and stands in solidarity with the Muslim community in India. We urge the Indian government to take strict action against those responsible for this heinous act of terrorism and to ensure that justice is served. Furthermore, the Indian government must take urgent steps to curb the growing menace of cow vigilantism, which has claimed the lives of hundreds of Muslims in recent years. IAMC also calls upon civil society organizations, human rights groups, and the international community to condemn this act of terrorism and to pressure the Indian government to take necessary steps to protect the rights and safety of its Muslim citizens. We urge the Indian government to take swift action to bring an immediate end to the violence and discrimination against religious minorities and to uphold the principles of justice, equality, and human rights. © 2022 Indian American Muslim Council

Mali UN peacekeeping forces (CGTN Africa) BAMAKO, Feb 21 (Reuters) - Three peacekeepers from Senegal were killed and five seriously injured after their convoy hit an improvised explosive device in central Mali, the U.N. peacekeeping mission in the country and Senegal's army said on Tuesday. Mali is struggling to stem an Islamist insurgency that took root after a 2012 coup and has since spread from the West African country's arid north. Thousands have died and millions have been displaced across the Sahel region. Some of the groups have links to al Qaeda and Islamic State. Tuesday's incident took place near the village of Songobia, 29 km (18 miles) southwest of the town of Bandiagara in Mali's Mopti region, the U.N. peacekeeping mission MINUSMA said in a statement. Senegal's army also issued a statement saying the victims were part of a Senegalese contingent of the U.N. mission. At least 168 peacekeepers have been killed in Mali since the start of the mission in 2013, making it the deadliest U.N. peacekeeping effort in the world. "This is another tragic illustration of the complexity of our operational environment and the sacrifices made by the international community for peace in Mali," said MINUSMA Head of Mission El-Ghassim Wane. © 2023 Reuters. All rights reserved

Father Isaac Achi, a Nigerian Catholic priest, was murdered in Niger State on Jan. 15, 2023. | Diocese of Minna A U.S. State Department official sent EWTN a statement noting that “after careful review” Secretary of State Anthony Blinken has decided not to put Nigeria back on a list of offenders of religious liberty. The statement comes as human rights advocates and members of Congress are pressing the Biden administration to place Nigeria on the watch list in an effort to stop the violence and persecution of Christians in the country. More than 5,000 Christians were killed in 2022 in Nigeria, according to religious freedom watchdog Open Doors International. The widespread violence and persecution of Christians in Nigeria have continued this year with the January murder of Father Isaac Achi, who was burned to death Jan. 17. This led many religious rights advocates to call for the U.S. to take a strong stance in defense of Nigerian Christians by adding Nigeria to its annual list of countries that violate religious freedom, known as the Countries of Particular Concern (CPC) list. The unnamed U.S. Department of State official Feb. 7 sent a statement in response to an inquiry from EWTN correspondent Owen Jensen regarding Nigeria’s omission from the CPC list. “After careful review, the Secretary [of State] has assessed that Nigeria does not meet the legal threshold for designation under the International Religious Freedom Act,” the statement read. The State Department official said that “the United States takes all incidents of violence seriously and raises them regularly in our conversations with Nigerian officials.” As regards the murder of Father Achi, the statement said: “We are saddened and appalled.” “We do not know the motives of those responsible, but we condemn their heedless violence. We urge the Nigerian authorities to quickly bring them to justice,” read the statement from the State Department official. “We continue to have concerns about the religious freedom situation in Nigeria, which is well documented in the annual IRF (International Religious Freedom) Report,” the official said. “We will continue to press the government to address these.” The statement noted that the State Department has redesignated two terrorist organizations within Nigeria, Boko Haram and ISIS-WA, as “Entities of Particular Concern for religious freedom.” Human rights observers in Nigeria and members of the Catholic Church have argued, however, that the Nigerian government itself should be on the CPC list, in part, because it has allowed these groups to continue to persecute Christians and religious minorities. Bishop Jude Arogundade of the Diocese of Ondo, Nigeria, told a group gathered in Washington earlier this month that members of the ruling party have ties to terrorists. Arogundade’s diocese suffered a terrorist attack on Pentecost Sunday 2022 in which 50 Catholics attending Mass were killed at St. Francis Xavier Parish in Nigeria’s