Anti-foreigner sentiments are growing against Nigerians like me. A group of Nigerians repatriated from South Africa following xenophobic violence sit after arriving in Lagos, on Sep. 11, 2019. PIUS UTOMI EXPEI/AFP VIA GETTY IMAGES In the wake of the coronavirus, anti-foreigner sentiments are growing in South Africa. In September, thousands of South Africans marched along the streets with banners and placards demanding that Nigerians, Zimbabweans, and other foreigners leave their country. The protesters claimed that foreigners are taking away their jobs and committing crimes such as drugs and trafficking—the same narratives that have been used to attack foreigners and their properties in the past. As a Nigerian living in South Africa, I’ve become all too aware of how many people feel about me and my compatriots. It’s a bitter form of discrimination in a country that’s proud of being a so-called rainbow nation itself—one that takes some of the old bigotries of apartheid and repurposes them against other Africans. The divisions weaponized against Black South Africans are now used against foreigners. South Africa’s last census of 2011 showed that there were 2.2 million foreigners living in the country—and the numbers have grown since. We’re all in the firing line. The general feelings on the streets of South Africa toward foreigners is a mixture of antagonism and stereotypes. Since I moved to the country in February, I have seen and heard both direct and indirect resentment and hatred toward foreigners. They are currently driving a new narrative “Put South Africa First.” Hashtags using similar slogans have been trending for some time now, calling for foreigners like me to be driven out. Protesters have marched outside the Nigerian and Zimbabwean embassies in Pretoria, blaming them for the influx of outsiders. It can get very personal. I recently met a South African woman who—two weeks into our friendship—told me to my face over coffee that she doesn’t like Nigerians and that her mother would be mad if she knew she was hanging out with a Nigerian. I was not comfortable with her anti-foreigner comments, which were vile and toxic, and cut off the relationship. To be sure, xenophobia exists everywhere, as do claims that foreigners are taking jobs. But in South Africa, petty bigotries take a particularly violent tone—and fellow Black Africans are always seen as far more threatening than whites or Asians. Anti-foreigner protests and demonstrations are common across the country—most of them have been violent. In September last year, xenophobic attacks targeting foreigners and their businesses started in Johannesburg. Seven people were killed and many injured during days of carnage and violence. That violence came into the spotlight in 2008, when foreigners were attacked and their businesses looted by club-wielding mobs. About 60 people were killed and thousands displaced. The attackers claimed foreigners are taking over their businesses, jobs, and bringing crime to their country. Some 12 years later, the attacks continue. Politicians are also to blame. Many of them have made anti-immigrant comments, especially during election campaigns as a tactic to woo voters. During the build-up to the 2019 elections, anti-immigrant rhetoric was common. President Cyril Ramaphosa promised a crackdown on undocumented migrants at a rally. The main opposition party, Democratic Alliance, also made similar comments. Other leaders have been equally culpable. Last year, Zulu King Goodwill Zwelithini was accused of supporting attacks and accusing foreigners of stealing their jobs and causing trouble in the country. He was neither arrested nor prosecuted despite glaring evidence showing him voicing support for the attacks. A commission set up to look into the attacks cleared him of any wrongdoing but mandated him to sign a peace accord with ambassadors of countries affected as part of its recommendations. The South African Institute of Race Relations says attacks on migrants and their livelihoods highlight the consequences of governance and economic failure in the country. South Africa still remains a dramatically unequal country, with high unemployment rates especially among poor Black communities and informal settlements. Unemployment remains a major challenge and stood at 27.6 percent in 2019 while youth unemployment is around 55.2 percent, according to a World Bank report. Agreed, some foreigners commit crimes. On Sept. 27, the South African Police arrested five foreign nationals—all Nigerians—for alleged human trafficking after 11 women were found to be working for them as in a brothel as prostitutes. The police say the suspects have been charged to court and are working with the Department of Home Affairs to check their status in the country. This move is commendable. If those arrested are found guilty after a proper trial, they should face the consequences of their actions like anyone else. But profiling every foreign citizen, especially from Africa, as a criminal is wrong, and sending out hateful narratives would only deepen the tensions toward immigrants in the country. The government has tried to respond with the National Action Plan, passed in March 2019 to combat racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia, and related intolerance. The government says the action is “based on the collective conviction of South Africans that, given the ills of unfair discrimination and inequality are human-made; we have the means to completely eradicate these ills from our country.” But there’s little sign of this materializing into action. Some activists and politicians including the opposition party, the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) have frequently condemned attacks on foreigners in the country. The EFF’s leader, Julius Malema, is one strong voice during anti-foreigner tensions. “We don’t want votes from people who are xenophobic,” Malema said after one such attacks. “We must love one another as Africans because showing love to someone from Mozambique, Guinea, Egypt, and Nigeria is self-love.” For Nigerians, the bigotry of South Africans is particularly biting. Nigeria, Africa’s most populous nation, played a big-brother role during South Africa’s apartheid struggles by providing financial and advisory support to activists and prisoners like former President Nelson Mandela. Previous xenophobic attacks in the country have seen Nigerians retaliating by attacking South Africa’s thriving business interests like MTN, Shoprite, and Multichoice. There have also been diplomatic rows with Nigeria recalling its ambassador in Pretoria, and announcing that it would boycott the World Economic Forum taking place in Cape Town last year. But the paradox is that South Africa still remains attractive for Nigerians and others—simply because the corruption at home is so overwhelming, and with the economy recently sliding into recession more Nigerians are likely to take any opportunity to check out of the country. As bitter as bigotry in South Africa might be, it’s more endurable in the quest for a better life than the failure of Nigeria’s own governments. Until that changes, the pattern of other Africans seeking hope in South Africa, and many citizens of the rainbow nation rejecting them, will remain. Patrick Egwu is a Nigerian freelance journalist currently based in Johannesburg, where he is an Open Society Foundations fellow at the University of the Witwatersrand. © 2020, THE SLATE GROUP

November 28, 2020 13:46 GMT The indigenous peoples of Russia's Far North are sounding the alarm as climate change encroaches on their traditional lifestyle. But the message from the "guardians of the Arctic" isn't reaching Moscow, which sees gold and other economic benefits in the melting of the ice. The record warming of Russia's Arctic, Siberian, and Far East territories poses an existential threat to the indigenous peoples whose lives and livelihoods have been intrinsically wedded to the climate for centuries. Ominous signs have already emerged from the thaw: thinning reindeer herds and fish stocks, drying lakes, and forest fires. And with the Kremlin's long-term strategy to take advantage of newly opened waters and develop the resource-rich tundra come new dangers. Herders and fishermen find themselves competing with large enterprises for untainted water and space for reindeer on the move. The arrival of construction workers has raised fears of the spread of the coronavirus. And industrial accidents have led to increased worries about large-scale efforts to extract minerals, elements, and offshore natural gas and oil reserves and ship them year-round along the Arctic coast. "Over the next 15 years, many aboriginal peoples living in the Arctic region will face serious challenges to their ethnic survival as a result of climate change, its influence on their traditional natural-resource use on the one hand and the ever-expanding access to hydrocarbons and other deposits and the new economic boom in the Arctic initiated by this strategy on the other,” the Aborigen Forum, an alliance of independent experts, activists, and indigenous leaders, warned upon approval in October of Russia's updated development plans for the Arctic zone. The strategy, extended to the year 2035, notes that temperatures in the region are warming at least twice as fast as the global average and makes capitalizing on that reality a top priority. It calls for the Arctic to account for more than a quarter of the country's crude oil production by that time, up from the current 17 percent. The production of liquefied natural gas (LNG) is to rise tenfold over current levels, and a growing army of icebreakers and new ports and terminals will pave the way for global shipping along the Northern Sea Route to more than quadruple. "Russia's Arctic looks very huge, but more and more commercial projects are coming," said Rodion Sulyandziga, director of the independent Center For The Support Of Indigenous Peoples Of The North (CSIPN). Speaking by telephone from Moscow, he added the laying of new pipelines and efforts to mine coal, gold, and diamonds to the list of industrial encroachment on lands that indigenous peoples rely upon. Not So NGO "Of course, we are not opposed to economic development," Sulyandziga stressed, saying that indigenous peoples themselves require resources to develop. But what is badly needed, he added, are "very strong relations between indigenous peoples and the private sector." Establishing such a bridge has proven to be a challenge, according to Sulyandziga. CSIPN itself was ordered by a Moscow court in 2019 to disband due to alleged violations of Russia's NGO law. The shutdown, which CSIPN is challenging in court, followed the Russian authorities' blacklisting