Kosovo policeman guards the site where forensic teams have begun excavations of a mass grave near the village of Kalluder, Wednesday, July 29 2026 (AP Photo/Florent Bajrami) 30 July 2026 KALLUDER, Kosovo (AP) — Authorities in Kosovo have begun excavations in a northern village after the discovery of human remains there that are believed to be of people missing since the 1998-1999 Kosovo war in what at the time was a Serbian province. Authorities say the site in Kalluder, in the municipality of Zubin Potok, has been cordoned off and had not been previously excavated in the search for evidence of war crimes. The separatist war with Serbia began in 1998 when the ethnic Albanian rebel Kosovo Liberation Army launched a struggle for independence and Serbia responded with a brutal crackdown. The war ended after NATO bombed Serbia for 78 days in 1999, eventually forcing a withdrawal of its troops from the territory. On Monday, Kosovo police arrested two Kosovo Serbs in connection with the case linked to the Kalluder site on suspicion of war crimes against the civilian population. In Belgrade, the capital of neighboring Serbia, the government’s Office for Kosovo denounced the arrests, describing them as “terrorism, revenge and intimidation” of members of the Serbian community in Kosovo. Ditor Haliti, a forensic team member, said preliminary assessments confirmed the remains were “of human origin and are of forensic significance.” Kosovo’s Prime Minister Albin Kurti said Wednesday that authorities need to determine exactly what has been found. “Our immediate suspicion, after learning that human remains had been found, was naturally that they could belong to the group of 23 intellectuals who were abducted and forcibly disappeared on April 19, 1999, in Mitrovica,” Kurti said while presenting a report on war victims. About 1,600 people went missing during the war and remain unaccounted for, according to human rights organizations. Interior Minister Xhelal Svecla on Tuesday said Kosovo “will not rest” until the fate of the last missing person has been determined and every perpetrator of war crimes has been brought to justice. Svecla also accused Serbia of failing to cooperate. “Not only are they refusing to cooperate in clarifying the fate of the missing persons but, even worse, they are obstructing and sabotaging the work of Kosovo’s institutions, both in Serbia and in Kosovo,” Svecla said. Serbia has not responded to the accusations about its alleged failure to cooperate. In May 2023, Serbia and Kosovo reached an agreement which included commitments by both sides to clarify the fate of those who went missing during the 1998–99 war. Copyright 2026 The Associated Press. All Rights Reserved.

Milei signs decree allowing Argentina to bar or expel foreigners over 'hate speech'. July 30, 2026 Milei government issues emergency decree allowing authorities to deny entry to or deport foreigners accused of inciting hatred, discrimination or violence against Argentina or for insulting national symbols. President Javier Milei. | cedoc/perfil President Javier Milei's government has issued an emergency decree authorising the expulsion or denial of entry to foreigners who incite hatred against Argentina. The Decree of Necessity and Urgency (DNU), signed by President Milei and published shortly after midnight Wednesday, states that foreigners who "incite or disseminate messages of hatred, discrimination and/or violence against the Argentine people" or who "insult national symbols" may be barred from entering or removed from the country. The measure was announced by the Office of the President of the Argentine Republic (OPRA) in response to what it described as "recent displays of hostility" towards the country. It was co-signed by several Cabinet ministers. "The Office of the President announces that President Javier G. Milei has signed a Decree of Necessity and Urgency establishing as grounds for denying entry to or expelling from the national territory any foreigner who directs or incites messages of hatred, discrimination and/or violence against the Argentine people or its citizens on the basis of their nationality, as well as anyone who insults national symbols," the decree states. "In the face of recent expressions of hostility towards the Argentine Republic and Argentines, the National Government reaffirms that the defence of the nation, its citizens and its symbols is non-negotiable. Anyone who attacks the Argentine Republic is not welcome in our country," it continued. The government did not specify particular incidents in the decree, but the references appear to relate to an alleged wave of anti-Argentina abuse that intensified during the recent FIFA World Cup in the United States, Mexico and Canada, particularly on social media. Milei's DNU introduces a new restriction into one of the world's most immigrant-friendly constitutional frameworks. Argentina's Constitution guarantees foreigners the same civil rights as citizens and explicitly encourages immigration, but the government argues the new measure is necessary to protect the country from acts of hatred and hostility directed at the nation and its people. MIlei, a self-proclaimed libertarian who says he defends free speech, last week accused the Brazilian government, as well as Mexico and the US Democratic Party, of financing an "anti-Argentina campaign." The La Libertad Avanza leader made the remarks – an apparent reference to criticism directed at the country and its national football team during the 2026 World Cup over their sportsmanship – in an interview last weekend. "Who put the most money into this anti-Argentina campaign? The Brazilian government. Twenty-five percent of the funding came from the Brazilian government," Milei told Radio Mitre,. He provided no evidence for his claim. Milei said that the campaign had also been "funded by Mexico, by the Democratic Party in the United States." "Who are they? They are the progressive leaders who don't want the ideas of freedom to succeed," he added. Without offering further evidence to support his allegations, the President said the alleged attacks were taking place because "if the economy prospers and people are better off, they have a huge problem." Editorial Perfil S.A. | © Perfil.com 2006-2026 - All rights reserved