Owo state. Those who “are supposed to make things better, they are the ones involved in attacks here,” he told the group. Nina Shea, an international human rights lawyer and fellow at the Hudson Institute, told the group that terrorists in Nigeria continue to act with “impunity” and are rarely held accountable for their crimes. Rampant Christian persecution, including massacres, murders, and kidnappings, has been increasing in Nigeria in recent years, according to Aid to the Church in Need. Yet, 2022 was the second year in a row that the nation was left off the CPC list. Nigeria’s continued exclusion from the CPC list prompted Rep. Chris Smith, R-New Jersey; Rep. French Hill, R-Arkansas; and Rep. Henry Cuellar, D-Texas, to introduce a resolution last week to push back on the nation’s abuses. The bipartisan resolution urges the State Department to redesignate Nigeria a CPC and to appoint a special envoy to monitor and combat human rights violations in the region. “I look forward to asking the State Department directly about this issue when they come to testify in front of the House Foreign Affairs Committee,” Hill told CNA in response to this week’s State Department email. “The Biden administration continues to leave Nigeria off the CPC list for political gain. This resolution sends an important message to the Biden administration and the government of Nigeria that the U.S. Congress sees what is happening there and will continue to speak out against the ongoing violence and the government’s inadequate response,” Hill told CNA last week. Copyright 2023 EWTN

RAPPORT SUR LES ATTAQUES CONTRE LES BANYAMULENGE DANS LES HAUTS ET MOYENS PLATEAUX DU SUD-KIVU EN REPUBLIQUE DEMOCRATIQUE DU CONGO Par Innocent Nteziryayo Publié le 20 février 2023 Displaced Banyamulenge civilians gather in Minembwe to mourn the deaths of two women and one man who were decapitated in a neighborhood 2-3km from Minembwe Centre on April 18, 2020. — Delphin Rukumbuzi Ntanyoma Nous avons documenté cette tragédie pour la mémoire des victimes. Il faut rappeler l'objectif poursuivi par cette étude qui est celui de faire connaitre l'extermination des Banyamulenge. Cette extermination se fait de manière systématique avec la complicité et l'implication du pouvoir et des forces de sécurité loin des caméras et des médias de ce monde. Au moment de la rédaction du présent rapport, les situations de sécurité et les conditions humanitaires de la communauté Banyamulenge dans les hauts et moyens plateaux des territoires d’Uvira, de Fizi et de Mwenga en République démocratique du Congo demeurent totalement dangereuses. Les Banyamulenge ont été victimes de violations graves du droit international humanitaire et du droit international des droits de l’homme, notamment des assassinats, meurtres, viols, arrestations arbitraires, enlèvements et des déplacements forcés à l’intérieur du pays tout comme à l’extérieur. Les Banyamulenge déplacés à l'intérieur du pays se sont déplacés principalement vers la région de Minembwe, Bibogobogo et Kahololo suite à de nombreuses attaques de ces dernières années. Bien que la mission de maintien de la paix des Nations Unies (MONUSCO) ait installé une base dans cette zone dans le but de protéger les civils, les Mai-Mai ont continué à encercler et à attaquer les Banyamulenge dans les hauts et moyens plateaux des territoires d’Uvira, de Fizi et de Mwenga en provenance de plusieurs directions. Ils ont également assiégé dans tous les axes, créant des difficultés pour les Banyamulenge d'accéder aux champs pour se nourrir et recevoir de l'aide humanitaire. NB: This report has been produced by an external researcher and activist and is not an official Genocide Watch publication. It does not represent research conducted internally and directly by Genocide Watch staff. Genocide Watch supports and promotes efforts by other actors to investigate, document, and bring attention to the plight of persecuted communities such as the Banyamulenge of DR Congo. The report has been reviewed by several academics, it may be subject to updates, and an English translation is currently in progress. Télécharger le rapport ici / Download the report here : Hundreds of villages have been burned and destroyed in Minembwe territory in the highlands of South Kivu. — Delphin Rukumbuzi Ntanyoma Innocent Nteziryayo is a founding and active member of Collectif des Avocats des Parties Civiles, a group acting in support of victims of human rights violations in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo and representing them in judicial processes. He is the coordinator of the Gatumba Justice Project, advocating for justice on behalf of Gatumba genocide survivors. He also formerly worked as a public prosecutor in Rwanda. As an advocate, he is interested in justice for human rights violations against minority communities. Innocent Nteziryayo holds a Bachelor’s Degree in Sociology and Anthropology with Gender Studies from the University of Hull in the UK (2016-2019). He holds a Postgraduate Diploma in Legal Practice from ILPD in Rwanda (2009) and a Bachelor’s Degree in Law from UNILAK, in Rwanda (2003-2007).