of the NGO as a "foreign agent" in 2015 -- a label that was removed after the organization subsequently renounced foreign funding. Another organization Sulyandziga worked for, the Russian Association of the Indigenous Peoples of the North (RAIPON), was briefly shut down before it was restructured and allowed to reopen in 2013. The organization continues under the leadership of a parliament deputy, Grigory Ledkov, but Sulyandziga lamented its transformation into a "completely governmental NGO" as a blow to the indigenous peoples' efforts to achieve self-governance and protect their own rights. "Our capacity is very limited, because the Russian power vertical is at all levels, not just the political level but at the business level, and they need such comfortable organizations such as RAIPON to support any initiative," Sulyandziga said. That is not to say RAIPON is not active, just that it is quasi-independent. This year the organization has worked to highlight the decreasing numbers of reindeer in the Taimyr nature reserve in north-central Siberia, noting the disturbances to natural habitats caused by increased industrialization and mineral exploitation. In April, it acknowledged the threat the coronavirus pandemic posed to indigenous peoples living in remote and often inaccessible places. Over the next few months multiple regions that are home to populations of indigenous peoples -- the Yamalo-Nenets Okrug, Krasnoyarsk Krai, the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug, and Murmansk Oblast -- posted some of the country's highest numbers of coronavirus infections. And following a massive oil spill in May outside the mining city of Norilsk that entered local rivers and threatened to contaminate the Kara Sea, RAIPON's Ledkov stressed the serious harm that such accidents could inflict on the local ecology and residents. However, in each case, RAIPON also positively highlighted the government's response, raising questions about whether the voices of the peoples it represents were being heard. Russia officially recognizes its indigenous groups not as indigenous at all, but as "numerically small peoples," a classification that highlights the difficulties of 270,000 people collectively belonging to 46 such groups getting their voices heard in the capital. The Sami, Nenets, Nganasan, Yenets, Dolgan, and Evenks are among the indigenous groups listed in a RAIPON-compiled registry that Ledkov has argued is intended to protect their rights and which will make them eligible to receive state support. But under a recent decree the registered groups' relations with the Russian state will also be paid special attention by the Federal Security Service (FSB), a move that is purportedly aimed to help fight extremism but that critics argue is really intended to control indigenous activists. Humans And Resources Florian Stammler, a research professor for Arctic anthropology at the Arctic Center at the University of Lapland in Finland, has spent much of his career working in Russia. He said that it is the indigenous peoples' interaction with the natural environment "that feeds people, that keeps people warm, that keeps people sheltered, and that gives people their income." Not only indigenous peoples are affected by the warming climate of Russia's Arctic, Stammler explained. The difference, he said, is that with the indigenous peoples their livelihood is not connected to the environment just for sustaining basic needs, but "culturally specific needs such as emotional, spiritual, and mental well-being, and everything that is connected to it." This is especially true of the nomadic population of the Arctic, he said, "and it is safe to say that of all Arctic countries, Russia is the country where nomadism has survived best, which is kind of funny because the Soviet Union had an official ideology of transferring people to a sedentary life." With limited options for Russia's indigenous peoples to steer their own course, pressure from business and government, and the harsh realities of climate change, their ways of traditional life again face immense hurdles. Sulyandziga acknowledged that it is a difficult time for CSIPN, whose appeal against its dissolution is soon due to reach the Supreme Court. But he said the embattled NGO is maintaining visibility and relations with outside organizations through online workshops, seminars, and other activities. Meanwhile, Russia is preparing to present its Arctic policies on a global scale when it takes over the two-year chairmanship of the intergovernmental Arctic Council in 2021. Senior Russian official Nikolai Korchunov has listed environmental protection, sustainable development, and the "human element" -- inhabitants of the Arctic including indigenous peoples -- as its top priorities. Sulyandziga is skeptical, saying that, while he sees positives in Russia promoting those priorities, "we do understand how it works in reality." "The Arctic is the last platform for Russia to keep good relations in terms of international cooperation and trying to keep the Arctic a very peaceful territory of dialogue," he said. "But again, nobody can influence Russia in terms of their own dreams of Arctic development based on the exploitation of natural resources. " See Original Article here ©2020 Radio Free Liberty/Europe

Turkish tank in Afrin, northern Syria 2018 (Credit: Photographer: Omar Haj Kadour/AFP via Getty Images) After the failed coup d'etat of July 2016, President Erdoğan declared a state of emergency that lasted until July 2018. Police incarcerated thousands of people without credible evidence. They were accused of supporting the Fetullah Gülen movement. Severe restrictions on freedom of expression were imposed, including on social media accounts. Disappearances, torture, and arbitrary arrests rose drastically. Police brutally dispersed protests and demonstrations. President Erdoğan has openly expressed his intention to recreate the regional domination of the Ottoman Empire. He has turned the Hagia Sophea, which was first a Byzantine Christian Church, then a mosque, then a museum, back into a mosque. He has sent Turkish troops to Libya, Cyprus, and Azerbaijan and has engaged in naval maneuvers in the Eastern Mediterranean that have challenged free navigation by Greek and other vessels. In 2018, Turkey invaded the Syrian province of Afrin and forcibly displaced its Kurdish and Yazidi population. In October 2019, Turkey invaded north-east Syria. President Erdoğan explained to the UN that “Operation Peace Spring” was ''to establish a 32km-deep border safe zone for Syrian refugees.'' However, the operation mainly targeted Kurdish forces that had defeated ISIS. Turkey and Syria have crippled the Kurdish self-governing area in northern Syria called Rojava. “Operation Peace Spring” ended with compelling evidence of Turkish war crimes. U.S. troop withdrawals from northern Syria have left Kurdish civilians there at grave risk of genocide. Repression of freedom of expression in Turkey increased after “Operation Peace Spring.” According to Amnesty International, the government investigated over 839 social media accounts for sharing "criminal content" related to the operation. Thousands of journalists, editors, authors, and human rights defenders were detained on charges of ''membership in a terrorist organization", including the ex-director of Amnesty International Turkey. In March 2019, municipal elections resulted in a victory for the main opposition Republican People's Party (CHP) in Turkey's three largest cities (Istanbul, İzmir, and Ankara). The elections in Istanbul were declared invalid by the Supreme Election Board. In the re-election of June 2019, the CHP candidate, Ekrem Imamoğlu, again won Istanbul's municipal leadership. 2019 Turkish local election results: AKP (orange)= Justice and Development (Erdoğan) party, allied with MHP (blue)= Nationalist Movement Party. CHP (red) = Republican People's Party (opposition), allied with IYI (Good Party); HDP (purple) = Kurdish People's Democracy Party (opposition); TKP (yellow) = Communist Party; Diger (grey) Independent Party. The Erdoğan regime replaced the elected mayors in dozens of municipalities in Eastern Turkey, who were members of the Kurdish People's Democracy Party (HDP). The government cited ''terrorism-related investigations'' as the reason for removing these mayors. Amnesty International says 18 out of 32 replaced mayors remain in pre-trial detention. In October 2019, the United States Congress passed the “Record on the Armenian Genocide Resolution,” which recognizes and commemorates the Armenian Genocide, rejects its denial, and promotes public education about the Armenian Genocide carried out by the Ottoman Turks between 1915-1923. In November 2019, police attacked thousands of women who marched for the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women with plastic bullets and tear gas. Turkey in 2020 had a sharp increase in women's murder and torture following the COVID-19 outbreak and an alarming increase in cases of femicide in Turkey. Genocide Watch considers the situation in Turkish occupied Northern Syria to be at stage 9 of the genocidal process, Extermination, with the Turkish army and its mercenary allies as the perpetrators and opposition leaders, Kurdish civilians, and Kurdish fighters in Northern Syria as the victims. Turkey is also at stage 10, Denial of the Armenian, Assyrian, and Pontic Greek genocides perpetrated by the Ottoman Empire from 1915 – 1923 and Denial of the war crimes Turkey committed against Kurdish fighters in Northern Syria during Operation Peace Spring in 2019. Genocide Watch considers Turkey to be at the stages of Organization (5), Polarization (6), and Persecution (8) as Kurdish leaders are banned from office and kept in pre-trial detention for "being members of a terrorist organization," and journalists, human rights activists, and opposition leaders are arrested, imprisoned, and "disappeared", and women are victims of increased femicide. Genocide Watch recommends: UN and NGO human rights investigators should document war crimes and crimes against humanity in south-eastern Turkey and northern Syria. Turkey should be taken to the European Court of Human Rights for these crimes. The UN Human Rights Council should demand that Turkey release persons detained without credible evidence, especially journalists and human rights defenders. Human rights organizations should recognize Turkish crimes against the Kurdish population as genocide. The UN Human Rights Council and NGO’s should condemn increasing femicide in Turkey. The EU should renegotiate its refugee and border policies with Turkey to avoid being blackmailed by Turkish expulsions that cause drownings and humanitarian emergencies.