By Sarah Shamim July 29, 2026 The BJP government’s response so far has been a measured crackdown as it also attempts to woo the youth. Protesters celebrate after Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan resigned following nationwide protests as part of the Cockroach Janta Party's movement in Mumbai, India, July 26, 2026. Credit: Rafiq Maqbool & AP in Al Jazeera As the dust settles over New Delhi’s Jantar Mantar after weeks of some of the biggest protests against Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s 12-year rule, the government has so far responded with both a measured crackdown and an attempt to woo the youth. In several states governed by Modi’s right-wing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), hundreds of young men and women – some less than 18 years old – were arrested and slapped with serious charges. India’s Supreme Court on Tuesday ordered the release of all under-18s arrested during the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP)-led protests ‌over a series of examination paper leaks and calls for education reforms. But even before the top court’s order, many of those arrested were released earlier this week after protest leaders and opposition politicians slammed the government’s crackdown. Meanwhile, several students and Gen Z protesters say their social media accounts are now being targeted and cases filed against them for criticising the government. The protests began in June at Jantar Mantar, a historic 18th‑century astronomical observatory close to the Indian Parliament, over the leak of key medical exam papers. The leak allowed some candidates advance access to questions, forcing students to retake their exams, stoking anger over years of preparation rendered meaningless and leading to several student suicides. Here’s what we know: What’s Happening with the Arrests? The BJP governments in West Bengal and Maharashtra states on Tuesday stopped their actions against those who participated in the CJP-led protests following similar moves in Bihar, Assam and the national capital territory of Delhi. The governments in these states said they will withdraw their cases against the protesters who demanded the resignation of Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan, who quit on Saturday in a rare setback for Modi. In several places including New Delhi, the protesters were attacked with batons, tear gas and even pellet guns. In Bihar’s Siwan district, a police officer was suspended on Tuesday for pointing an AK-47 ‌at protesters and firing at least three rounds in the air. Meanwhile, the government has been accused of using AI-powered surveillance to track and arrest the protesters. Student activist Aishe Ghosh has asked the Delhi High Court to ⁠declare the mass surveillance of protesters unconstitutional and direct the destruction of all personal data collected during the CJP-led demonstration, the Reuters news agency reported. Police in New Delhi also tried to arrest Ghosh on Tuesday by raiding the office of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPM). But the CPM and CJP threatened more protests if she was arrested. Why is the Government Targeting Social Media Accounts? Meanwhile, Delhi Police have filed a first information report (FIR) against allegedly abusive social media posts against Modi and have asked X to provide details of the account that published the content. The FIR was filed over a complaint that “derogatory, malicious and defamatory content is being circulated on social media platform targeting constitutional heads”, India’s ANI news agency reported on Wednesday. Police have asked X to delete the alleged posts and videos from the platform immediately. They have also sought the full names, addresses and other contact details of people holding those X accounts, including their login and logout details with time and date stamp, ANI reported. During the protests, police were also seen noting Instagram handles of protesters arriving at the main protest site at Jantar Mantar. Modi’s government has often been accused by opposition parties and digital rights advocates of expanding surveillance powers and tightly controlling online platforms. The government has rejected the accusations, saying it only acts in the public interest. What did the Top Court say? The Supreme Court on Tuesday heard a bunch of petitions filed by the protesters and activists seeking action against police and paramilitary forces for their alleged use of excess force, including pellet guns, during the weeks-long demonstrations in New Delhi and other cities. The court called for the preservation of all footage, including from drones, body cameras and CCTV footage, and directed the authorities to ensure protesters’ data was not made public, Reuters reported. “Whoever has committed excess … atrocities on innocent people, the law will take care of them. For that, there needs to be a completely independent and fair investigation,” Chief Justice Surya Kant said, according to legal website Live Law. “A probe is meaningless if no responsibility is fixed,” he said. How have the Protest Leaders Responded? Hours later, CJP spokesman Saurav Das said the government has not provided any written assurance on its guarantee that all FIRs against students and protesters would be withdrawn, and no action would be taken against any protester in the future. During his meeting with government officials, Das said they showed him the Supreme Court order, specifically Direction No 4, allowing investigations into the existing FIRs. Das told ANI the government argued that since the Supreme Court’s directive is a written order, the matter is now “subjudice”. In response to the Delhi Police FIRs against allegedly abusive social media posts, the CJP asked why ordinary citizens cannot question their government without fears of reprisals. “[…] since when is an elected representative above questioning? In a functioning democracy, citizens have every right to demand answers and accountability from their PM,” it posed on X on Wednesday. “By treating online criticism as a criminal offense and a threat