By Hannah Ellis-Petersen Media staff targeted for criticising BJP government fear tax raid is escalation of coercion Police officers hold back news crews during the raid by tax officials on the BBC’s offices in Delhi on Tuesday. Photograph: Anushree Fadnavis/Reuters Did BBC Take Cash From China For Propaganda?” ran the opening title on the primetime news debate. As the flashy graphics of Republic TV, India’s hardline and overwhelmingly popular news channel, faded and its presenter Arnab Goswami appeared on the screen, he addressed millions of viewers across the country directly. “Ladies and gentlemen, our worst suspicions have been proved absolutely correct,” he said. “The BBC is funded by China.” Two weeks later, on Tuesday, more than 50 officers from the income tax department descended on the Delhi and Mumbai offices of the BBC. Over the course of three days, officials went through documents, searched emails and cloned phones and laptops, according to BBC employees who were inside the building. At least 10 BBC employees, including five senior editors, were kept there for three nights until the “tax survey” was finally completed on Friday. The government insisted it was simply carrying out routine checks. “There is absolutely no correlation between what the BBC has put out and what the income tax authorities in India have done,” said Kanchan Gupta, an adviser at the ministry of information and broadcasting. A screengrab from the Arnab Goswami hosted a debate on Republic TV with the title: Did BBC take cash from China for propaganda? Photograph: Republic TV “This is not a raid or a seizure, it is a scrutiny process. From what I understand, at least 10 notices were sent to the BBC to come clean on certain issues before the documentary. The BBC did not respond to those notices, and that prompted the action.” A statement from the Central Board of Direct Taxes on Friday said the survey had detected “several irregularities and discrepancies”. The BBC has said it is cooperating with the investigation. Yet the timing of the raids raised eyebrows, and was cited by many observers as an escalation of threats to press freedom and authoritarianism in India under the prime minister, Narendra Modi. In January, the BBC had broadcast a documentary about Modi in the UK that the Indian government had evidently loathed. The two-part series, called India: the Modi Question, examined rising tensions between Modi’s Hindu nationalist government and the minority Muslim population. Most controversially, it revisited allegations that as chief minister of Gujarat, Modi had been complicit in the deaths of hundreds of Muslims during religious riots that broke out in 2002. Although the documentary cited previously unreported UK diplomatic cables, the allegations were not new, and had followed Modi for years. In 2012, he was cleared of all charges relating to the riots by India’s supreme court. The documentary was not released in India but the government went full throttle in condemning it, calling it “colonial propaganda”, “hostile garbage” and evidence of western powers trying to undermine India’s rise to a global superpower. Emergency laws were swiftly invoked to ban any clips or footage of the documentary being shared online. A hate campaign portraying the BBC as corrupt circulated among rightwing social media users. In particular, the allegation that the broadcaster was being funded by India’s foe China began to take hold, based on a 2022 report in the Spectator magazine that the BBC had accepted advertising revenue from the Chinese company Huawei. Not long after, several of India’s biggest news channels began alleging China was paying the BBC to create anti-India propaganda and it became the topic of multiple television debates, often featuring members of the ruling Bharatiya Janata party (BJP). “It was a pattern we’ve seen so many times before,” said Raqib Hameed Naik, an Indian journalist who runs Hindutva Watch, a website monitoring hate speech and disinformation on Hindu nationalist social media, from the safety of the US. “These fake allegations are first pushed by rightwing IT cells on Twitter, then they make it onto primetime television debates and eventually they end up with raids by government agencies.” The BBC documentary India: the Modi Question is shown on an outdoor screen in Kochi, southern india. Photograph: Arun Chandrabose/Getty Images “The aim is always the same,” he added. “To silence critics of the government. They’re trying to create this single echo chamber, where only their message resonates and all the critical media is silenced.” India has a chequered history of freedom of expression and press freedoms, mostly notably during the “Emergency” years in the 1970s when the then prime minister, Indira Gandhi, suspended the constitution and jailed and expelled journalists. Since Modi came to power in 2014, some journalists and other media workers have alleged that a systematic silencing of critical reporting has taken place and that journalists have been targeted as “anti-national” threats to the state. In this year’s World Press Freedom Index, India dropped down to 150 out of 180 countries, its lowest ranking on record. Gupta denied there was a government crackdown on media. “This is not on the