Une semaine après la rencontre entre le président Ouattara et son rival Henri Konan Bédié, le processus de négociation est lancé mais il faudra encore du temps avant la réconciliation. Publié par Le Monde le 19 novembre 2020. Le président ivoirien Alassane Ouattara (à droite) et Henri Konan Bédié (à gauche), le 11 novembre 2020. (AFP/Issouf Sanogo) Mardi 17 novembre à l’hôtel Ivoire d’Abidjan, Alassane Ouattara est l’inévitable vedette du premier conseil politique post-électoral de son parti, le Rassemblement des houphouëtistes pour la démocratie et la paix (RHDP). La réélection du président ivoirien a été validée dix jours plus tôt par le Conseil constitutionnel, mais aussi – et cela l’inquiétait davantage – sobrement saluée par Emmanuel Macron, les chancelleries occidentales et les principales organisations africaines. Malgré le soulagement, le ton du président au pupitre est grave. « Je suis révolté », déclare-t-il en pointant la désobéissance civile et le boycott actif de l’opposition qui ont entraîné, selon lui, de nombreuses violences ces dernières semaines en Côte d’Ivoire. S’il multiplie les piques, le chef de l’Etat loue également le dialogue amorcé une semaine plus tôt avec l’opposition, auquel l’ensemble des diplomates l’ont incité. Le 11 novembre, pour la première fois depuis août 2018, Alassane Ouattara et Henri Konan Bédié se sont revus et ont discuté. La rencontre s’est déroulée à l’hôtel du Golf. C’est là, dix ans plus tôt, que les camps Ouattara et Bédié avaient trouvé refuge et ferraillaient ensemble contre le président Laurent Gbagbo (2000-2011), qui refusait de quitter le pouvoir. Là aussi que s’était en apparence solidifiée l’amitié entre les deux « fils » rivaux de Félix Houphouët-Boigny, le père de l’indépendance. Apparence trompeuse… Mercredi 11 novembre, donc, devant une nuée de caméras venues couvrir ce moment symbolique, Alassane Ouattara a affirmé qu’il s’agissait d’« une première rencontre pour briser la glace et pour rétablir la confiance ». Les deux adversaires politiques marquaient là leur volonté d’engager un dialogue, afin que « le pays soit ce qu’il était avant [les violences] », expliquait pour sa part l’ancien président Henri Konan Bédié (1993-1999). Six jours plus tard, face au parterre d’élus et de militants du RHDP, Ouattara a cependant rappelé une fois de plus les limites du dialogue à venir : « Pour tous ceux qui se font des idées sur une transition, ils peuvent toujours rêver : il n’y aura pas de transition en Côte d’Ivoire ! » Plusieurs opposants sous les verrous Le Parti démocratique de Côte d’Ivoire (PDCI), de Bédié, semble avoir fait un pas dans le sens attendu par le pouvoir. Depuis les retrouvailles de l’hôtel du Golf, le parti d’opposition ne mentionne plus le « conseil national de transition » (CNT) dans ses communiqués. Formé deux jours après le premier tour de l’élection présidentielle du 31 octobre, le CNT avait vocation, selon l’opposition, à « préparer le cadre de l’organisation d’une élection présidentielle juste, transparente et inclusive » dont serait exclu le président sortant. Une initiative considérée comme un acte de sédition par le gouvernement ivoirien. Ces derniers jours, l’absence d’évocation du CNT dans les publications officielles du PDCI est largement interprétée par certains comme un geste de compromis envers le pouvoir… mais aussi envers une partie de l’opposition. Selon plusieurs sources, Laurent Gbagbo, toujours en exil à Bruxelles, avait fait savoir qu’il ne se reconnaissait pas dans cette structure de transition, qu’il considère comme illégale. Sous couvert d’anonymat, des figures du PDCI partagent cette position. Par ailleurs, plusieurs chancelleries ont fait savoir à Bédié que cette volonté de lancer une transition était une voie sans issue. Si le mot d’ordre de désobéissance civile n’a pas été levé, l’entrevue entre Ouattara et Bédié aura également permis d’apaiser les tensions politico-identitaires après des mois de violences et de tensions. Dans un rapport daté du 16 novembre, Amnesty International s’inquiète de « l’horreur des violences postélectorales », rappelant les « dizaines de personnes tuées », les « centaines de blessés » (officiellement 85 morts et près de 500 blessés en trois mois) et les « dizaines de membres de l’opposition arrêtés », dont certains « de manière arbitraire ». Ce qu’a vivement contesté le gouvernement, déplorant « le caractère ouvertement orienté » du rapport. Il n’empêche. Dans le sillage de la formation du CNT, de nombreux opposants ont été arrêtés. Sur la vingtaine de personnes interpellées chez Bédié le 3 novembre, cinq sont encore sous les verrous. C’est notamment le cas de Maurice Guikahué, le secrétaire exécutif du PDCI, détenu à la Maison d’arrêt et de correction d’Abidjan, ainsi que de deux sénateurs influents du parti. Et après quelques jours de cavale, Pascal Affi N’Guessan, le président du Front populaire ivoirien (FPI), toujours en conflit avec Laurent Gbagbo, a lui aussi été arrêté. « Ouattara a mis un coup d’arrêt à l’opposition en arrêtant les plus bruyants, observe le politologue Sylvain N’Guessan. Et il a isolé Bédié, qui reste aujourd’hui le seul opposant encore libre de ses mouvements. Vers un remaniement gouvernemental ? A moins qu’il ne soit prochainement rejoint par Gbagbo ? Même si Ouattara a annoncé, mi-novembre, qu’il allait demander à son ministre des affaires étrangères de délivrer un passeport diplomatique à l’ancien chef de l’Etat, son avocate dit qu’aucun document n’a été reçu pour l’heure. Et pour Gbagbo, hors de question de négocier un passeport qu’il estime lui être dû en tant que citoyen ivoirien. Son retour sur les bords de la lagune Ebrié, annoncé pour mi-décembre, s’inscrit donc une fois de plus en pointillé. C’est le premier ministre Hamed Bakayoko qui est aujourd’hui chargé de renouer le dialogue avec le PDCI et le FPI, « afin de leur permettre de reprendre leur place », a indiqué Ouattara lors du conseil politique du RHDP. Une manière de renouer avec les trois grandes figures qui structurent l’échiquier politique depuis plus de vingt ans.» Mais de nombreux points restent à régler. « Ils [les opposants] veulent la libération des prisonniers politiques, mais cela se fera dans le respect de l’Etat de droit », prévient le ministre Mamadou Touré, porte-parole adjoint du gouvernement. Autre doléance que refuse pour l’heure le pouvoir : la présence d’un médiateur international pour gérer le conflit. Du côté du PDCI, la médiation est souhaitée, mais elle ne peut en revanche émaner de la Communauté économique des Etats de l’Afrique de l’Ouest (Cédéao), jugée trop proche de Ouattara. Tout récemment, le président ivoirien a convoqué les ministres et des élus pour leur faire part de son mécontentement. Une manière, semble-t-il, de préparer les esprits à un remaniement. Le chef de l’Etat ne souhaite pas de gouvernement d’union nationale, mais il ne serait pas étonnant de voir de nouvelles têtes apparaître. En geste de conciliation envers l’opposition, il serait en revanche prêt à repousser les législatives au premier trimestre 2021 afin de lui permettre de se réorganiser et de laisser ses électeurs potentiels s’inscrire sur les listes. Enfin, dans le grand marchandage du pouvoir, derrière les postes les plus visibles des ministères, existent ceux, bien plus rentables, des différentes régies de l’Etat. © Le Monde. Tous droits réservés.