to ‘public order’, the state machinery is sending a chilling message: the Prime Minister is beyond the reach of public scrutiny.” Protesters celebrate after Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan resigned, in Mumbai, July 26, 2026. Credit: Rafiq Maqbool & AP in Al Jazeera How is the Government Wooing Gen Z? Meanwhile, the government has also launched a campaign to win back Gen Z, many of whom are the children of the BJP’s core voters. People under the age of 29 (including Gen Z) account for about half of India’s population, according to Pew Research. “The party has been posting a string of social media videos peppered with pop culture references, casual conversations and everyday settings, delivering political messaging in a format designed for India’s reel generation,” The Hindustan Times newspaper reported on Wednesday. One of those videos is set inside a gymnasium, showing Gen Z-style banter between a group of youngsters interrupted by an older trainer, who argues that Pradhan’s resignation was “not a Jantar Mantar victory, but an example of democracy’s strength”. He says the country now had “stronger foundations” after the government built metro networks, expressways, airports and expanded the network of state-run medical, engineering and management colleges. The BJP has also been posting a series of X posts, using Gen Z language and aesthetics, days after Modi himself posted rare Instagram-style vertical selfie video messages to reach out to the protesters. © 2026 Al Jazeera Media Network

By Al Jazeera Staff and Reuters July 30, 2026 Deadly clashes reported in Pakistan-administered Kashmir amid first round of voting for regional elections on July 27. Activists protest in Islamabad, Pakistan on July 29 after unrest during the first phase of voting for the local legislature in Pakistan-administered Kashmir. Credit: AFP in Al Jazeera Watchdogs have raised concerns over mounting reports of deadly clashes during regional elections in Pakistan-administered Kashmir, where a banned activist group has boycotted the vote and staged protests. The clashes between police and protesters earlier this week killed more than 30 people in the region, according to the leaders of the Joint Awami Action Committee (JAAC). In a video statement on Wednesday shared by Arab News Pakistan, JAAC committee member Sardar Umar Nazir claimed 20 of the group’s supporters had been killed during a march on Monday, when the first round of voting took place. He listed reports of at least 10 other protesters being killed the following day in the towns of Rawalakot, Mirpur and elsewhere, including during sit-ins. “Our demand was peaceful, it was peaceful, we tried to keep it non-violent and bullets were fired at it,” said Nazir in the video statement. Pakistani authorities said a member of the security personnel was killed and five more were injured in clashes on Monday. Rights group Amnesty International called the reports of lethal force against protesters in the area “disturbing” and urged an investigation. Pear Pandya, a senior analyst at conflict monitor ACLED, said the violence in Pakistan-administered Kashmir “is bound to overshadow the legitimacy of the entire electoral exercise”. Monday’s first-round vote – covering the districts of Mirpur, Kotli and Bhimber – will be followed by two more rounds on August 2 and August 10. Pakistan’s primary governing party, ⁠the PML-N, won nine out of the 13 seats that were up for election on Monday. No Justification to ‘Mete Out Violence’ JAAC was banned by the local government under “anti-terrorism laws” in June, causing deadly protests to erupt in Pakistan-administered Kashmir. Banking, roads and internet services have largely been disrupted since then, hindering the flow of information. Pakistani officials have justified the crackdown by alleging that armed and India-backed fighters joined the Kashmiri protesters. India has rejected similar accusations in the past. Amnesty has called the ban on JAAC unlawful and said it does not provide justification for authorities to “mete out deadly violence against protesters”. The rights group has also urged Pakistani authorities to ”restore all communications access and allow media and independent observers into the area”, its acting regional director for South Asia, Isabelle Lassee, said. ‘Controversial’ Seats One of JAAC’s central demands regarding the regional elections is the abolition of 12 assembly seats reserved for Kashmiri refugees. JAAC supporters say the seats are used by major Pakistani political parties to tip the composition of the local parliament in their favour with those who mostly live outside the region. To form a regional government, the PML-N would likely need the support of some of the 12 representatives, said Hasan Askari, ‌a political analyst. “But when their government is dependent on those 12 controversial seats, how would it be able to find a solution for this issue?” Askari told the Reuters news agency. Even among the candidates that did not boycott the vote on Monday, the results were contested. Parties accused each other of ballot ‌box ‌stealing and vote rigging. © 2026 Al Jazeera Media Network

By Genocide Watch July 29, 2026 Construction workers in Doha, Qatar, November 16, 2022. Credit: 2022 ddp images/AP Photo in Human Rights Watch Since Qatar’s establishment in 1971, the country has faced international condemnation for ongoing human rights abuses. Global demands for reform have focused on Qatar’s exploitative treatment of migrant workers through the kafala labor system, restrictions on public expression, threats of arbitrary arrest, and insufficient protection of women’s rights. Qatar’s hosting of the 2022 FIFA World Cup drew increased international attention to abuses of its workforce, including more than 6,500 worker deaths tied to World Cup construction and broader patterns of exploitative labor. Under the kafala system, employers hold excessive power over employee travel, transfer, and contract length. Workers who fail to adhere can face imprisonment, deportation, or statelessness, with few avenues for recourse. A United Nations (U.N.) report holds that the kafala system institutionalizes racial discrimination