government’s agenda,” he said. “I really do not see the media cowing in fear, sitting quietly in a corner. But media houses are not above scrutiny, the tax laws apply equally to them.” A large number of newspapers, magazines, digital media and television news channels still exist in India, creating what can appear to be a vibrant media landscape. However, many in the sector describe an environment where mainstream news publications and channels, largely owned by figures who have corporate interests tied into the government, refuse to publish stories that criticise Modi, the BJP or those close to the ruling establishment. “You have a landscape in India where the legacy media news organisations and channels are so compromised they have just become cheerleaders of the government,” said Abhinandan Sekhri, the CEO of Newslaundry, a digital news organisation. Critics accuse the government of escalating its crackdown by introducing draconian legislation regulating digital media – including laws giving the government the power to decide what is fake news – and more news organisations have found themselves the subject of government investigations. While numerous Indian publications have been targeted, the BBC raids this week were a first for an international news organisation, though foreign correspondents based in India have faced increasing difficulties over visas and access to sensitive areas of the country. As the raids took place, figures from the BJP doubled down on the BBC. Its spokesperson Gaurav Bhatia called the BBC the “most corrupt organisation in the world” while the vice-president Jagdeep Dhankhar, a BJP member, said that “sinister designs” who wanted to undermine the country should be “boldly neutralised”. The BBC raid came as little surprise to Sekhri. Newslaundry – part of a small but defiant pool of digital media organisations which have refused to toe the government line – faced the same “survey” by income tax officers twice in 2021. “Whenever this government is displeased with the kind of coverage they’ve got in the news, their response is use the agencies for intimidation,” he said. The harassment of Newslaundry did not stop after the raids. Failed attempts were made to file criminal charges against Sekhri and he still receives notices from the income tax department every two months or so, demanding documents. “I don’t even know what they are investigating us for,” he said. “It’s a drain on resources but it won’t change what we report.” A very real fear now also exists among journalists that they will be prosecuted under stringent laws for producing critical work. Digital websites such as The Wire and magazines such as Caravan have faced raids and lawsuits for their reporting, while last year the journalist and fact-checker Mohammad Zubair was arrested and detained, following a sustained campaign against him on social media. This month, the Keralan journalist Siddique Kappan was released from prison after more than two years, having been detained under terrorism laws as he was on his way to report on a high-profile gang-rape case. He has still not faced trial for the charges he says were politically motivated; among them, the accusation of stirring up religious hatred through his reports and laundering 5,000 rupees (the equivalent of £50). “I was targeted because I have written pieces that have been critical of the ruling BJP and the government policies,” said Kappan. “The situation for independent journalists is dangerous in India and is deteriorating quickly. What happened to me was meant as a warning to others.” Nowhere has the Modi government’s media crackdown been more visible and more effective than in Kashmir. Since 2019, when the government unilaterally stripped the troubled, Muslim-majority state of the autonomy it had enjoyed for decades – and subsequently imposed an internet blackout for 18 months – the media landscape has effectively been suppressed almost to the point of extinction. Three Kashmiri journalists are still detained under draconian terrorism laws, while others who still attempted to report have been detained, beaten, faced constant harassment and interrogation by police and authorities and placed on an arbitrary no-fly list which bars them from leaving the country. Last year, the state’s press club was shut down. “We had problems before 2019 but it was never this bad,” said Anuradha Bhasin, the executive editor of the Kashmir Times. “There’s been a systematic crushing of journalists and an overwhelming climate of fear so you won’t find a single critical story in the local papers anymore, the front pages just look like a publicity pamphlet for the government. It’s censorship by default now.” Those in the region say the tactics increasingly being used against journalists elsewhere in India – heavy regulation, harassment by authorities, prosecution under terrorism and sedition laws – are straight out of the playbook that has effectively shut any independent media in Kashmir. “Kashmir was an experimental laboratory where the Indian government managed to successfully silence the media,” said Bhasin. “That is now being extended to the rest of India in ways that are very brazen and very worrying.” © 2023 Guardian News & Media Limited or its affiliated companies.