Investigate Use of Excessive Force; Hold Those Responsible to Account Published by HRW on November 19, 2020. Confrontation between the youth and police in Conakry - Octobre 21 2020. (JOHN WESSELS/AFP) The post presidential-election period in Guinea has been marred with violence and repression, with at least 12 people dead, Human Rights Watch said today. Following the October 18, 2020 election, security forces used excessive force to disperse opposition-led demonstrations in the capital, Conakry. The main opposition candidate, Cellou Dalein Diallo, was held under de facto house arrest, without charge, from October 20 to October 28. One of Guinea’s main online news outlets was suspended from October 18 to November 2, and internet and telephone networks were severely disrupted or shut down between October 23 and 27, making it difficult for people to communicate, get information, or report on unfolding events. “The brutal crackdown on protesters and others in Conakry is part of a pattern of repression that undermined the credibility of the elections,” said Ilaria Allegrozzi, senior Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch. “The authorities should rein in security forces, investigate those implicated in abuses and hold them to account, while all political leaders should urgently instruct their supporters to refrain from using violence.” Some protesters assaulted the police and gendarmes, throwing rocks and other objects. According to the government, the assault resulted in the death of six members of the security forces. One person died during intercommunal violence, while scores of people were injured during violence across the capital, including at least 29 with gunshot wounds or injuries from teargas allegedly caused by security forces. On October 24, the electoral commission announced that incumbent President Alpha Condé won the election, with 59.5 percent of the vote. This win has allowed him to serve a controversial third term. Diallo announced on October 19 that he had won, and on October 24 rejected the official election results, alleging fraud, and called for mass demonstrations. On October 30, he appealed Condé’s victory at the country’s constitutional court. On November 7, the court confirmed Condé’s victory, rejecting the fraud allegations, and Diallo has since called for further demonstrations and civil disobedience. Human Rights Watch interviewed 70 people by phone between October 17 and November 13, including 32 victims and witnesses to the violence, 15 relatives of victims, 3 medical workers, 3 journalists, 10 opposition party members, 5 civil society representatives, and 2 local authorities in Conakry. Human Rights Watch also reviewed government statements and analyzed photographs and video footage to corroborate victim and witness accounts. On October 27, Human Rights Watch shared its findings and requested responses to specific questions in a telephone conversation with Albert Damatang Camara, the security and civilian protection minister. Camara rejected the allegation that the security forces killed anyone and said that “Many were killed by bullets fired from 12-caliber rifles, hunting guns, which are not used by our security forces.” He said that “Twenty-one people died since October 19 in post-election violence, including six members of the security forces and three children, the youngest of whom was 14 years old.” Camara stated that of the 21 victims,18 died in Conakry while the others died in the country’s interior. He also claimed that at least 18 of the victims were shot. Human Rights Watch did not find any evidence that civilians fired guns during the violence. Camara’s position was at odds with the accounts of many witnesses, including a person who took part in the protests in Conakry’s Hamdallaye 2 neighborhood on October 19. “We were expressing our joy for Diallo’s victory when a police vehicle came in at full speed and fired teargas to disperse us,” the protester said. “People ran and then the police shot at us.” The witness said that 13-year-old Thierno Nassirou Sylla was shot in his face and “died on the spot.” Human Rights Watch spoke to another witness to the killing and to a relative of the victim, who confirmed that the police shot Nassirou. Human Rights Watch also reviewed video footage showing the aftermath of the killing and photographs of his body. In an October 22 statement, Camara said that violent demonstrators burned a military post in Conakry’s Niariwada neighborhood between October 19 and 21. According to authorities and media reports, violent protesters blocked a train in the Sonfonyah neighborhood on October 23 and killed three gendarmes and a soldier escorting the train to Conakry’s port. The authorities said that opposition protesters beat the four force members to death with machetes and other bladed weapons. Camara said that investigations were ongoing to identify those responsible for the killings. On October 31, the prosecutor of the Conakry appeals court said that 325 people had been arrested in connection with the post-election violence. Human Rights Watch is not aware that they included any security force members. Nationwide internet disruptions have made it difficult for Guinean and international journalists and human rights activists to cover and report on the violence. Netblocks, a civil society organization working on digital rights and cybersecurity on October 23 reported “major disruptions on leading cellular network operator Orange, with national connectivity registering at just 9% of ordinary levels,” as well as partial restrictions on other operators, including MTN and Cellcom, “limiting access to major social media and communication platforms.” The authorities have not issued any public statement about the internet restrictions which, Netblocks said, lasted from October 23 to October 27. On October 18, the High Authority for Communication (HAC), the Guinean media regulatory body, suspended a news website, Guinéematin.com. “I was not even notified of the decision,” Nounou Baldé, the founder of the website, told Human Rights Watch. “It came right after our Live Facebook broadcasting of the vote counting. This decision has no legal basis and is a form of intimidation against independent journalism.” On November 2, the HAC announced that the suspension had been lifted. International law and Guinea’s constitution protect the right to freedom of assembly and expression and prohibits excessive use of force by law enforcement officials. The United Nations Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms states that law enforcement officials may use force only in proportion to the seriousness of the offense, and that the intentional use of lethal force is permitted only when strictly unavoidable to protect life. International human rights standards require internet-based restrictions to be both necessary and proportionate. The United Nations Human Rights Council has condemned measures by governments to prevent or disrupt online access to information. The United States, France, and the European Union all condemned the post-electoral violence and urged the authorities to conduct credible investigations and to ensure justice and accountability. The African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights called on Guinean security forces to respect the right to life and physical integrity provided for by the African Union’s Charter and to avoid using lethal force to restore public order. Speaking from a military camp in Conakry on October 30, President Condé urged the security forces not to carry lethal weapons while policing demonstrations and to act in a “civilized way.” On October 25, during a visit to Conakry, a delegation from the United Nations, African Union, and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), a regional bloc, urged Guinean authorities to remove security forces deployed around opposition leader Diallo’s residence. “With tensions still running high and more opposition-led demonstrations planned, Guinean authorities should be vigilant in preventing more abuses,” Allegrozzi said. “Guinea’s regional and international partners should support accountability efforts and urge the government to bring the perpetrators of abuses to account.” For more details and accounts from witnesses, please see below. Pre-Election Period Marred with Violence, Restrictions on the Opposition Guinean security forces have a long history of using excessive force against protesters, especially around elections. In March 2020, during legislative elections and the constitutional referendum that paved the way for Conde’s third term, they killed at least two people in Nzérékoré Forest region, and eight others were killed in Conakry, including two children. . Tensions escalated in the lead-up to the October 18 presidential election during a campaign marked by violent incidents, hate speech, and divisive politics. On September 29, a violent mob attacked the motorcade of Prime Minister Kassory Fofana, in Labé. On October 11, ruling party supporters stopped a Diallo campaign rally in Kankan about 500 kilometers from Conakry. They blocked the road and began beating up opposition supporters and looting dozens of local businesses. On October 16, security forces prevented Ousmane Kaba, a presidential candidate and leader of the opposition party, Party of Democrats for Hope (Parti des Démocrates pour l’Espoir, PADES) from holding a meeting in Siguiri, north-east Guinea. On October 17, police arbitrarily arrested three members of the opposition party Union of Democratic Forces of Guinea (Union des forces démocratiques de Guinée”, UFDG) in Diaraguerela, Forest region. They were released on October 22 without charge. Post-Election Killings in Conakry by Security Forces Human Rights Watch found that security forces, including police and gendarmes, used excessive force to disperse opposition-led demonstrations in several neighborhoods of Conakry –including Bambeto, Baylobaya, Bantounka, Cobayah, Hamdallaye, Sonfonyah, and Wanindara – firing teargas and in some cases live ammunition. Security forces shot dead at least 12 people, including 3 on October 19, 5 on October 21, 2 on October 22, and 2 on October 23. A 20-year-old woman also died on October 23. Human Rights Watch was unable to speak to those who witnessed that incident, but two family members said she was hit by a teargas canister fired by security forces. Below