by conditioning human rights on nationality and origin. Although Qatar introduced labor reforms in 2021, weak enforcement after the 2022 FIFA World Cup has left thousands of workers awaiting compensation for injuries and unpaid wages. International organizations continue to demand that Qatar and FIFA investigate worker deaths, which officials have erroneously attributed to natural causes, and publish their findings. The 2021 reforms also ban work in extreme heat, but weak enforcement and the high 32.1°C (89.8°F) threshold inadequately protect workers. Qatari residents face severe restrictions on public expression and assembly. Authorities criminalize speech perceived as biased, inflammatory, or disrespectful to “social values” through blanket threats against expression and dissent. Violations can incur fines and up to five years in prison. Authorities previously detained global journalists for over 36 hours after they investigated labor conditions.  Minority faith groups face systemic discrimination and restrictions on religious practices. Qatari authorities have subjected the Baha’i community to over 14 cases of deportation and blacklisting based on religious identity. In 2025, the U.N. raised concern over the arrest of Remy Rowhani, chair of the National Spiritual Assembly of the Baha’i in Qatar, as part of a larger pattern of discrimination against Baha’is. Global organizations have also documented restrictions on Qatari women’s rights. Under Qatar’s family law, women need male guardian approval to travel, marry, work in certain jobs, and access some healthcare. While a woman can request divorce, she must present evidence to a judge for approval. Although Qatari law prohibits a husband from harming his wife, survivors of domestic abuse carry the burden of proof and receive inadequate assistance. Several women with full child custody also report that male guardians have terminated their child’s medical treatment without any clear path to redress. Because Qatar’s exploitation, restrictions on free speech, and discriminatory policies against religious minorities and women, Genocide Watch places Qatar at Stage 3: Discrimination. Genocide Watch recommends: The U.N. Special Rapporteur on Migrants must investigate the status of all migrant workers. Qatar should establish and enforce the 2021 labor reforms. Qatar must abolish the kafala system and legislate a just labor framework in replacement. The U.N. should assist Qatar in enhancing protections for minority communities and women.

By Karolina Bonde Genocide Watch The United Arab Emirates (UAE) is a federation of seven emirates established in 1971. The UAE bans political parties, and hereditary rulers retain concentrated political power, with Abu Dhabi holding the presidency since the federation’s founding. The UAE is an authoritarian state with severe restrictions on freedom of expression, association, and assembly. A portrait of imprisoned UAE activist Mohammed al-Siddiq is held during a rare protest at COP28 in Dubai on December 9, 2023. Political dissidents, human rights defenders, migrant workers, women, and queer people face systematic discrimination and repression. In 2024, the UAE conducted the “UAE 84” mass trial, convicting at least 44 defendants, including human rights advocates, lawyers, and academics. Forty received life sentences. Many had already served sentences connected to the earlier “UAE 94” political trial in 2013. Human rights organizations including Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch condemned the proceedings as politically motivated and lacking due process. Authorities conducted trials behind closed doors amid allegations of torture and denial of legal representation. Migrant workers constitute approximately 88% of the UAE’s population and workforce, but they remain excluded from key labor protections. The kafala system ties workers’ legal status to employers, increasing vulnerability to wage theft, passport confiscation, forced labor, and general abuse. Trade unions remain banned, leaving workers with no means of collective bargaining and almost no path to improve their conditions. Recruiters or employers typically fix wages at the point of recruitment, and wages rarely rise, trapping low-income migrants in cycles of debt and poverty with little realistic prospect of upward mobility. In 2021, authorities reportedly arrested and deported hundreds of Black African migrant workers during racially targeted raids despite many holding valid visas. Women remain subject to discriminatory laws affecting marriage, divorce, custody, and nationality rights. Marital rape is not criminalized, and male guardians retain significant authority over female family members. Human trafficking for forced labor and sexual exploitation remains a serious concern. Same-sex relations are criminalized under UAE law, and the gender expression of trans people is also criminalized. Sentences include a maximum penalty of death. The UAE has also faced growing international scrutiny for its alleged role in Sudan’s civil war. Investigators have accused the UAE of supporting Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which observers have accused of committing genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity against non-Arab groups in Darfur, including the Masalit, Zaghawa, and Fur communities. A United Nations Panel of Experts described allegations of UAE arms transfers to the RSF as “credible” and found evidence of violations of the Darfur arms embargo. Significant economic interest, primarily gold, underpins the UAE's involvement in Sudan. In 2024, the UAE was Sudan's biggest export market, with gold accounting for over 91% of $1.6 billion in purchases. Analysts argue this access to gold, alongside the UAE's pursuit of Red Sea port infrastructure, explains its backing of the RSF. In 2025, Sudan initiated proceedings against the UAE before the International Court of Justice (ICJ), alleging complicity in genocide through military, financial, and political support to the RSF. The ICJ later dismissed the case on jurisdictional grounds after finding the UAE had entered a reservation to Article IX of the Genocide Convention, making no finding on