A woman stands outside an apartment building in Vyshhorod, Ukraine, a day after it was struck by a Russian missile.Credit...Brendan Hoffman for The New York Times Biden Should Give Ukraine What It Needs to Win The New York Times Feb. 18, 2023 By Nicholas Kristof Opinion Columnist Russian Air Force pilots are scaredy-cats who have been surprisingly absent over Ukraine. Russian ground forces are being mowed down as cannon fodder, and one of the best known examples of Russian military discipline involves an officer using a sledgehammer to execute a fellow Russian. But the Russian war effort does excel in some areas: It stands out at committing atrocities. In my interviews in Ukraine, I was struck by how commonly Russian troops engaged in torture, rape and pillage. Russia’s government has become a leader in child trafficking, transferring more than 6,000 Ukrainian children to Russia or Russian-controlled territory, with some put up for adoption. Russia has manipulated Western fears that it might use nuclear weapons, thus deterring the United States from fully supporting Ukraine in this war. We give Ukraine enough to survive but, so far, not enough to win. So a year after Vladimir Putin’s all-out invasion of Ukraine, it’s time for President Biden to reassess and give Ukraine what it needs to end this war and save Ukrainian and Russian lives alike. “We are well past the point of trying to measure this a few systems at a time,” said James Stavridis, a retired four-star admiral and supreme allied commander at NATO. “Putin is all in, and we should be as well. That means fighter aircraft, ATACMS, high-end anti-ship cruise missiles — the kitchen sink.” More on specific hardware in a moment. But many military experts agree that while Biden has generally done well in supporting Ukraine, we should be doing even more. “We’re modulating what we’re giving Ukraine,” said Wesley Clark, a retired four-star general and NATO supreme allied commander. “We’re bleeding out the Ukrainians. People are dying as a result.” “If we want to end the war with a negotiated peace, we have to figure out the battlefield situation that will lead to a successful negotiation,” Clark added. “That probably requires going after Crimea in a serious way to convince Putin that he can’t win.” It is also important to send a message — to Xi Jinping as well as Putin — that invasions do not pay. Of all the geopolitical nightmares ahead, perhaps the most horrific is a war over Taiwan — and one way to reduce that risk may be to ensure that Putin lives a nightmare today. So this is not just about Ukraine. Viktor Yushchenko, a former president of Ukraine who was mysteriously poisoned after he challenged Russian interests, told me that Ukraine is a hostage in the larger Russian challenge to the global order. “It is disappointing that the West has failed to grasp this and to define what victory really means. It is not just ensuring that Ukraine wins, but also guaranteeing future international security.” To his great credit, Biden has strongly backed Ukraine, held together support of allies and provided training for Ukrainian forces and increasingly powerful weaponry. Over time, the United States has agreed to send HIMARS rocket launchers, Patriot missile systems and M1 Abrams tanks — although the Patriots and Abrams tanks have yet to arrive. Biden has pursued gradualism because of legitimate concerns that if Putin is backed into a corner, he could lash out at NATO territory or use tactical nuclear weapons. “We believe it would be irresponsible if we weren’t thinking about escalation,” said a senior administration official, who spoke on condition of anonymity, and that’s true. But most analysts think it is unlikely that Putin would use tactical nuclear weapons, partly because they would achieve little on the battlefield and would antagonize China and India. “Why would they do this in a fit of anger and get all the negative outcomes?” asked Ben Hodges, a retired lieutenant general and commander of Army forces in Europe. “I think we have just deterred ourselves.” While the risk of escalation can’t be ruled out, it must be balanced against the risks of allowing this conflict to drag on as Ukrainians and Russians are killed daily. Putin will negotiate seriously when he sees no military path forward — and that may happen if his hold on Crimea becomes untenable. “Right now, what’s decisive is Crimea,” Hodges added. With the right support and long-range precision weaponry, he