are accounts from a selection of the cases documented. October 19 The day after the election, security forces shot Mamadou Saidou Diallo, a 14-year-old boy, in the back as he ran away when policemen and gendarmes fired live bullets to disperse demonstrators who had taken to the streets in Conakry’s Bantounka 1 neighborhood to celebrate Diallo’s announcement of victory, according to a witness and two family members. The witness, a friend of Diallo, said: Mamadou and I were out in the streets to express our happiness for Diallo’s victory. At the beginning, it was calm, but then gendarmes told us to go home. “If you don’t leave, we’ll shoot; we have the order to shoot,” they said. We thought it was wise to leave, but others wanted to stay. Gendarmes then fired teargas to disperse us, and then they fired live bullets. We ran, and Mamadou was hit in the back. He screamed. I picked him up, and a lady helped me. While we were carrying him to safety, in the chaos, a car hit us. The lady was injured, and Mamadou was also hit by the car. Mamadou’s friend escaped injury and took Mamadou and the woman to a health center. A doctor at the health center who received Mamadou’s body said that he was already dead when he arrived. “A bullet had entered from his back and exited near his belly button,” he said. “The victim also showed fractures to his humerus and jaw, as well as wounds on his cheeks, consistent with accounts provided by the people who took the body to me and who said he was hit by a car.” Human Rights Watch reviewed a photograph showing Mamadou’s body and the gunshot wound. A 16-year-old boy said he was shot in the left foot by a gendarme at ‘Concasseur’ roundabout in Conakry and that his friend, Abdoulaye ‘Diombo’ Diallo, age 17 or 18, was killed: “We were out celebrating Diallo’s victory when some pick-ups [trucks] full of gendarmes came. Some of them got off their vehicles and started shooting at the crowd. People ran. I ran too and was hit by a bullet. As I fell, I saw my friend falling. Someone took me to the hospital for treatment.” Human Rights Watch spoke to another witness of the killing who confirmed the account provided by Diallo’s friend. Human Rights Watch also reviewed a photograph showing Diallo’s body after he was killed. October 21 Two witnesses said security forces shot dead Boubacar Baldé, 28, the coordinator of the National Front for the Defense of the Constitution (Front national pour la défense de la Constitution, FNDC), a coalition of nongovernmental groups and opposition in Conakry’s Sonfoniyah neighborhood during opposition-led protests. One of the witnesses said, “We were in the street to say no to the third term. We threw rocks at the police and gendarmes. They fired teargas to disperse us and then started shooting. Baldé was shot in his thigh. I brought him to a health center in Sonfoniyah. He was losing too much blood. He was transferred to another health facility, but he died of his injuries.” Human Rights Watch spoke to the doctor who treated Baldé at the health center in Sonfoniyah before sending him to another health facility. The doctor confirmed that Baldé had a deep gunshot wound on his left thigh. Human Rights Watch also spoke to a family member of the victim, who confirmed the killing. Three witnesses said gendarmes fired teargas and live ammunition to disperse hundreds of opposition supporters who took to the streets in Conakry’s Baylobaya neighborhood. They said gendarmes shot two men, Souleymane Bah, 29, and Mamadou Diallo ‘Fady,’ 32, both drivers. Mamadou Diallo’s brother, who witnessed both killings, said: Mamadou was hit in the side, while Souleymane was hit in his back. The small health center where we took them was not adequately equipped to treat them. The ambulance could not come to take him to a bigger hospital because all roads were blocked. The Red Cross could not come either because their premises had been attacked and ransacked. I begged the doctor to save Mamadou, but he had lost too much blood and died there of his injuries. He died in my arms. Souleymane Bah died after he was transferred to another health center. The two men were buried together the following day. Human Rights Watch also spoke to three friends of the victims and reviewed photographs of their bodies showing injuries consistent with accounts of witnesses. October 22 Three witnesses said that violent clashes erupted in Conakry’s Bambeto neighborhood as opposition supporters confronted the security forces, including policemen and gendarmes, throwing rocks at them and blocking the road. They said that the security forces used teargas and live ammunition to disperse the protesters and shot dead 20-year-old Mamoudou Pathé Bah. One witness said: We were in the streets to express our opposition to Condé’s third term and to support the victory of our candidate Cellou. We threw stones at the gendarmes and policemen, who did not hesitate to respond. They fired teargas and then live bullets. There was an armored car with policemen and gendarmes parked in front of us. I saw a gendarme opening the door and firing. The bullet hit Mamoudou in his chest. I was beside him. I got really scared. People took him to a nearby health facility, but he was already dead. With others, we took his body to the Ignace Deen hospital. We also filed a complaint at the judicial police headquarters, but they did not give us a copy of it. Two witnesses said gendarmes shot dead Youssouf Barry, 22, a driver, in Conakry’s Sonfoniyah neighborhood during altercations between opposition supporters and ruling party sympathizers. “There were tensions between the two sides,” one witness said. “Gendarmes came to disperse demonstrators and fired live bullets. He was hit in the chest and died on the spot.” October 23 Two witnesses said that gendarmes shot dead Souleymane Barry, 29, a trader, in Conakry’s Cobayah neighborhood during violent clashes between opposition supporters and the security forces. A 37-year-old relative of the victim and witness to the killing said: We were going to the mosque at about 12:30 p.m. when we saw people running away, as they were being chased by gendarmes. There were clashes between protesters and the security forces on the main road. Protesters threw rocks at the security forces, and they responded by shooting. We ran and Souleymane was hit by a bullet in his neck. I rescued him and brought him to a nearby health facility. But it was too late. He left two children behind and a pregnant wife. Human Rights Watch also interviewed Barry’s father, who confirmed the death of his son. Two witnesses said that police officers fired live bullets to disperse a crowd of opposition supporters in Conakry’s Koloma neighborhood, killing Mamadou Aliou Diallo, 24, a student: “We were together, by the roadside, between 10 and 11 a.m.,” one witness said. “I saw the police shoot him in the forehead from about 60 meters, and he fell in front of me. I brought him to a local health center, where the doctor could not treat him and suggested we take him to Donka hospital. We took him there, but he died at 4 p.m. the same day.” Human Rights Watch also spoke to two of the victim’s family members, who confirmed Diallo’s death. Injuries Caused by Security Forces Human Rights Watch spoke to three doctors who received and treated people who were wounded during the post-election violence in Conakry. One of them, whose health facility is in the Bantounka neighborhood, said he treated 36 people, including 6 women and 3 children, from October 19 to 28. Eleven had gunshot wounds, four had wounds caused by teargas, including burning, and one died of his injuries. The remaining 20 had other types of injuries, including 9 with stab wounds. Another doctor working in Sonfonyah neighborhood said that he received seven people with gunshots wounds during the same period, four of whom died of their injuries. A third doctor in Wanindara neighborhood said he received twenty people, also between October 19 and 28, including eight with gunshot wounds, four with wounds caused by teargas, and the remaining eight with other light wounds. October 21 A 25-year-old student said he was shot in the leg in Conakry’s Sonfonyah neighborhood at around 8 a.m. during opposition-led demonstrations. “Young people were protesting on the main road,” he said. “Gendarmes and police suddenly started shooting. There was sustained gunfire. I was frightened. It felt like I was in a war zone. As I ran away, I was hit in my leg. People took me to the Donka hospital, where I spent over a week. The bullet broke my left tibia, and I am yet to recover.” October 22 A 38-year-old businessman said that he and two other men were shot in Conakry’s Cimenterie neighborhood as police came to break up clashes between members of the Malinké and Fulani ethnic groups: A group of young ethnic Malinké armed with machetes, stones, scissors, and knives had come to our area and started burning vehicles belonging to the Fulani people. I was helping put down the fire. There were clashes between the two communities. The police came with a truck and fired teargas to disperse us. Some policemen came off the truck and started shooting at people. I was shot [in my left leg] from 40 to 50 meters away. Two other men were also shot. I was taken to a small local health center. There was no way for me to reach a more equipped hospital because roads were blocked. Now I cannot walk; I cannot work. I am just sitting at home, while Conakry’s on fire. Human Rights Watch spoke to the two other men, who said they were shot by the police at the same place and time, including a 49-year-old driver who was injured in his left arm and an 18-year-old mechanic who was injured in his left foot. Intercommunal Violence Intercommunal violence erupted in Conakry on October 23 when hundreds of armed men from various ethnic groups, including Malinké and Konianké, considered to be sympathetic to the ruling party, attacked ethnic Fulani, perceived to be opposition supporters, in Enta Marché neighborhood. During the clashes, Yacouba Diallo, 67, a mechanic, was beaten to death and then burned in his home. At least one other home was also burned, and at least 10 shops were looted. “They ransacked my bakery; they took 10 flour bags and all the yeast,” a baker said. Human Rights Watch reviewed nine photographs and nine videos showing the destruction of property following the violence. © 2020 Human Rights Watch.