the merits. Due to the systematic exclusion of migrant workers, women, LGBTQ+ people, and refugees from basic legal protections, and the denial of political rights to the approximately 90% of the population who are non-citizens, Genocide Watch considers the UAE to be at Stage 3: Discrimination. Due to the UAE's alleged arming of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) in Sudan in violation of UN arms embargoes, enabling a militia accused of committing genocide against the Masalit people of Darfur, and the operation of the State Security Agency as an organized apparatus of surveillance, arbitrary detention, and torture against perceived opponents, Genocide Watch considers the UAE to be at Stage 5: Organization. Genocide Watch recommends: The UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention should formally review the cases of political prisoners held in the UAE84 and UAE94 mass trials, and the UAE should release all individuals detained for peaceful expression in accordance with its findings. The International Labour Organization (ILO) should open a formal complaint procedure against the UAE over its kafala system, pressing for the abolition of employer-tied sponsorship and the extension of minimum wage, union, and overtime protections to migrant workers. The UN Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women, Girls and Femicide should formally request the UAE to criminalize marital rape and repeal guardianship provisions permitting the "discipline" of wives and female relatives, as part of the UAE's Universal Periodic Review commitments. The UN Independent Expert on Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity should call on the UAE to decriminalize consensual same-sex relations and adopt anti-discrimination protections, raising the issue at the UAE's next Universal Periodic Review. The UN Security Council's Sudan Sanctions Committee (1591) should designate UAE entities and individuals that transfer arms or financing to the RSF. Member states should suspend arms export licenses to the UAE pending independent verification that such transfers have ceased. Report:

By Emery Makumeno June 26, 2026 The M23 rebels have captured huge tracts of DR Congo's east The Democratic Republic of Congo has filed a case against Rwanda at the International Court of Justice (ICJ), accusing its neighbour of breaching multiple international treaties. In a statement, DR Congo said Rwanda had dispatched forces and backed armed groups to carry out unlawful military operations on its territory following the 1994 Rwandan genocide. On Friday, Congolese Justice Minister Guillaume Andali said his country is seeking accountability for alleged breaches of conventions covering genocide prevention, racial discrimination, women's rights and torture. Rwanda has not yet responded to DR Congo's filing, but it has long-dismissed evidence that it backs rebel groups in the country. UN experts and Western governments are among various parties who say Rwanda is supporting the M23, a major armed group in DR Congo's east. The country's application asks the ICJ, based in the Netherlands, to order Rwanda to cease its alleged crimes and award reparations to the Congolese authorities and its victims. The ICJ will now examine the claims. This is not the first time DR Congo has filed a case against Rwanda at the ICJ. An initial case was dropped by the Congolese authorities in 2001. In 2006 the ICJ dismissed a second case, saying it could not proceed because Rwanda had not recognised its jurisdiction. The decades-long conflict in DR Congo is rooted in the 1994 Rwandan genocide. About 800,000 people – mostly from the Tutsi community - were slaughtered by ethnic Hutu extremists. Fearing reprisals, an estimated one million Hutus then fled across the border to what is now DR Congo. This stoked ethnic tensions as a marginalised Tutsi group in the east – the Banyamulenge – felt increasingly under threat. Rwanda's army twice invaded DR Congo, saying it was going after some of those responsible for the genocide, and worked with members of the Banyamulenge and other armed groups. One of the Hutu groups, the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), which includes some of those responsible for the Rwandan genocide, is still active in eastern DR Congo. Rwanda describes the FDLR as a "genocidal militia" and says its continued existence in eastern DR Congo threatens its own territory. Rwanda accuses the Congolese authorities of working with the FDLR - DR Congo denies this. The conflict flared last January, when the M23 captured large parts of the mineral-rich east, including the regional capital Goma. The fighting has continued despite Rwanda and DR Congo signing a peace deal, spearheaded by the US, in December. Copyright 2026 BBC. All rights reserved.

Part Two: How Securitization Drives Radicalization By Vladimir Kovtun Genocide Watch The mother of Nahel Merzouk, a 17-year-old of Algerian descent who died in 2023 after being shot by a policeman, on top of a van during a demonstration in Nanterre (France). Photo by Bertrand Guay (AFP) Introduction France has a well-resourced approach to combat radicalism through educating students to value France's republican values, French secularism, and laïcité (in layman’s terms, freedom from religion). Nevertheless, according to Europol, France had the most jihadist activity in the European Union (EU) in 2021: five attacks and 96 arrests, almost as many as the rest of the EU combined. The French government's response has been predicated on normalizing emergency security measures and combating what they describe as separatism through controls on Islamic religious associations. However, this has been paired with political rhetoric echoing far-right talking points on Islam, which has been correlated with a rise in Islamophobic acts. On March 31, 2025, a Muslim man, Hischem Miraoui, targeted for his Muslim identity, was murdered. A month later, a far-right French radical stabbed and killed Aboubakar Cisse because he was Muslim. The gravity of the incidents deepened among French Muslims when France’s justice system was slow to act, resulting in lawsuits and mass riots. During 2020, the year of the high-profile murder of Samuel Paty and the French government’s subsequent reaction, hate crimes increased by 53% compared to 2019. One in three French Muslims reported religious discrimination in 2025. The backlash against Muslims is especially noteworthy because findings have suggested that discrimination is one of the primary causes of Islamic radicalization in the Muslim diaspora. It seems clear that efforts to demonize or deport Muslims only fuel discrimination against them, which in turn contributes to jihadist terrorism rather than reducing it. France’s educational and religious policies need significant reform to deescalate continued intercommunal tensions. Full Report:

Part One: Context on France’s Muslim Community By Vladimir Kovtun Genocide Watch French Muslim woman debates Rally National Leader Marine Le Pen on the issue of the hijab. Image - Associated Press Introduction The Muslim community in France consists mainly of immigrants from the Maghreb (Morocco, Tunisia, Algeria, and other parts of northwestern Africa) and their descendants. Over the past few decades, the community's significant growth has coincided with an uptick in incidents of jihadist terrorism in France, committed by organizations including the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). French populist parties such as the Rally National (RN) and Reconquête (Reconquest) use these acts of terrorism to claim that Muslim immigrants and their descendants are inherently radical and pose a threat to French society. Many French voters have come to support this narrative and far-right movements that fuel anxieties around Muslim immigration. However, the reality of the situation is more complex. Muslim diasporic communities live in poor material conditions due to the societal discrimination that is common in postcolonial societies like France. Contrary to populist discourse, studies have shown that most perpetrators of jihadist terrorist attacks in France were born in the country. They are more likely to be the children of immigrants who have been radicalized internally. This reality marks a clear need for change in how French authorities interact with immigrant communities. Full Report:

Dr. Gregory H Stanton The Call By Gregory Stanton TEDx Talk April 22, 2017 George Washington University Washington, DC The first time I saw Genocide was in Cambodia in 1980. Church World Service and CARE asked me and my wife, Mary Ellen, to go to Cambodia to set up a relief program. I had not sought the job. At first I didn't want to go. We wanted to start a family and thought that service in Cambodia would postpone our dream. Little did we know. But I made a fateful promise. I said I’d pray about it. I don't hear voices or see burning bushes. But I do know God's inspiration. Every important decision in my life has been preceded by prayer. This time the direction was consistent and clear. As my favorite Labor Law professor, Jack Getman, who is Jewish, told me, “Greg, you have to go. You’ve been called.” I thought I was called to distribute rice, rice seed, vaccines, and school supplies. What I did not expect was that I had been called to witness the aftermath of the Cambodian genocide. It was a call that changed my life. In the months before I left for Cambodia I read the accounts of the Khmer Rouge killing fields. The Khmer Rouge were a Maoist communist regime that ruled Cambodia from 1975 to 1979. The Khmer Rouge killed two million Cambodians, a quarter of the population. They committed every crime against humanity in the book. They committed genocide. Genocide is the crime of crimes. It is the intentional destruction, in whole or in part, of a national, ethnic, racial, or religious group. It is the worst crime against all of humanity because it literally diminishes the diversity of the human race. The Convention for the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide was the first human rights treaty passed by the United Nations in 1948. But no one had ever been convicted of genocide. Monivong Boulevard, Phnom Penh, midday, 1980, public domain photo When my wife and I arrived in Cambodia, the capital city was nearly empty. The people had been driven out by the Khmer Rouge. With empty oxcarts, starving farmers limped into Phnom Penh searching for food. Choeng Ek mass grave, Phnom Penh, Cambodia 1980 © 1980 Gregory H Stanton I was among the first Westerners to see the newly opened mass grave at Choeng Ek, where the Khmer Rouge buried over 7000 victims of the Tuol Sleng extermination prison in Phnom Penh. There were so many bodies that the decomposition was not yet complete. Flesh still clung to human bones. The stench of death seared my nostrils. I found a Mickey Mouse T-shirt on a tiny skeleton. I wept. Who could commit such monstrous crimes? The stories of survivors still haunt me. Every Cambodian had lost family members. Their stories crushed my soul. Cham woman in blue and white checked khroma (scarf) 1980. © 1980 Gregory H Stanton Sop Pidas, a Cham Muslim grandmother told me through her tears how she had lost her entire family when the Khmer Rouge on one terrible night in 1977 beat 5000 Chams to death. Her husband, a leader in the Cham Muslim community, was singled out and soaked with gasoline before he was set on fire. Her infant grandchild was murdered by dashing her brains out against a tree. Gai Marianne, another Cham Muslim woman, told me that she had helped her sister-in-law suckle her newborn infant. Both women and their babies were evacuated to a new commune, but the sister-in-law fell behind, leaving Gai Marianne to care for both babies. A Khmer Rouge soldier took the sister-in-law’s eight-week-old baby and threw him into the jungle to die. “You have no need for two small babies,” he explained. Cham man in blue and white checked khroma (scarf) 1980. © 1980 Gregory H Stanton Cham man in blue and white checked khroma (scarf) 1980. © 1980 Gregory H Stanton Cham Muslims and the Vietnamese minority were singled out for extermination. Cham children were taken away from their parents, put into youth communes, and all Chams were forbidden to speak the Cham language. This intentional destruction of part of the Cham ethnic and religious