believes, Ukraine could cut the land and sea bridges that connect Russia to Crimea, even liberate Crimea by the end of the summer. That would present risks — but also could set the stage for negotiations and an end to the war. An F-16 Fighting Falcon.Credit...Reuters Hodges recommends Biden provide Ukraine with ATACMS long-range missiles and powerful Gray Eagle drones while supporting the transfer of MiG-29 and F-16 fighter aircraft to Ukraine. I think Biden will get there eventually, but lives would most likely be saved if he got there this month rather than six months from now. “The quickest way to end the killing is to help Ukraine win the war,” Hodges said. Nicholas Kristof joined The New York Times in 1984 and has been a columnist since 2001. He has won two Pulitzer Prizes, for his coverage of China and of the genocide in Darfur. You can follow him on Instagram and Facebook. His latest book is “Tightrope: Americans Reaching for Hope.” @NickKristof • Facebook A version of this article appears in print on Feb. 19, 2023, Section SR, Page 3 of the New York edition with the headline: Give Ukraine What It Needs to Win Copyright 2023 The New York Times Company

Peru's top copper mines are starting to see activity hit harder by protests and blockades in the country's southern Andes, power data reviewed by Reuters shows, with Chinese-owned Las Bambas and Glencore PLC's Antapaccay currently worst affected. The South American country, the world's no. 2 producer of the red metal, has been roiled by protests since the Dec. 7 ouster of President Pedro Castillo, though mining operations had generally remained resilient until this month. However, a Reuters analysis of daily power use data from COES, which represents firms in Peru's energy sector, shows that at least two key mines are now regularly only drawing half their normal power as key supplies needed for mining operations run out, suggesting they are in 'care and maintenance' mode. Those are MMG's (1208.HK) Las Bambas, Peru's third largest copper mine, and Glencore's (GLEN.L) Antapaccay, which have both been hit by blockades on a key mining corridor highway. Latest data up until Thursday showed both at half normal power usage. Miners in Peru, however, have a long history of dealing with community protests which have at times caused long shutdowns, something not yet seen in the current nationwide anti-government protests where nearly 50 people have died in clashes. The data backs this up, suggesting that mines are at times getting some supplies through the blockades, with Las Bambas in recent days see-sawing between full and half power use. A source familiar with the matter told Reuters on Thursday that protesters had temporarily lifted blockades a day earlier on a key section of the mining corridor in Condoroma, Cusco, used by Las Bambas, Antapaccay and Hudbay's (HBM.TO) Constancia. They were, however, threatening to resume the blockade on Friday, the source added, underscoring the current uncertain environment which has hit the arrival of supplies to mines and transport of copper concentrate for export. Antapaccay said on Monday that five fuel trucks had been attacked and vandalized while on route to the mine. Representatives from Las Bambas, Antapaccay and Constancia were not immediately available to comment on whether they were receiving inputs for their operations or sending their concentrates in the two-day window with the blockades eased. Other key mines including Peru's largest copper mine Antamina, co-owned by Glencore, BHP Group (BHP.AX), Teck Resources Ltd (TECKb.TO) and Mitsubishi Corp (8058.T), appear to be still drawing near normal levels of power, despite some temporary disruptions in recent months. An analysis of power use by six key mine operators shows that combined electricity use levels have dropped overall since mid-January, with the biggest slide this month. "The longer that the supply of raw materials remains hostage to the protests the higher the risk that affected mines either run at limited capacity or halt production entirely," Capital Economics said in a note this week. "Anecdotal reports and high frequency data suggest that ongoing civil unrest in Peru is beginning to choke off activity at key copper mines. But, if recent history is anything to go by, output can rebound rapidly so long as closures are brief." Reporting by Marco Aquino and Adam Jourdan; editing by Diane Craft By Marco Aquino and Adam Jourdan February 16, 20232:02 PM EST Reuters