Peru's interim president has resigned, a day after two people died during protests against his government. A vigil was held in Lima for two people killed in the protests. [Reuters] 16 November Manuel Merino, former speaker of Congress, had been in the post less than a week. He replaced President Martín Vizcarra, who last Monday was removed in an impeachment procedure over bribery allegations, which he denies. Politicians had called for Mr Merino's resignation after a violent crackdown on demonstrations against him. Twelve ministers from his recently appointed cabinet resigned earlier on Sunday in protest against police brutality and his handling of the crisis. Congress failed to agree a replacement for Mr Merino when it met on Sunday, rejecting a team led by Rocío Silva Santisteban, a writer and former human rights activist. A new list, made up of an interim president and senior politicians from across the spectrum, was being drafted. Why were there protests? Tens of thousands of demonstrators - many of them young - have been taking part in protests against Mr Vizcarra's removal in recent days. They accuse Congress of staging a parliamentary coup. Mr Vizcarra, 57, has enjoyed continued support among many voters for his attempts at reform. Saturday's protests in Lima were largely peaceful but clashes broke out towards the evening between police and protesters. Mr Merino announced his resignation in a televised address on Sunday. [Getty Images] Police reportedly fired tear gas and shotgun pellets to repel demonstrators, some of whom had thrown fireworks and stones. Two students, Jack Pintado, 22, and Inti Sotelo, 24, were killed in the protests. "I want to let the whole country know that I'm resigning," Mr Merino said in a televised address. There are concerns of a growing political crisis as Peru faces a severe economic downturn brought on by the coronavirus pandemic. Peru imposed one of the earliest and strictest lockdowns in Latin America to stop the spread of coronavirus - but has still seen cases rise rapidly. It has so far reported nearly 935,000 infections and more than 35,000 deaths, according to Johns Hopkins University - making it the country with the third highest rate of deaths per 100,000 people in the world. Mr Merino had been expected to retain the presidency until July 2021 - when Mr Vizcarra's term was due to end. Mr Vizcarra has been embroiled in a bitter battle with Congress, which is dominated by rival parties, since he took office in March 2018. He has denied allegations that he accepted bribes worth 2.3m soles ($640,000; £487,000) when he was governor of the southern Moquegua region. See full article here. © 2020 BBC News

AIMIM makes a foray into Muslim-majority areas, tapping into Muslim frustrations about opposition parties. Owaisi, a four-time MP, has emerged as a face of Muslim politics (File: Aijaz Rahi/AP Photo] Hanan Zaffar 24 Nov 2020 Mudassir Nazar’s family has traditionally voted for opposition parties that espouse secularism but in the recently concluded elections in the eastern Indian state of Bihar they instead cast their ballot for the All India Majlis-e-Ittehad-ul-Muslimeen (AIMIM) party which advocates for the rights of Muslims and other marginalised groups. “Our village [Bohita] almost unanimously voted for AIMIM,” said Nazar from Muslim-majority Kishanganj district in Seemanchal region of Bihar. AIMIM managed to win five seats from the state which has a substantial Muslim population. Its residents say India’s opposition parties which espouse secularism have ignored the impoverished region for decades, which is wedged between Nepal and Bangladesh. “There is a sense in the (Muslim) community that secular parties like (Indian National) Congress have betrayed the Muslims,” Nazar told Al Jazeera. “They (the so-called secular parties) have been reluctant to even talk about the anti-minority decisions of the ruling government, let alone oppose them. AIMIM on the other hand has been pretty vocal and seems to have gained the trust of the community,” he said. Indian Muslims, who form 14 percent of the country’s 1.3 billion population, have become increasingly marginalised in recent years as they suffer from political underrepresentation. The new Bihar cabinet will have no Muslim minister for the first time in its history. Currently, out of the 543 members in the lower house of India’s bicameral parliament, only 27 (less than 4 percent) of its members are Muslims – a gain of four seats compared to the 2014 elections, which was the lowest in 40 years. Hindu nationalist agenda Since coming to power in 2014, the government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, as part of its Hindu nationalist agenda, has passed several laws and legislation that critics say discriminate against Muslims. Last year, a controversial citizenship law, which activists say is not in line with the country’s secular constitution and a proposed citizenship register sparked nationwide protests led mostly by Muslims. For decades, AIMIM was confined to the southern city of Hyderabad in Telangana state but in recent years it has managed to venture into Muslim-majority areas, tapping into Muslim frustration about political disenfranchisement [File: Noah Seelam/AFP] The Modi government also stripped the disputed Kashmir region’s limited freedoms last August and placed the Muslim-majority region under a communication blockade for more than six months. Opposition parties such as the National Indian Congress party, for whom Muslims have traditionally voted for, have been accused of being silent on key issues which threaten the Muslim community – India’s largest minority group. For decades, AIMIM was confined to the southern city of Hyderabad in Telangana state but in recent years it has managed to venture into Muslim-majority areas, tapping into Muslim frustration about political disenfranchisement. The party is led by Asaduddin Owaisi, a four-time member of parliament known for his feisty debates in parliament as well as on TV. Owaisi has emerged as a vocal conduit for Muslim issues in the country. AIMIM has accused India’s opposition parties of failing to speak out against Modi’s Hindu nationalist agenda. “These (secular) parties out of various electoral compulsions have not come forward openly to protest against the decisions of the (BJP) government that go against fundamental values of the (Indian) constitution. That has led some sections of Muslims to turn to AIMIM, as they see it as a counter-force,” Avinash Kumar, an assistant professor in political studies at Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi, told Al Jazeera. “When every so-called secular party is competing to prove itself as a torchbearer of majoritarianism, while ignoring the condition of marginalised communities, it is a very natural process to see the rise of a party with [a] focus on the plight of a particular community.” A nationwide appeal During state election campaigning in Bihar, the Congress party and its regional ally the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) avoided raising issues that were pertinent to Muslims. “These parties campaigned on issues like employment and development only, because by raking up minority discrimination issues, they didn’t want to let go of the majority votes,” Majid Alam, a journalist based in Bihar, told Al Jazeera. During state election campaigning in Bihar, the Congress party and its regional ally the Rashtriya Janata Dal avoided raising issues that were pertinent to Muslims [File: Bikas Das/AP Photo] “So a section of Muslim voters decided it was time to fully rally behind a party (AIMIM) that was vocal about their issues.” Some analysts say that AIMIM will emerge as the first Muslim political group in the country’s post-independence history with a nationwide appeal, though an overwhelming majority of Muslims still vote for opposition parties. “We have raised issues of injustices meted out to all minorities including Muslims and people acknowledge that. It has now started to reflect in our electoral performances,” Waris Pathan, National Spokesperson of AIMIM, told Al Jazeera. The party polled more than 500,000 votes in the recent elections versus the 2015 state elections when it had barely managed 80,000 votes and did not win a single seat. “Bihar is not an aberration. We have improved our numbers wherever we are contesting. In Maharashtra (elections) last year we increased our vote share substantially and also managed a couple of seats,” Pathan said. However, the senior leader and national spokesperson of AIMIM, Syed Asim Waqar believes the party is a viable alternative not only for Muslims but for the country as a whole. “We never represent ourselves as a Muslim party, Waqar told Al Jazeera. “We have managed to win seats even in areas where Hindu population is in majority and Muslim percentage is very less. It is possible only because Hindus particularly Dalits are also voting for us.” In the Bihar state elections, the party joined with the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) and Rashtriya Lok Samta Party (RLSP), which represent various marginalised castes other than Muslims. Muslim-Dalit alliance AIMIM formed an alliance with a Dalit party in Maharashtra in the 2019 general elections and won a parliamentary seat outside its bastion in Hyderabad for the first time. Political analysts say AIMIM’s rise has been possible largely because of the charisma of Owaisi, who has captured the imagination of India’s young Muslim voters. Last year, a controversial citizenship law, which activists say is not in line with the country’s secular constitution and a proposed citizenship register sparked nationwide protests led mostly by Muslims [File: Pawan Kumar/Reuters] “His appearance, style and language are no match to any of his contemporaries and that has been a huge factor in the rise of AIMIM, ” said Mohammad Reyaz, an assistant professor of journalism at Aliah University in the eastern city of Kolkata. Dressed in a Sherwani, a traditional long tunic worn by South Asian Muslims – and sporting a skull cap, the 51-year-old leader of AIMIM can often be seen fiercely debating his opponents on prime time TV news. “He (Owaisi) also speaks well in the parliament; with a lot of authority and after thorough research. That has also captured the minds of Muslim voters and obviously, it is now getting reflected in his electoral numbers,” Kumar from JNU said. But some opposition parties in the country accuse AIMIM of dividing the Muslim vote, thereby helping the BJP. “While the Bharatiya Janata Party is polarising the people of the country on religious lines, AIMIM is also doing the same. It (AIMIM) never achieves anything substantial electorally but only divides Muslim votes which helps BJP and its allies to come to power,” Meem Afzal, the national spokesperson of the Indian National Congress party told Al Jazeera. Unfazed by criticism, the party is now eying the upcoming elections in West Bengal state where Muslims form 27 percent of the population. “The aim definitely is to establish a pan-India presence,” Adil Hasan Azad, AIMIM Youth President of Bihar, told Al Jazeera. Kashmir, India’s only Muslim-majority region, was stripped of its limited autonomy last year and its local assembly scrapped [File: Danish Ismail/Reuters] SOURCE : AL JAZEERA See full article here. © 2020 Al Jazeera Media Network

November 21, 2020 23:29 GMT Preliminary Central Election Commission results showed Georgian Dream dominating in all 17 districts. Georgia’s ruling Georgian Dream party will hold a wide majority in parliament after sweeping second-round elections on November 21 that were boycotted by the opposition, preliminary results showed. Opposition parties have been demanding repeat October 31 parliamentary elections, staging regular protests against results they describe as illegitimate and unfair. Georgian Dream, founded by billionaire Bidzina Ivanishvili, came in first in the October 31 elections with 48.15 percent, while the United National Movement bloc had 27.14 percent and European Georgia was third with 3.78 percent. Several other smaller parties crossed the 1 percent threshold to enter parliament. The elections were the first under a reformed system backed by the United States and EU that gives more weight to proportional representation. Of 150 seats in parliament, 120 seats are determined based on party lists and 30 seats through single-mandate districts. Thirteen single-mandate constituencies were determined in the first round. The runoff vote was for 17 seats in single-mandate districts where no candidate garnered more than 50 percent of ballots in the first round. Commenting on the outcome, Georgian Dream leader Irakli Kobakhidze said that the next parliament will be one in which "the ruling party has an overwhelming majority." “As expected, all 17 candidates of the Georgian Dream won seats. Accordingly, the Georgian Dream will be represented in the next parliament by 90 deputies,” he said. See Original Article Here ©2020 Radio Free Liberty

Eritrean refugees face threats of violence, harassment and food shortages amid conflict in Ethiopia’s Tigray region. Eritrean refugee woman in the Mai-Aini refugee camp near the Eritrean border in Tigray [File: Tiksa Negeri/Reuters] As fighting continues in Ethiopia’s Tigray region, the United Nations is calling for the opening of routes to four refugee camps sheltering Eritreans, who are almost fully reliant on humanitarian aid. Ann Encontre, UNHCR representative in Ethiopia, said that while refugees live “in harmony” with northern Ethiopians – with whom they share a language and similar culture – “any breakdown of normal life puts those in camps at higher risk, particularly in an area where stocks and access to services are dwindling”. Eritreans often leave to escape mandatory, indefinite military service and repression or search for better opportunities out of what has long been one of the world’s most isolated dictatorships. Approximately 507,000 people – almost one-tenth of Eritrea’s population – had fled by 2018, according to the UN. Encontre said she is “deeply concerned about the worsening humanitarian situation in Tigray, which is compounded by the lack of access and our current inability to bring in food and supplies to those in need, including the 100,000 Eritrean refugees in the region”. “While it is difficult to assess the situation on the ground – we have not been able to talk to our teams for the past 48 hours – we fear that civilians, including refugees, could get caught up in the crossfire. “We need urgent access to the four refugee camps to be able to assist,” she said. ‘We never get peace’ In June, the first person in a refugee camp tested positive for COVID-19. Aid workers worry it will be difficult to monitor any spread of the virus going forward, with limited access. Across Ethiopia, and the rest of the world, Eritrean refugees with relatives and friends in the camps were struggling to get any information about whether they were safe, due to the communications blackout across Tigray. An Eritrean refugee, who has friends in the camps, but does not want to be named for security reasons, told Al Jazeera he was frightened about what could happen to them now. “Because of this war all roads are closed,” he said. Another Eritrean, who lives in Addis Ababa, said the camps were in “big trouble”. Even before the conflict, people there were complaining about poor services, and a lack of food or electricity, which led many refugees in the Tigray region to move to cities to try and find work. People who fled Tigray recently said banks had been closed, food had become expensive and they were terrified of air strikes. Over the past two weeks, the Eritrean in Addis Ababa, who is in his 20s, said he had heard about multiple Eritreans getting arrested in the capital city, too. Some who had bought fake Tigrayan ID cards, out of fear they could be deported back to Eritrea, threw them out, suddenly worried about being perceived as Tigrayan. “The situation in Addis Ababa is very crazy,” he said. He said he had witnessed security forces taking “refugees from their houses at night time without any permission”, going door-to-door and asking for IDs. The Ethiopian government denies ethnic profiling against Tigrayans is taking place. Even before the conflict, people there were complaining about poor services, and a lack of food or electricity, which led many refugees in the Tigray region to move to cities to try and find work. People who fled Tigray recently said banks had been closed, food had become expensive and they were terrified of air strikes. Over the past two weeks, the Eritrean in Addis Ababa, who is in his 20s, said he had heard about multiple Eritreans getting arrested in the capital city, too. Some who had bought fake Tigrayan ID cards, out of fear they could be deported back to Eritrea, threw them out, suddenly worried about being perceived as Tigrayan. “The situation in Addis Ababa is very crazy,” he said. He said he had witnessed security forces taking “refugees from their houses at night time without any permission”, going door-to-door and asking for IDs. The Ethiopian government denies ethnic profiling against Tigrayans is taking place. In Eritrea, the situation is also tense. The refugee said his father, who is still there, had been called up to fight in the army again, years after being decommissioned. Another refugee told Al Jazeera that his mother, who lives in southern Eritrea, was being forced to prepare food for the Eritrean army. “We never get peace, Eritrea and Ethiopia,” he said. Crossings continue A 2018 peace agreement between the two countries saw the borders briefly opened. Even after they closed again, last year about 300 Eritreans continued to cross into Ethiopia each day. Many Eritreans move on to countries including South Sudan and Uganda, or attempt to reach Europe by passing through Sudan and Libya. Refugees in Ethiopia say the war in Tigray may make it difficult for them to stay there. Some are on the move again, with relatives of those who spoke to Al Jazeera already in eastern Sudan. They are among more than 36,000 people – mostly Ethiopian – who have now crossed the Sudanese border, making it the largest influx into the region in years. Thousands more are expected to leave Ethiopia daily. There were already more than 120,000 Eritrean refugees living in Sudan, mostly in the capital city, Khartoum, and camps around Kassala, in the east. Jason Rizzo, Doctors Without Borders (Medecins Sans Frontieres or MSF) project coordinator at Hamadayet, along the Sudan-Ethiopia border, said new arrivals were struggling to get food, water and shelter. “UN agencies and organisations on the ground are doing what they can to respond but it’s simply not enough at this stage,” Rizzo said. Refugees are sleeping outside shops or on the side of the roads at night, he said. “Our medical teams are hearing that some refugees are risking their lives by going back into Tigray to look for food or belongings they left behind. Others are selling goats or whatever they can manage in order to afford what they need.” © 2020 Al Jazeera Media Network

RISK LEVEL: CURRENT CRISIS 16 UNSC vetoes blocking action and accountability Populations continue to face war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by various state forces and non-state armed groups in Syria’s ongoing conflict. BACKGROUND Since the war between the government and opposition groups in Syria began in 2011 at least 580,000 people have been killed. Nearly 13 million people have been displaced – the largest number displaced by any conflict in the world – including 6.7 million Syrian refugees. An estimated 12 million Syrians are in need of humanitarian assistance. After nearly ten years of fighting, every party to the conflict in Syria continues to perpetrate serious violations and abuses of international law. The UN Human Rights Council (HRC)-mandated Commission of Inquiry (CoI) on Syria has reported more than 130,000 arbitrary detentions, abductions or disappearances, with the majority attributable to the Syrian government. The government of Syria continues to commit enforced disappearances, murder, torture, sexual violence and imprisonment as a matter of state policy, violations that may amount to crimes against humanity. The Syrian government is also imposing arbitrary restrictions on freedom of movement and unlawfully depriving individuals of their property rights in previously besieged areas, which the CoI has asserted may amount to the war crime of collective punishment. The CoI has also reported on 37 instances of chemical weapons use since March 2013, including 32 attacks perpetrated by Syrian government forces. Over the past few months the conflict in Syria has shifted away from active front lines and large-scale hostilities, with various parties to the conflict perpetrating atrocities while consolidating their control over sections of the country. In northern Syria, the Syrian National Army has perpetrated torture, sexual violence, systematic looting and arbitrary detention of civilians. In Afrin, Turkish-backed armed opposition groups, including the al-Hamzat Division and Jaish al-Islam, have kidnapped, arbitrarily arrested and tortured civilians. Since March there has also been a dramatic increase in civilian deaths from improvised explosive devices, with at least 33 attacks in populated areas across northern Syria. Recent deadly car bombings in Afrin, al-Bab, Tal Abyad and Ras al-Ayn have claimed dozens of lives. Meanwhile in southern Syria, clashes have intensified between government forces and local opposition fighters. Indiscriminate artillery shelling and rocket attacks in Dara’a and Suwayda governorates have caused civilian deaths and injuries. In Dara’a governorate targeted assassinations and killings have also increased. From April 2019 to March 2020 the Syrian government and Russian forces conducted an intense bombardment campaign in southern Idlib, northern Hama and western Aleppo governorates. The Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (confirmed over 1,500 civilian deaths, nearly all of which are attributable to Syrian government and Russian forces. The CoI found that Syrian government and Russian forces perpetrated war crimes in Idlib and that there are “reasonable grounds to believe” they intentionally terrorized civilian populations. Civilian objects, including healthcare facilities, schools, markets and evacuation routes were heavily shelled, causing over 1 million Syrians to flee. The so-called Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) has been increasing its attacks in Deir Ezzour, Hasakeh, Badiya Al-Sham and Resafa while also expanding its area of operations. At least 58,000 children of alleged ISIL fighters from more than 60 countries remain trapped in detention camps run by the Syrian Democratic Forces in northeastern Syria. The Head of the UN Office of Counter-Terrorism, Vladimir Voronkov, reported during July that 700 detainees, including women and children, had recently died due to a lack of medicine, food and water. The humanitarian crisis in the camps has been exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic. ANALYSIS For almost a decade the government of Syria, its allies and armed opposition groups have all perpetrated attacks on civilians and civilian infrastructure, blatantly disregarding international law. All parties to the conflict have committed acts that may amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity. The grave situation across Syria is partly a consequence of the inability of the UN Security Council (UNSC) to hold perpetrators accountable. The Syrian government has directly violated various UNSC resolutions, and Russia has systematically shielded Syria from accountability measures. The Syrian government and its Russian allies, as well as various non-state armed groups, continue to perpetrate violations of international humanitarian and human rights law with impunity. The government of Syria has not only manifestly failed to uphold its responsibility to protect, it bears primary responsibility for the ongoing commission of war crimes and crimes against humanity. INTERNATIONAL RESPONSE Following the outbreak of violence during March 2011, the international community responded by censuring the Syrian government for its widespread violations of human rights. The UN Secretary-General has repeatedly called for the situation in Syria to be referred to the International Criminal Court (ICC). Despite this, the UNSC has failed to respond effectively. Since 2013 the Council has passed 26 resolutions on humanitarian access, peace talks and chemical weapons in Syria. Several refer to the government’s responsibility to protect populations, but none have been fully implemented. Russia and China have jointly vetoed 10 draft UNSC resolutions and Russia has independently vetoed an additional 6. The two latest vetoes, on 8 and 10 July, blocked the renewal of a mandate for cross-border aid delivery. The Council finally passed a resolution on 11 July permitting border crossings through only one opening, further restricting life-saving food and medical supplies to millions of people in northern Syria. On 21 December 2016 the UNGA voted to establish an International, Impartial and Independent Mechanism to assist in the investigation and prosecution of perpetrators of atrocities in Syria. A number of countries have initiated domestic legal proceedings against suspected Syrian perpetrators under the principle of universal jurisdiction. The first trial of members of President Bashar al-Assad’s security services for alleged crimes against humanity, including torture, commenced in Germany on 23 April. On 18 September the government of the Netherlands took steps to hold Syria accountable for violations of the UN Convention against Torture. The HRC has adopted 35 resolutions condemning atrocities in Syria, the majority of which demand that the Syrian authorities uphold their responsibility to protect the Syrian population. NECESSARY ACTION All parties must uphold their obligations under international humanitarian and human rights law, including ending attacks on civilians and civilian infrastructure, and establish a timetable for the release of all detainees and abductees. Syrian government forces, armed opposition groups and all international parties to the conflict must facilitate unimpeded humanitarian access to civilians trapped or displaced by fighting and ensure the protection of all civilians. Parties to the conflict should uphold the ceasefire agreements in the northwest and northeast. All returns of refugees and other displaced Syrians must be in accordance with the principle of non-refoulement with guarantees that returnees will not face persecution, discrimination or forced repatriation. UN member states should continue to pursue accountability for alleged perpetrators of atrocities under the principle of universal jurisdiction. The UNSC should immediately refer the situation in Syria to the ICC and ensure that atrocity crimes do not continue with impunity. © 2020 Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect

A soldier clears wreckage after a 2018 attack in Naunde, Mozambique. The insurgency in the country’s north emerged in 2017. (Joaquim Nhamirre/AFP via Getty Images) Genocide Watch is issuing a Genocide Emergency Alert for northern Mozambique. Since 2017, the homegrown fundamentalist Islamist group Al-Sunnah wa Jamaah (ASWJ) has violently targeted residents of the northern Cabo Delgado province. Sporadic attacks have turned into a brutal Islamist insurgency. The United Nations (U.N.) has called the situation “desperate.” Economic marginalization of northern communities has fuelled resentment toward the southerner-dominated political class. Ethnoreligious tensions between the Muslim Macua and Mwani groups and the Christian Makonde predate and contributed to the 1977-1992 civil war between the Marxist Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO) and the Mozambican National Resistance (RENAMO). FRELIMO won the war. RENAMO continues to draw on the grievances of northern communities. Since 2010, the FRELIMO government has forcibly displaced entire communities, preventing them from reaping any benefits from mining and gas extraction by international companies. All they gain is pollution. The Islamic State (IS) has established a stronghold in the Cabo Delgado province of Mozambique. It first claimed attacks in Cabo Delgado in June 2019, when ASWJ announced its affiliation with the Islamic State within the Islamic State Central Africa Province (ISCAP). ASWJ is locally known as al-Shabab but has no known links to the Somalia-based group with the same name. Fighters have symbolically brandished IS flags as ASWJ has openly declared its aim to establish a caliphate in the region. The ASWJ has capitalized on popular distrust of the government, handing out looted food to gain support of residents in towns it attacks. ASWJ this year perpetrated several genocidal massacres. In April, they massacred 52 villagers who refused to join their cause. During the weekend of November 6-8, attackers beheaded and dismembered over 50 people in the districts of Miudumbe and Macomia. They abducted women and children and burnt down homes. The Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED) says the violence has killed at least 2,283 people since it started in 2017. Attacks increased by 300% in the first four months of 2020, compared with the same period last year. ACLED says ASWJ has claimed over 600 attacks in three years. The U.N. said in October 2020 that 355,000 civilians have been displaced and are facing severe food shortages. On October 29, at least 40 displaced people drowned when a boat sank near the provincial capital, Pemba, where about 100,000 people have sought refuge. Over 10,000 displaced people arrived in Pemba in the last week of October. ASWJ has expanded its raids to neighboring Tanzania’s Mtwara region. Tanzanian security forces have reacted to the attacks, but they also deported around 1,000 refugees back to Cabo Delgado. National security forces and Russian and South African mercenaries have tried to repress ASWJ, but the International Crisis Group says the Mozambican army is poorly prepared. It lost the strategic town of Mocimboa da Praia to ASWJ in August. The Southern African Development Community (SADC) met in August to discuss plans to deploy foreign troops, but more militarization could further alienate the population due to the Mozambique army’s record of human rights abuses. Genocide Watch recognizes the situation in Cabo Delgado as Stage 9: Extermination. Genocide Watch recommends: The Mozambique government must refrain from brutal counterinsurgency tactics and use the army to protect civilians and their rights. Mozambique should request help from SADC to defeat ASWJ insurgents. The U.N., Mozambique government, and neighboring governments must protect the rights of displaced people from Cabo Delgado and provide them with sufficient aid. The Mozambique government must invest profits from gas extraction in projects that benefit local communities. Church and mosque leaders should run intensive educational campaigns to promote tolerance and oppose extremism.

Kosovo was an autonomous region of Serbia in Former Yugoslavia. Kosovar Albanians held leading positions in the economy and government. After Tito’s death, Yugoslavia disintegrated and Slobodan Milosević became the President of Serbia. He stripped Kosovo of its autonomous status. As a result, thousands of Kosovar Albanians lost their jobs in government, police, media, and educational institutions to Serbians. In response, Kosovar Albanians established a non-violent separatist movement and began boycotting public institutions. Albanians built their own parallel political and social institutions, including schools and hospitals. From 1995 to 1999, the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), an ethnic Albanian paramilitary organization, fought the Serbian Army and militias for Kosovo’s independence. Serbian forces used genocidal massacres of entire villages as a terror tactic to drive over 800,000 Kosovar Albanians into Albania. The KLA also committed war crimes and crimes against humanity against ethnic Serbs who lived in Kosovo. They abducted, murdered, and displaced many Serbs, Roma, and Kosovar-Albanians. The Kosovo War from 1998 to 1999 resulted in over 13,500 deaths. In March 1999, NATO intervened with airstrikes targeting Serbia. Using force without U.N. Security Council authorization, NATO justified its action as a U.N. Charter Chapter 8 regional organization intervention to stop the genocide and forced displacement of Kosovar Albanians. Serbia quickly surrendered and the U.N. established an interim government in Kosovo after the Serbian Army was expelled. The Republic of Kosovo declared its independence in 2008. Serbia still does not recognize Kosovo’s independence, and tensions between the two countries remain high. Within Kosovo, relations between Serbs and Kosovar Albanians remain strained. 98 UN member states (50%) and 22 (80%) EU states recognize Kosovo. Some of the atrocities committed during the Kosovo War by Serb perpetrators were tried by The International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia. In 2015, the Kosovo Specialist Chambers were established to try crimes committed by KLA leaders. The European Union facilitated peace talks between Kosovo and Serbia until they faltered in 2018 when Kosovo placed a 100% import tax on Serbian imports in retaliation for Serbia’s campaign to hinder Kosovo’s international recognition. In 2020, the tax was lifted by Albin Kurti, who became Prime Minister, promising to foster EU-Kosovo relations. However, only two months into his term, a no-confidence vote in the Kosovo parliament dismissed Kurti from office. In September 2020, U.S. President Trump brokered an ‘’economic normalization’’ agreement between Serbia and Kosovo. In June 2020, the President of Kosovo, Hashim Thači, and several other former KLA members were indicted by The Kosovo Specialist Chambers in The Hague. Thači resigned as President of Kosovo in November 2020 and went to the Hague, where he pled not guilty. As a result of ethnic tensions in Kosovo and the potential risk for further conflicts, Genocide Watch considers Kosovo to be at Stage 6, Polarization. Genocide Watch recommends: · Serbia should recognize Kosovo as an independent state and open full relations with it. · Kosovo and Serbia should be admitted as independent states by the European Union. · Kosovo should adopt constitutional protections for minorities and enforce them.