group was clear genocide under the Genocide Convention. The stories of the orphans were the hardest to drive out of my mind. Chuan Phalla told me how she had survived only by hiding under the body of her dead sister in a mass grave. The orphaned son of the Phnom Penh train station master had watched the Khmer Rouge disembowel his parents before his eyes. They left a hole in his heart that couldn't be filled by all his tears. Returning to Yale Law school in 1981, I should have been elated to come home. A bright future lay ahead. Instead I slid into a deep depression. I finally consulted a Yale psychiatrist, who told me, “After what you’ve seen, if you weren’t depressed, there would be something wrong with you. Depression is repressed anger. What are you angry about?” “I'm mad as hell that the Khmer Rouge got away with mass murder,” I said. She looked me in the eye. “What are you going to do about it?” It was then I realized that instead of turning my anger destructively upon myself, I should find a way to bring the Khmer Rouge to justice. My law professors, Myres McDougal and Michael Reisman suggested that I contact New York human rights organizations to see if they would help. None of them would. I went back to Professor McDougal and told him I had struck out. Professor McDougal was the leading international lawyer in the world. He was also a Mississippi gentleman. He leaned back in his chair and said, “Well, Greg, why don’t you do it? I said, “But I’m just a law student.” He replied, “Yes, son, but you’re a Yale law student!” It was the height of Ivy League arrogance. But it was another call. I went back to Cambodia in 1982 to get permission to gather the evidence. The Cambodian Genocide Project was born. I learned why international law is weak. Paper treaties aren’t law unless they’re enforced. Genocide continues and its perpetrators escape with impunity because of the failure of political will to enforce the law. In 1992, with Senator Robb we drafted the Cambodian Genocide Justice Act in order to reverse US foreign policy and order the State Department to support trials for the Khmer Rouge. I knew that if the Cambodian Genocide Justice Act had any hope of implementation, someone would have to get inside the State Department to make it happen. So I took the Foreign Service exam and joined the State Department in 1992. In 1994, during my Consular year in Bangkok, genocide struck again. The Rwandan Genocide killed 800,000 people in just 100 days. The Director General of the Foreign Service came to Bangkok for a conference, and we got to talking while floating down the Chao Phraya river on a dinner cruise. She turned to me and said, “Greg, you’re the only Foreign Service Officer I have who is an expert on genocide. I want you back in Washington now.” The State Department sent me to Rwanda with the UN Commission of Inquiry. We recommended setting up an international tribunal. I drafted the UN Security Council Resolutions that established the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda. It indicted ninety-three people and convicted sixty-two for genocide and other crimes against humanity before it closed in 2015. It delivered the world’s first conviction for genocide. The Genocide Convention finally became real law. The Rwanda and Yugoslav tribunals opened the way for creation of a tribunal to try the Khmer Rouge. I wrote a State Department paper proposing that the UN and Cambodian government create a mixed tribunal, with both UN and Cambodian appointed judges. The Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia were created in 2006 and I drafted their rules. The Khmer Rouge Tribunal has convicted three top leaders: Duch, the commander of Tuol Sleng prison, who signed the death warrants for the people whose skeletons I saw at the Choeng Ek mass grave; Nuon Chea, the head of the whole death camp system; and Khieu Samphan, the ideologist who planned the Khmer Rouge genocidal state. Last year, it was satisfying to sit in the courtroom and see them in the dock. Genocides in the twentieth century killed more people than all the international and civil wars combined: over two hundred million people. Tribunals come too late, after the victims are dead. Genocide must be prevented. After working in the State Department I realized that we cannot depend on governments to prevent genocide. Yet in 1999, there was not one organization in the world, not one coalition devoted solely to the prevention of genocide. We needed a mass movement against genocide. In 1999, I founded Genocide Watch and the Alliance Against Genocide, the first anti-genocide organization and coalition. The Alliance now has seventy member organizations around the world. I believe the Alliance Against Genocide in the 21st century will someday be seen in the same way we see the anti-slavery movement of the 19th century. It is time in human history to end genocide, the worst of all crimes against humanity. Those who say we cannot overcome this curse upon mankind are no more right than those who said slavery could not be abolished. It is a matter of human will. And we make that human will. As Archbishop Tutu is fond of saying, “God is a God of justice. But to do justice, God depends on us.” It was a call to do justice that I answered in 1980 when I went to Cambodia. I had no idea what paths that call would lead me down. And I do not yet know where this call to do justice will lead us in the future. But neither did the wise men when they were called to the birthplace of a Jewish baby in Bethlehem. There's an old evangelical saying, “God has a wonderful plan for your life.” I've always been tempted to reply, “Yes but I wish God would show me the map.” A map would have been a much easier way to find Bethlehem than a star. But it wouldn't have required any faith. Ultimately, reaching our goal, fulfilling our call, depends on our faith. I have faith that we will succeed in our struggle against genocide whenever I look at our daughter. On November 16, 1980, a month before we left Cambodia, a newborn baby was abandoned at the entry to the National Pediatric Hospital. The chief doctor couldn't keep her at the hospital where an epidemic of hemorrhagic fever was raging. At the orphanages, newborns had only a fifty percent chance of survival. So the doctor brought her back to our hotel, walked into our prayer service that Sunday morning, and laid her in my wife's arms. She asked us to care for the child until the government could determine what to do. We had told no one of our hopes to start a family, and certainly didn't expect to adopt a baby in Cambodia, which no foreigner had done since 1975. We were the wrong nationality, wrong religion, wrong ideology, and wrong race. Our own country still had Cambodia on its “enemies” list, under the “Trading with the Enemy Act.” All the barriers known to man stood between us. But there is a personal force in the world that changes hearts, and that can also change the course of history. Elizabeth Chantana Stanton, one month old, December 1980. © 1980 Gregory H Stanton So we bundled her up in a zip-open Grasshopper suitcase made into a bed, and took her to the Foreign Ministry. The Deputy Foreign Minister strolled in and when he saw her, he was clearly moved. We explained what had happened, and our desire to adopt her. He began to speak to her in Khmer. “You are in God's hands. I will pray for you.” Her adoption certificate was signed by the man who later became the Foreign Minister of Cambodia. We named her Elizabeth Chantana, which in Khmer means gift of God. We returned to the United States on Christmas Eve, 1980, and she was baptized by my father Rev. Howard Stanton, at the Christmas Eve service in the First Presbyterian Church, Racine, Wisconsin. When I went back to Cambodia in 1982 to found the Cambodian Genocide Project, I asked the officials at the Foreign Ministry, “Why did you let us adopt her?” They said, “Because we knew that she needed you. And we knew that you needed her.” That is love. They loved us. Love is God's force personally expressed. Justice is God's force socially expressed. Evil and genocide and death are not the most powerful forces in Cambodia or Rwanda or anywhere else. Love is more powerful than evil. Justice is stronger than genocide. Life triumphs over death. Cambodia and Rwanda have come back to life. And to us a child was given, our gift of God, a testimony to the ultimate Force of a love that transcends all boundaries. The same Force that steered the star of Bethlehem. Wise men and women still follow its call. Cambodia has come back to life. Cambodian boy carrying his baby sister. © 1980 Gregory H Stanton Cambodian children 1980. © 1980 Gregory H Stanton Cambodian girl writing in a notebook donated by Church World Service © 1980 Gregory H Stanton Cambodian boy with chalkboard. From 1975-1975 the Khmer Rouge closed all schools. So in 1980, all children under 12 attended first grade. © 1980 Gregory H Stanton Cambodian girl with pearl necklace. © 1980 Gregory H Stanton Cambodian girl with flower in her hair. © 1980 Gregory H Stanton Text: Creative commons copyright 2026 Gregory H Stanton. May be republished freely, in its entirety and without any alterations, with attribution to Gregory H Stanton. Photos: copyright © 1980 Gregory H Stanton

By Kristie Moore 43 families (totaling 176 former internally displaced persons) returning to Kangarly village in the Aghdam, Karabakh region of Azerbaijan on July 17, 2025 (Source) Conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh has been ongoing for decades. Displacement has been a constant facet of this reality. Both Armenians and Azerbaijanis have been cleared from the area on numerous occasions, displaced from their homelands, and forced to rebuild from nothing. This report examines Azerbaijan’s Great Return program and the aftermath of the 2020 War and Azerbaijan’s recent takeover of Nagorno-Karabakh in September 2023. Both events prompted the resettlement of Azerbaijani IDPs into regained territories and led to large-scale reconstruction efforts. This reconstruction has been highly controversial both for criticisms of being inefficient, marked by corruption, and indifferent to local needs and requests, and for its destruction of Armenian cultural heritage in the region. The Great Return is a massive undertaking coordinated by the Government of Azerbaijan. It largely began following the end of the 2020 War when Azerbaijan took over seven districts surrounding Nagorno-Karabakh (Aghdam, Kalbajar, Lachin, Jabrayil, Fuzuli, Zangilan, and Qubadli) and approximately one-third of the region itself. This included historically significant cities like Shusha, a major cultural and symbolic center in the region. The Azerbaijani government divides the Great Return into three phases: 1) rebuilding infrastructure, including damaged electricity and gas lines, 2) building houses and essential facilities like schools, hospitals, clinics, kindergartens, and social service establishments, and finally 3) the relocation of IDPs into the region.

By the West Africa Task Force Genocide Watch Two people working on a sunken boat in the Langue de Barbarie, Saint-Louis, Senegal, March 7, 2023. File Photo: Raquel Maria Carbonell Pagola/LightRocket via Getty Images. West Africa continued to face significant security, governance, and human rights challenges throughout June 2026. Escalating jihadist violence across the Sahel and coastal states, particularly in Benin, Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger, and Nigeria, contributed to growing instability, displacement, and regional security concerns. Several governments also faced criticism over restrictions on civil liberties, media freedom, and political opposition, while ongoing humanitarian pressures, including climate-related displacement, gender-based violence, and weak public institutions, remained prominent across the region. At the same time, developments in environmental governance, migration policy, and human rights accountability highlighted the complex and interconnected nature of regional challenges. From security threats and democratic backsliding to climate resilience and social protection, the events of June underscore the need for coordinated regional and international engagement. The report below provides a country-by-country overview of key developments across West Africa during the month. Full Report: